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War and Insurgency in the Western Sahara
Visit our website for other free publication downloads http://www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/ To rate this publication click here. STRATEGIC STUDIES INSTITUTE The Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) is part of the U.S. Army War College and is the strategic-level study agent for issues relat- ed to national security and military strategy with emphasis on geostrategic analysis. The mission of SSI is to use independent analysis to conduct strategic studies that develop policy recommendations on: • Strategy, planning, and policy for joint and combined employment of military forces; • Regional strategic appraisals; • The nature of land warfare; • Matters affecting the Army’s future; • The concepts, philosophy, and theory of strategy; and, • Other issues of importance to the leadership of the Army. Studies produced by civilian and military analysts concern topics having strategic implications for the Army, the Department of Defense, and the larger national security community. In addition to its studies, SSI publishes special reports on topics of special or immediate interest. These include edited proceedings of conferences and topically-oriented roundtables, expanded trip reports, and quick-reaction responses to senior Army leaders. The Institute provides a valuable analytical capability within the Army to address strategic and other issues in support of Army participation in national security policy formulation. Strategic Studies Institute and U.S. Army War College Press WAR AND INSURGENCY IN THE WESTERN SAHARA Geoffrey Jensen May 2013 The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. -
QATAR V. BAHRAIN) REPLY of the STATE of QATAR ______TABLE of CONTENTS PART I - INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I - GENERAL 1 Section 1
CASE CONCERNING MARITIME DELIMITATION AND TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS BETWEEN QATAR AND BAHRAIN (QATAR V. BAHRAIN) REPLY OF THE STATE OF QATAR _____________________________________________ TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I - INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I - GENERAL 1 Section 1. Qatar's Case and Structure of Qatar's Reply Section 2. Deficiencies in Bahrain's Written Pleadings Section 3. Bahrain's Continuing Violations of the Status Quo PART II - THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND CHAPTER II - THE TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY OF QATAR Section 1. The Overall Geographical Context Section 2. The Emergence of the Al-Thani as a Political Force in Qatar Section 3. Relations between the Al-Thani and Nasir bin Mubarak Section 4. The 1913 and 1914 Conventions Section 5. The 1916 Treaty Section 6. Al-Thani Authority throughout the Peninsula of Qatar was consolidated long before the 1930s Section 7. The Map Evidence CHAPTER III - THE EXTENT OF THE TERRITORY OF BAHRAIN Section 1. Bahrain from 1783 to 1868 Section 2. Bahrain after 1868 PART III - THE HAWAR ISLANDS AND OTHER TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS CHAPTER IV - THE HAWAR ISLANDS Section 1. Introduction: The Territorial Integrity of Qatar and Qatar's Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands Section 2. Proximity and Qatar's Title to the Hawar Islands Section 3. The Extensive Map Evidence supporting Qatar's Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands Section 4. The Lack of Evidence for Bahrain's Claim to have exercised Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands from the 18th Century to the Present Day Section 5. The Bahrain and Qatar Oil Concession Negotiations between 1925 and 1939 and the Events Leading to the Reversal of British Recognition of Hawar as part of Qatar Section 6. -
GCC Policies Toward the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen: Ally-Adversary Dilemmas by Fred H
II. Analysis Crown Prince Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Abu Dhabi, and King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Saudi Arabia, preside over the ‘Sheikh Zayed Heritage Festival 2016’ in Abu Dhabi, UAE, on 4 December 2016. GCC Policies Toward the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen: Ally-Adversary Dilemmas by Fred H. Lawson tudies of the foreign policies of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries usually ignore import- S ant initiatives that have been undertaken with regard to the Bab al-Mandab region, an area encom- passing the southern end of the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen. Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have become actively involved in this pivotal geopolitical space over the past decade, and their relations with one another exhibit a marked shift from mutual complementarity to recip- rocal friction. Escalating rivalry and mistrust among these three governments can usefully be explained by what Glenn Snyder calls “the alliance security dilemma.”1 Shift to sustained intervention Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE have been drawn into Bab al-Mandab by three overlapping develop- ments. First, the rise in world food prices that began in the 2000s incentivized GCC states to ramp up investment in agricultural land—Riyadh, Doha and Abu Dhabi all turned to Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda as prospective breadbaskets.2 Doha pushed matters furthest by proposing to construct a massive canal in central Sudan that would have siphoned off more than one percent of the Nile River’s total annual downstream flow to create additional farmland. -
Automatic Exchange of Information: Status of Commitments
As of 27 September 2021 AUTOMATIC EXCHANGE OF INFORMATION (AEOI): STATUS OF COMMITMENTS1 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES IN 2017 (49) Anguilla, Argentina, Belgium, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, Bulgaria, Cayman Islands, Colombia, Croatia, Cyprus2, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Faroe Islands, Finland, France, Germany, Gibraltar, Greece, Guernsey, Hungary, Iceland, India, Ireland, Isle of Man, Italy, Jersey, Korea, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Mexico, Montserrat, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, San Marino, Seychelles, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Turks and Caicos Islands, United Kingdom JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2018 (51) Andorra, Antigua and Barbuda, Aruba, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan3, The Bahamas, Bahrain, Barbados, Belize, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Canada, Chile, China, Cook Islands, Costa Rica, Curacao, Dominica4, Greenland, Grenada, Hong Kong (China), Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Lebanon, Macau (China), Malaysia, Marshall Islands, Mauritius, Monaco, Nauru, New Zealand, Niue4, Pakistan3, Panama, Qatar, Russia, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Sint Maarten4, Switzerland, Trinidad and Tobago4, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Uruguay, Vanuatu JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2019 (2) Ghana3, Kuwait5 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2020 (3) Nigeria3, Oman5, Peru3 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2021 (3) Albania3, 7, Ecuador3, Kazakhstan6 -
Qatar ν Bahrain in the International Court of Justice at the Hague
Qatar ν Bahrain in the International Court of Justice at The Hague Case concerning Maritime Delimitation and Territorial Questions1 Year 2001 16 March General List No. 87 JUDGMENT ON THE MERITS 1 On 8 July 1991 the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the State of Qatar (here- inafter referred to as "Qatar") filed in the Registry of the Court an Application instituting proceedings against the State of Bahrain (hereinafter referred to as "Bahrain") in respect of certain disputes between the two States relating to "sovereignty over the Hawar islands, sovereign rights over the shoals of Dibal and Qit'at Jaradah, and the delimitation of the maritime areas of the two States". In this Application, Qatar contended that the Court had jurisdiction to entertain the dispute by virtue of two "agreements" concluded between the Parties in December 1987 and December 1990 respectively, the subject and scope of the commitment to the Court's jurisdiction being determined, according to the Applicant, by a formula proposed by Bahrain to Qatar on 26 October 1988 and accepted by Qatar in December 1990 (hereinafter referred to as the "Bahraini formula"). 2 Pursuant to Article 40, paragraph 2, of the Statute of the Court, the Application was forthwith communicated by the Registrar of the Court to the Government of Bahrain; in accordance with paragraph 3 of that Article, all other States entitled to appear before the Court were notified by the Registrar of the Application. 3 By letters addressed to the Registrar on 14 July 1991 and 18 August 1991, Bahrain contested the basis of jurisdiction invoked by Qatar. -
2018 Calculations : عوﺿوﻣﻟا مﺳا Why Does Turkey Resort to Hard
2018 Calculations : ωϭοϭϣϟϡγ Why does Turkey Resort to Hard Power in : ωϭοϭϣϟϥϭϧϋ Tacking Regional Crises? 24/12/2017 : έηϧϟΦϳέΎΗ ϲϟΩΩϳηέϭΧ : ΏΗΎϛϟϡγ : ωϭοϭϣϟ Since its establishment in 1923, Turkey has followed the famous maxim of Ataturk ³peace at home, peace in the world.´It has pursued a policy of closure, steering away from involvement in the conflicts of the Arab and Islamic worlds, but pivoted to the West instead. Over the past decades, until the advent of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in 2002, this orientation has largely defined Ankara¶s foreign policy. However, current observers of Turkish politics will find it is quite different from the above. During the rule of the AKP, it has undergone several shifts and now is pursuing hard power towards the Arab world, exploiting the current developments in the region to cement its role and influence. This will most likely shape the Turkish policy towards the region¶s crises in 2018.Harbingers of Transition It can be argued that the current Turkish foreign policy is based on the ideas of Prof. Ahmet Davuoglu, as illustrated in his book ³Strategic Depth.´The book outlined his vision that perceived Ankara as a dynamic state in its regional and international environment based on economic, political and security factors, and others related to its vital geopolitical location, as well as its historical relations with geographical proximity. Although the ³zero problems´approach put forward by Oglu failed to achieve its primary objective of having ³zero problems with the neighbours,´the -
APPENDIX: REVIEWS of MICHAEL BRECHER's Books
APPENDIX: REVIEWS OF MICHAEL BRECHER’S BOOKS The Struggle for Kashmir (1953) “Of the three books under review [the others were George Fischer’s Soviet Opposition to Stalin and W. MacMahon Ball’s Nationalism and Communism in East Asia] the most interesting and suggestive is the one which from its title might appear the least important in the general feld of current international relationships. Dr. Michael Brecher’s The Struggle for Kashmir is a fne piece of research. Lucidly and attractively written, it offers a penetrating analysis of the course of the Kashmir dispute, of the reasons for the intense interest of both India and Pakistan in the disposition of the state, and of the opposed points of view of the governments of the two countries which remain as yet unreconciled. In particular, the Indian case has nowhere been so clearly and persuasively presented…. Pakistan con- tests the validity of the original accession [of the princely state, Jammu and Kashmir, to India in October 1947] on the ground of Indian conspiracy and pressure on the Maharaja [of Jammu and Kashmir], but Dr. Brecher’s careful evaluation of the evidence suggests that this thesis is unfounded…. The heart of the Kashmir dispute lies in the fact that it strikes at the foundation of the very existence of Pakistan and India alike…. If it be admitted that predominantly Muslim Kashmir may be included in India, then the reason for Pakistan’s existence disappears. For India, on the other hand, to admit this communal argument would be to forswear the inter-communal, secular structure of the Indian state: it would give © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018 343 M. -
Qatar Oman Investment Company – Qpsc Doha
QATAR OMAN INVESTMENT COMPANY – Q.P.S.C. DOHA –STATE OF QATAR FINANCIAL STATEMENTS FOR THE YEAR ENDED DECEMBER 31, 2019 TOGETHER WITH INDEPENDENT AUDITOR’S REPORT QATAR OMAN INVESTMENT COMPANY – Q.P.S.C. DOHA –STATE OF QATAR FINANCIAL STATEMENTS FOR THE YEAR ENDED DECEMBER 31, 2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS Pages Independent auditor’s report -- Statement of financial position 1 Statement of profit or loss 2 Statement of comprehensive income 3 Statement of changes in equity 4 Statement of cash flows 5 Notes to the financial statements 7-28 INDEPENDENT AUDITOR’S REPORT TO THE SHAREHOLDERS, QATAR OMAN INVESTMENT COMPANY Q.P.S.C DOHA, STATE OF QATAR Report on the Audit of the Financial Statements Opinion We have audited the financial statements of Qatar Oman Investment Company Q.P.S.C. (the “Company”) which comprise the statement of financial position as at 31 December 2019, and the related statement of profit or loss, statement of comprehensive income, statement of changes in equity and statement of cash flows for the year then ended, and notes to the financial statements, including a summary of significant accounting policies. In our opinion, the accompanying financial statements present fairly, in all material respects, the financial position of the Company as at 31 December 2019 and its financial performance and its cash flows for the year then ended in accordance with International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRSs). Basis for Opinion We conducted our audit in accordance with International Standards on Auditing (ISAs). Our responsibilities under those standards are further described in the auditor’s responsibilities for the audit of the financial statements section of our report. -
North Africa Issue 1, 2015
ISSUE 1, 2015 NORTH AFRICA The Thinker ACCORD is Ranked among Top Think Tanks in the World For the fi fth consecutive year, ACCORD has been recognised by the Global Go To Think Tank Index as one of the top-100 think tanks in the world. The 2014 Global Go To Think Tank Report was produced by the Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program (TTCSP) at the University of Pennsylvania, USA. ACCORD is proud to have been ranked out of over 6 600 think tanks globally, of which 467 are based in sub-Saharan Africa, in the following sub-categories: • 32nd in the category ‘Top Think Tanks Worldwide (Non-US)’ (p. 62) and is the highest ranked African institution in this category • 63rd in the category 'Top Think Tanks Worldwide (US and Non-US) (p. 66) • 6th in the category 'Top Think Tanks in Sub-Saharan Africa' (p. 69) • 23rd in the category 'Best Managed Think Tanks' (p. 118) • 31st in the category 'Best Use of Social Networks' (p. 134). Global Distribution of Think Tanks by Region The 2014 GlobalThe 2014 Think Go Report Tank To 27.53% These rankings pay testament to ACCORD’s Knowledge Production, Interventions and Training 30.05% departments, which strive to produce both 16.71% experientially-based and academically rigorous knowledge, derived from our 23 years in the 7.87% confl ict resolution fi eld, relevant to practitioners, governments, civil society and organisations 10.18% within Africa and throughout the world. 7.06% Now in its eighth year, the Global Go To Think 0.59% Tank Index has become an authoritative resource for individuals and institutions worldwide. -
An Examination of Qatar and Saudi Arabia
MAPPING RELIGIOUS AUTHORITY IN WAHHABI STATES: AN EXAMINATION OF QATAR AND SAUDI ARABIA Courtney Freer, Ph.D. London School of Economics and Political Science March 2019 © 2019 Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the Baker Institute. Cover image courtesy of Reuters / Naseem Zeitoon. Courtney Freer, Ph.D. “Mapping Religious Authority in Wahhabi States: An Examination of Qatar and Saudi Arabia” This report is part of a two-year project on religious authority in the Middle East. The study is generously supported by a grant from the Henry Luce Foundation. Mapping Religious Authority in Wahhabi States: An Examination of Qatar and Saudi Arabia Introduction When it comes to understanding Islamic authority in the Middle East, Wahhabi structures in the Gulf, traditionally considered to be the strictest in the world and in some respects the most politicized, perhaps also remain the most opaque. In this report, I assess which religious authorities have the most influence in the world’s only two Wahhabi states, Qatar and Saudi Arabia. In particular, I have three hypotheses. First, Saudi religious figures linked to the state establishment—because they are government employees—will receive broader support among citizen populations than other figures in that country, while state alignment will be less consequential in Qatar. -
Gender and Generation in the Sahrawi Struggle for Decolonisation
REGENERATING REVOLUTION: Gender and Generation in the Sahrawi Struggle for Decolonisation by Vivian Solana A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Anthropology in a Collaborative with the Women and Gender Studies Institute University of Toronto © Copyright by Vivian Solana, 2017 Regenerating Revolution: Gender and Generation in the Sahrawi Struggle for Decolonisation Vivian Solana Department of Anthropology in a Collaborative with the Women and Gender Studies Institute University of Toronto 2017 Abstract This dissertation investigates the forms of female labour that are sustaining and regenerating the political struggle for the decolonization of the Western Sahara. Since 1975, the Sahrawi national liberation movement—known as the POLISARIO Front—has been organizing itself, while in exile, into a form commensurable with the global model of the modern nation-state. In 1991, a UN mediated peace process inserted the Sahrawi struggle into what I describe as a colonial meantime. Women and youth—key targets of the POLISARIO Front’s empowerment policies—often stand for the movement’s revolutionary values as a whole. I argue that centering women’s labour into an account of revolution, nationalism and state-building reveals logics of long duree and models of female empowerment often overshadowed by the more “spectacular” and “heroic” expressions of Sahrawi women’s political action that feature prominently in dominant representations of Sahrawi nationalism. Differing significantly from globalised and modernist valorisations of women’s political agency, the model of female empowerment I highlight is one associated to the nomadic way of life that predates a Sahrawi project of revolutionary nationalism. -
Morocco – Qatar Agreement Regulating the Employment of Moroccan Workers in the State of Qatar
This document was downloaded on 2014-07-29 10:57:37 by from the Gulf Labour Markets and Migration (GLMM) programme’s website accepting the legal conditions. Morocco – Qatar Agreement regulating the Employment of Moroccan Workers in the State of Qatar Title Morocco – Qatar Agreement regulating the Employment of Moroccan Workers in the State of Qatar Date of conclusion 17 May 1981 Entry into force In effect Text versions Arabic Source: - Official Journal Issue No. 5 (01 January 1983) p. 106. Retrieved from: Al-Meezan Qatar Legal Portal, accessed: 15 May 2013. Abstract The purpose of this agreement is to regulate the recruitment of Moroccan workers by Qatari employers. Art. 4 stipulates that requests for Moroccan workers made by Qatari employers must include all pertinent information necessary to enable the worker to make an informed decision about the employment offer. This includes working conditions, wages, end of service rewards…etc. Art. 5 requires the Qatari employer to bear the travel costs of worker to and from Qatar except in cases where the worker resigns before the end of his contract. Individual employment contracts must regulate the hiring of Moroccan workers in Qatar and it must include details of the employer’s commitment to arrange for the worker’s accommodation (Art. 7) Art. 11 grants Moroccan workers the right to remit to Morocco any of their savings in accordance with Qatari financial laws. Art. 12 requires the establishment of a Joint Committee which shall have the following functions: coordinate between the governments of Qatar and Morocco, resolve any disputes arising under the agreement, and recommend amendments to it..