Remaking Iraq: Neoliberalism and a System of Violence After the US Invas- Ion, 2003-2011

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Remaking Iraq: Neoliberalism and a System of Violence After the US Invas- Ion, 2003-2011 !!" !## $ %& !"# "$%!! & ' ( ) ( *" % ' + , !!$( + , % - , + , %( . - - - / % 0 - ( !!$ ( - %1 ( , 2 !!3 !!#( !!$ + ,%4 + , (- + , %+ , 2 - % ( ( - !!5 !!# + ,% - , + , !!5 !!#%+ (+- ( + , + , & % , ( - ( - - %+ 2 6 7 8 + ,% 7 / - 9 + , & : :6 ( !""8% ( - - &-+ , : : %- ( / . + , %+-( -+ , - , - - ; - :< :6 !!=( !!38% - % > ( / - %? > (< - < > % - ; + ,( - : :6) ( !!@8 - % () ! !" # $ #% & # ' !"# 9AA %% A B C 99 9 9 "$@"#@ +;&#@"#3=3535 +;&#@"#3=35# +&!="!@@5 *+ ("!3" ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in Sociology New Series 66 Remaking Iraq: Neoliberalism and a System of Violence after the US invas- ion, 2003-2011 Thomas Sommer-Houdeville Contents )T`XUDaC`IUT 1E`HUDURUGe 5EFREC`IUTYUTARUTG`HEYIYPUaXTEe %VIVHATe #AYEY`aDe !BDaC`IbE0UGIC $A`ACURREC`IUT 6ASVRITGY`XA`EGe+YTUcBARRITGATDGA`EQEEVEXY )SVUX`AT`FIERDcUXQY 6eXIA+//+//0// )XAW//0// / $A`AATAReYIY 5EYEAXCH+E`HICATDWaARI`e 7HEi!TCIET`(A`XEDYp7HEUXe / 7HEiATCIET`HA`XEDYpATD`HEAX`IFICIARY`A`E (IY`UXICARVEXYVEC`IbE !TAX`IFICIARTA`IUTARY`A`E 7HE"A8A`HXEGISE+6ADDASXEGISE+`HEg&ASIRe4AX`e6`A`Eh= > i4XE0SUDEXTpA``ACHSET`Y+XERIGIUTYATDIDEURUGIEY "EeUTDADE`EXSITIY`ICVAXADIGS 9IURETCEATD4URI`ICY 9IURETCE@HA`EdAC`ReAXEcE`ARQITGABUa` 9IURETCEAY4URI`ICY !DIYCaYYIUTBE`cEET7IRReATD!XETD` 6`A`E0BaIRDITG+9IURETCEATD4URI`ICY #UT`Ed`)XAW//0/ / )TY`ARRA`IUTUF`HEUCCaVA`IUT+//0// / 7HEFAIREDTA`IUTARPaTC`aXE+YVXITG// / i)XAWIfA`IUTp+//0// / 7EXXI`UXIARIYA`IUTATDYEC`AXIATbIURETCE+//0// //0/5EDaC`IUTUF9IURETCE+`aXT`U4URI`ICY 4AX`4URI`ICY 7HE$EY`XaC`IUTUF`HEURD)XAWI6`A`E 7HEDEbIRATD`HEDE`AIRY i6HUCQATD!cEp 3XDEXY3TEATD7cU )TI`IARVA``EXTY "RITDCUTbEXGETCEYATDi#USSUT6ETYEp (aBXIYATD$ETIAR 9IURET`RIBEXARIYA`IUTUF)XAW 7HEi$ESUCXA`IC4ACQAGEp 7HETEURIBEXARTEdaY 1AXQE`0Y`A`EATDTEURIBEXARXA`IUTARI`e / 5ECUTY`XaC`IUTATDTEURIBEXARXA`IUTARI`e 7HEi'XEA`7XATYFUXSA`IUTpUF)XAW #UT`ITaUaYTEURIBEXAR`XETD &AIRaXEYATD$eY`UVIAT%CUTUSICY 5ECUTY`XaC`IUTFAIRaXEY $eY`UVIATECUTUSICY / 6UCIAR)TYECaXI`eATD6UCIAR"Xa`ARIYA`IUT / 6UCIARITYECaXI`e / !DPaY`SET`Y 6UCIARBXa`ARIYA`IUT 5ECUTFIGaXA`IUTUF4URI`ICAR6VACEATDi#aR`aXARIYA`IUTpUF4URI`ICY )XAWIVURI`ICARRATDYCAVE 5ECUTFIGaXITG`HEVURI`ICARYVACEEUCCaVeITG`HEYVACE $E0"A8A`HIFICA`IUT+XECUTFIGaXA`IUTEVXIbA`IYA`IUTUF`HE6`A`E #aR`aXARIYA`IUTUFVURI`ICYATDBUaTDAXeSAQITG #URREC`IbE9IURETCE+8TUXGATIYEDATD3XGATIYED9IURETCE 7HE5IU`Y+!VXIR// 3VVUX`aTIYS 6IGTARRITG6VIXARY "UaTDAXIEY+E`HTU0YEC`AXIATATDCRAYYVURAXIYA`IUT 7HEAR0!YQAXI6HXITEBUSBITGATD`HEbIURETCEUF&EBXaAXe// 1UBIRIYA`IUTY 9IURETCE+`HEiBA``REUF`HESUYWaEYp !6eY`ESUF1aR`IFUXS9IURETCE 'RUBARIYA`IUT+6`A`EATD9IURETCE / &UXSY+AC`UXY+YUCIE`e 7XATYTA`IUTAR2E`cUXQYUF6VECIARIY`YIT9IURETCE 2A`IUTAR2E`cUXQYUF6VECIARIY`YIT9IURETCE 0UCAR2E`cUXQYUF6VECIARIY`YIT9IURETCE / 6eY`ESUF9IURETCE+YUCIARCUT`XADIC`IUTY / #ET`XIFaGA`IUT+&XAGSET`A`IUTATD6EC`AXIATIYA`IUT / 6EC`AXIATXERA`IUTY / #ET`XIFaGA`IUT &XAGSET`A`IUTATDYEC`AXIATIYA`IUT 6EC`AXIAT9IURETCE+6EC`AXIAT$IYCUaXYEYATD!``I`aDEY / 4RaXARI`e+YEVAXA`IUT %YYET`IARIYA`IUT 4XAC`ICEYUF#XaER`IEY+5I`aARIYA`IUTUF9IURETCEATD%YYET`IARIYA`IUT 4XAC`ICEYUFCXaER`IEY 5I`aARIYA`IUTUFbIURETCE #UTCRaYIUT $E`EXSITITGA`XAPEC`UXe !>$EY`XaC`IUTE5ECUTFIGaXA`IUTUFVURI`ICARATDECUTUSICYeY`ESY ">#aR`aXARIYA`IUTUF4URI`ICYATD"UaTDAXe1AQITG #>6eY`ESUF9IURETCEATDVXUCEYYUFEYYET`IARIYA`IUT 'ETEXARIYA`IUT "IBRIUGXAVHe Acknowledgements First of all, I would like to thank Vanessa Barker who has been the best super- visor one could ask for. Always there, supportive and challenging, she had greatly helped me to go through the difficulties and constant interrogations while I was writing this thesis. I am also very grateful to Jens Rydgren for his precious advices and encouragement. I want to thank the Department of Sociology and all my colleagues here. It was a privilege to work among such bright and friendly group of people. Many of them provided support, insights and help when I needed it. Outside Sweden, I owe a to different academic friends, Nicolas, Tarek, Nicos, Walid, a debt of gratitude. I also need to give a special thanks to Yeshica and Dharshani. Dur- ing these years as a Phd candidate, I had the chance to participate in the Berlin Summer School and the Prague NRVSS, both seminars were crucial for the elaboration of this thesis. Of course, I would have not succeeded to complete this work without the warming presence and the thoughts of those I love, my family and my friends wherever they are. Finally, this thesis would not exist at all without certain people. Nahla, without whom nothing would have happened. And the dozens of Iraqis who helped me, who welcomed me in their house and who accepted, for hours on end, to speak about their beloved country, Iraq. This dissertation is dedicated to them. Introduction After having invaded Iraq in 2003 and destroyed the Ba'athist dictatorship, the United States (US) Administration undertook the complete refounding of Iraq as a nation and a state. The initial steps of the US-led Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) was the eradication of the old regime’s security apparatus as well as an important part of the remaining structures of the Iraqi State. Since then, this nation-building endeavour has been based on a consociational, fed- eral constitution promoting an ethno-sectarian power sharing or muhasasah, and the attempt to transform what was once a centralised national state into a comprehensive, maybe idealised, market-driven democracy. The American occupation of Iraq and the attempt to remake Iraq has turned into a nightmare. For more than a decade now, Iraq has been engulfed in general, multiform violence that between 2005-2007 culminated into an ethno-sectarian civil war and episodes of ethno-sectarian cleansing in the main cities of the country. The ebb and flow of the violence has resulted in hundreds of thousands of victims and millions of refugees and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs). At the same time, the reconstruction of the state never delivered the predicted outcomes, and the country remains marred with endemic corruption, eco- nomic crises, lack of basic public services, a fragmented state and sectarian militia. Hence, it is not surprising that Iraq never left the top ten list of the most fragile states in the world since the beginning of such compilations in 2005 (Fragile State Index 2015). Even worse, the violent explosion of ethno- sectarian conflict that started in Iraq during the American occupation has reached important areas of the Middle East. Iraq is now part of multiple wars and regional conflicts that go all the way from Aden in Yemen to Diyarbakir in Turkey. As such, the year 2014 saw Iraq losing about a third of its territory within the Al Anbar, Ninawa, Salah ed Din and Kirkuk provinces to the pro- claimed Sunni caliphate of the Islamic State that now stretches over Syria and Iraq. In fact, one could summarise the plight of the country in two sentences: In 2015, the Al Abadi government conducted a rambling alliance of Shi'a militia, Sunni tribal fighters and what remained of the state security apparatus to battle its way back to the lost provinces in the central and northern regions. Meanwhile, the south of the country and Baghdad, the capital, were shaken all summer long by street protests held by Iraqi citizens enraged by the abject corruption among the religious and political elites, the complete impotence of the state and the continuous electricity shortages. Certainly, the last 35 years of Iraqi history are particularly sad to look into, and it is quite difficult to make sense of the terrible extent of pain and destruc- tion that the Iraqi society has had to endure until now. From 1979 to 2003, the Iraqi people had to live under the Saddam dictatorship, one of the bloodiest regimes of the region. They had to endure the Iraq-Iran war, the longest con- ventional war of the 20th century, from 1980 to 1988. Soon after, in 1991 they faced a US-led international coalition during the First Gulf War, which was immediately followed by the terrible crushing of the Sha'aban Intifada by the Saddam regime. The Iraqi people were then punished by one of the most se- vere, destructive and longest international embargoes from 1991 to 2003, which put a devastating strain on Iraqi society. Finally, they plunged into the last hellish decade of invasion, occupation and civil war. Within the last thirty- five years, Iraqis have never experienced more than three years of peace. If anything should surprise us, it should be the capacity for resilience displayed by an Iraqi society that has more or less held together during all these years. Yet, considering the developments of the last decade, one cannot help but wonder if and when this capacity
Recommended publications
  • Millions in Flight: the Iraqi Refugee Crisis
    [EMBARGOED FOR: 24 September 2007] Public amnesty international Iraq Millions in flight: the Iraqi refugee crisis Photograph of a painting by Hussein al-Ibrahemi, Iraqi artist and human rights defender, expressing his feelings as a refugee, June 2007, © AI September 2007 AI Index: MDE 14/041/2007 INTERNATIONAL SECRETARIAT, 1 EASTON STREET, LONDON WC1X 0DW, UNITED KINGDOM TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. A spiralling crisis .......................................................................................................1 1.1 Scale of the problem ............................................................................................3 1.2 Situation in Syria and Jordan ...............................................................................5 1.2.1 Conditions in Syria .......................................................................................7 1.2.2 Conditions in Jordan ...................................................................................17 2. State responses to the crisis......................................................................................24 2.1 Funding and pledges ..........................................................................................25 2.1.1 Assistance given..........................................................................................29 2.2 Resettlement.......................................................................................................31 2.3 Forcible returns ..................................................................................................38
    [Show full text]
  • Raport Roczny Annual Report
    URZĄD PATENTOWY RZECZYPOSPOLITEJ POLSKIEJ RAPORT ROCZNY Urząd Patentowy Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej ANNUAL REPORT al. Niepodległości 188/192 00-950 Warszawa Centrala telefoniczna: 22 579 00 00 PATENT OFFICE Centrum Informacji o Ochronie Własności Przemysłowej – Infolinia: 22 579 05 55 OF THE REPUBLIC Faks: 22 579 00 01 www.uprp.pl OF POLAND URZĄD PATENTOWY RZECZYPOSPOLITEJ POLSKIEJ RAPORT ROCZNY ANNUAL REPORT PATENT OFFICE OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND Raport Roczny został opracowany przez zespół w składzie: / Annual report was prepared by a team of: Iwona Grodnicka-Lech – nadzór wydawniczy / publishing supervisor Karol Gabryel – koordynator projektu / project coordinator Adam Taukert – redaktor / editor Karol Gabryel, Michał Gołacki – dane statystyczne / statistical data Marek Sikorski – opracowanie graficzne / graphics Ewa Lisowska-Bilińska, Anna Dachowska – tłumaczenie / translation Urząd Patentowy Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej / Patent Office of the Republic of Poland al. Niepodległości 188/192 00-950 Warszawa / Warsaw Centrum Informacji o Ochronie Własności Przemysłowej: 22 579 05 55 Information Centre for the Protection of Industrial Property: (+48) 22 579 05 55 Faks: 22 579 00 01 / Fax: (+48) 22 579 00 01 www.uprp.pl SPIS TREŚCI CONTENTS Słowo wstępne Preface |5 The importance of industrial property Znaczenie ochrony własności przemysłowej protection and the activity of the oraz działalności Urzędu Patentowego RP |9 Patent Office of the Republic of Poland for dla rozwoju nowoczesnej gospodarki the development of modern economy Urząd Patentowy
    [Show full text]
  • The Mandaeans
    The Mandaeans A Story of Survival in the Modern World PHOTO: DAVID MAURICE SMITH / OCULI refugees and spoken to immigration officials in Aus- The Mandaeans appear to be one of the most tralian embassies and international NGOs about their misunderstood and vulnerable groups. Apart from being desperate plight. She laments that the conditions in a small community, even fewer than Yazidis, they do which they live are far worse than she could have ever not belong to a large religious organisation or have imagined, and she fears they may have been forgotten links with powerful tribes that can protect them, so by the international community overwhelmed by the their vulnerability makes them an easy target. To make massive displacement and the humanitarian disaster matters worse they are scattered all over the country, caused by the Syrian civil war. so they are the only minority group in Iraq without a There is no doubt that more of a decade of sectarian safe enclave. If the violence persists, it is feared their infighting has had a devastating impact on Iraqi society ancient culture and religion will be lost forever. as a whole. But religious minority groups have borne the brunt of the violence. For the past 14 years Mand- andaeans have a long history of per- aeans, like many other minorities, have been subjected secution. Their survival into the modern to persecution, murder, kidnappings, displacement, world is little short of a miracle. Their forced conversion to Islam, forced marriage, cruel M origins can be traced to the Jordan treatment, confiscation of assets including property and Valley area and it is thought that they may have migrated the destruction of their cultural and religious heritage.
    [Show full text]
  • Rebooting U.S. Security Cooperation in Iraq
    Rebooting U.S. Security Cooperation in Iraq MICHAEL KNIGHTS POLICY FOCUS 137 Rebooting U.S. Security Cooperation in Iraq MICHAEL KNIGHTS THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publica- tion may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2015 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Design: 1000colors Photo: A Kurdish fighter keeps guard while overlooking positions of Islamic State mili- tants near Mosul, northern Iraq, August 2014. (REUTERS/Youssef Boudlal) CONTENTS Acknowledgments | v Acronyms | vi Executive Summary | viii 1 Introduction | 1 2 Federal Government Security Forces in Iraq | 6 3 Security Forces in Iraqi Kurdistan | 26 4 Optimizing U.S. Security Cooperation in Iraq | 39 5 Issues and Options for U.S. Policymakers | 48 About the Author | 74 TABLES 1 Effective Combat Manpower of Iraq Security Forces | 8 2 Assessment of ISF and Kurdish Forces as Security Cooperation Partners | 43 FIGURES 1 ISF Brigade Order of Battle, January 2015 | 10 2 Kurdish Brigade Order of Battle, January 2015 | 28 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My thanks to a range of colleagues for their encouragement and assistance in the writing of this study.
    [Show full text]
  • Blood and Ballots the Effect of Violence on Voting Behavior in Iraq
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Göteborgs universitets publikationer - e-publicering och e-arkiv DEPTARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE BLOOD AND BALLOTS THE EFFECT OF VIOLENCE ON VOTING BEHAVIOR IN IRAQ Amer Naji Master’s Thesis: 30 higher education credits Programme: Master’s Programme in Political Science Date: Spring 2016 Supervisor: Andreas Bågenholm Words: 14391 Abstract Iraq is a very diverse country, both ethnically and religiously, and its political system is characterized by severe polarization along ethno-sectarian loyalties. Since 2003, the country suffered from persistent indiscriminating terrorism and communal violence. Previous literature has rarely connected violence to election in Iraq. I argue that violence is responsible for the increases of within group cohesion and distrust towards people from other groups, resulting in politicization of the ethno-sectarian identities i.e. making ethno-sectarian parties more preferable than secular ones. This study is based on a unique dataset that includes civil terror casualties one year before election, the results of the four general elections of January 30th, and December 15th, 2005, March 7th, 2010 and April 30th, 2014 as well as demographic and socioeconomic indicators on the provincial level. Employing panel data analysis, the results show that Iraqi people are sensitive to violence and it has a very negative effect on vote share of secular parties. Also, terrorism has different degrees of effect on different groups. The Sunni Arabs are the most sensitive group. They change their electoral preference in response to the level of violence. 2 Acknowledgement I would first like to thank my advisor Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Hard Offensive Counterterrorism
    Wright State University CORE Scholar Browse all Theses and Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 2019 The Use of Force: Hard Offensive Counterterrorism Daniel Thomas Wright State University Follow this and additional works at: https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/etd_all Part of the International Relations Commons Repository Citation Thomas, Daniel, "The Use of Force: Hard Offensive Counterterrorism" (2019). Browse all Theses and Dissertations. 2101. https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/etd_all/2101 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at CORE Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Browse all Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of CORE Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE USE OF FORCE: HARD OFFENSIVE COUNTERTERRORISM A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts By DANIEL THOMAS B.A., The Ohio State University, 2015 2019 Wright State University WRIGHT STATE UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL Defense Date: 8/1/19 I HEREBY RECOMMEND THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY SUPERVISION BY Daniel Thomas ENTITLED The Use of Force: Hard Offensive Counterterrorism BE ACCEPTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts. _______________________ Vaughn Shannon, Ph.D. Thesis Director ________________________ Laura M. Luehrmann, Ph.D. Director, Master of Arts Program in International and Comparative Politics Committee on Final Examination: ___________________________________ Vaughn Shannon, Ph.D. School of Public and International Affairs ___________________________________ Liam Anderson, Ph.D. School of Public and International Affairs ___________________________________ Pramod Kantha, Ph.D. School of Public and International Affairs ______________________________ Barry Milligan, Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • A Study of Muslim Economic Thinking in the 11Th A.H
    Munich Personal RePEc Archive A study of Muslim economic thinking in the 11th A.H. / 17th C.E. century Islahi, Abdul Azim Islamic Economics Institute, King Abdulaziz University, Jeddah, KSA 2009 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/75431/ MPRA Paper No. 75431, posted 06 Dec 2016 02:55 UTC Abdul Azim Islahi Islamic Economics Research Center King Abdulaziz University Scientific Publising Centre King Abdulaziz University P.O. Box 80200, Jeddah, 21589 Kingdom of Saudi Arabia FOREWORD There are numerous works on the history of Islamic economic thought. But almost all researches come to an end in 9th AH/15th CE century. We hardly find a reference to the economic ideas of Muslim scholars who lived in the 16th or 17th century, in works dealing with the history of Islamic economic thought. The period after the 9th/15th century remained largely unexplored. Dr. Islahi has ventured to investigate the periods after the 9th/15th century. He has already completed a study on Muslim economic thinking and institutions in the 10th/16th century (2009). In the mean time, he carried out the study on Muslim economic thinking during the 11th/17th century, which is now in your hand. As the author would like to note, it is only a sketch of the economic ideas in the period under study and a research initiative. It covers the sources available in Arabic, with a focus on the heartland of Islam. There is a need to explore Muslim economic ideas in works written in Persian, Turkish and other languages, as the importance of these languages increased in later periods.
    [Show full text]
  • TVEE LINKER Arabic Channels
    lebanon united Arabic Egypt Dubai Tele Liban Rotana Classic Misr 25 Modem Sport MTV Lebanon Rotana masriya ON TV Abu dhabi LBC Rotana_aflam Alkaherawalnas 2 Al Watan OTV Rotana_cinema Blue Nile Sama Dubai nbn Rotana_music Nile Dubai MTV TV panorama_action Nile Sport Dubai HD Al jadeed panorama_comedy Nile Cinema Dubai Sports Al jadeed live fx_arabia Nile Comedy Noor Dubai Future TV infinity Nile News Dubai one Al mayadeen Iraq Nile Family Dubai Sport 1 Al Manar Dream_1 Nile Life National Geographic Abudhabi Asia News Lebanon Al sharqiya Drama CBC tv Scope TV Charity TV Al sharqiya Music Cairo Cinema Abu Dhabi Sports 1 Noursat Al Shabab Al sharqiya News Cima Sharjah Nour sat Lebanon Al Sharqiya CBC +2 abu dhabi drama Syria Al sharqia drama CBC Drama Mbc Action ANN Sharqia CBC Egypt Mbc Syria Drama Beladi Citurss TV Mbc 2 Syria Al Babeleyia Masrawi Aflam Rotana Khalijia Orient TV 2 Al Fayhaa Al Qahira Al Youm Live Rotana Cinema Al Tarbaweiyah Al Soriyah Ishtar Moga Comedy Rotana Music Nour El Sham AI Iraqiya Cnbc Arabia Dubai Sport 3 Halab TV Al Sumaria Aljayat Series Saudi Arabic Qatar Al kout Miracle TV Al Thakafiyah Aljazeera Al Forat SAT7 Kids Al Ekhbariya TV Live Aljazeera Sports+1 Al hurra_iraq Sat7 Arabic TV Egypt Al Ekhbariya Aljazeera Sports+3 Sharqia News TRT Arabic Al Eqtisadiyah Aljazeera Sports+9 Al Rasheed TV Al Karma KTV3 plus Aljazeera Sports+8 Hanibal Al Malakot Al Sabah Aljazeera Sports+10 Al Baghdadia Al Kawri Alkass KSA Riyadiah Aljazeera sports x Baghdad Al Ahly Club KSA 1 Aljazeera sports3 Iraq Afaq Alalamia KSA 2
    [Show full text]
  • The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict
    The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict Dave van Zoonen Khogir Wirya About MERI The Middle East Research Institute engages in policy issues contributing to the process of state building and democratisation in the Middle East. Through independent analysis and policy debates, our research aims to promote and develop good governance, human rights, rule of law and social and economic prosperity in the region. It was established in 2014 as an independent, not-for-profit organisation based in Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Middle East Research Institute 1186 Dream City Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq T: +964 (0)662649690 E: [email protected] www.meri-k.org NGO registration number. K843 © Middle East Research Institute, 2017 The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of MERI, the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publisher. The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict MERI Policy Paper Dave van Zoonen Khogir Wirya October 2017 1 Contents 1. Executive Summary ............................................................................................................................4 2. “Reconciliation” after genocide .........................................................................................................5
    [Show full text]
  • Community Engagement in Case Management
    Community Engagement in Case Management Community Volunteers and their Role in Case Management Processes in Humanitarian Contexts: A Comparative Study of Research and Practice Publishing/Citations ©The Alliance for Child Protection in Humanitarian Action, 2021. The Alliance for Child Protection in Humanitarian Action (the Alliance) supports the efforts of humanitarian actors to achieve high-quality and effective child protection interventions in humanitarian settings. Through its technical Working Groups and Task Forces, the Alliance develops interagency operational standards and provides technical guidance to support the work of child protection in humanitarian settings. For more information on the Alliance’s work and joining the network, please visit https://www.alliancecpha.org or contact us directly: [email protected]. This report is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development’s (USAID) Bureau of Humanitarian Affairs (BHA). The contents are the responsibility of the Alliance and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. Suggested Citation: The Alliance for Child Protection in Humanitarian Action, Community volunteers and their role in case management processes in humanitarian contexts: A comparative study of research and practice, 2021. License: This document is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0. It is attributed to the Alliance for Child Protection in Humanitarian Action (The Alliance) Author: Glynis Clacherty Project Technical Lead: Colleen Fitzgerald, Plan International USA 2 I am a Community Volunteer “I chose this profession out of love, to help the people of my community. Initially, I was just a housewife running a small business.
    [Show full text]
  • Wydanie Spec Jalne
    JALNE SPEC WYDANIE MARZEC 2011 ISSN 2081-5964 UNIA EUROPEJSKA EUROPEJSKI FUNDUSZ ROZWOJU REGIONALNEGO Program konferencji czwartek, 17 marca 2011 Hotel Novotel, ul. Marszałkowska 94/98 9.00 – 9.30 Rejestracja uczestników 9.30 – 10.00 Otwarcie Konferencji Alicja Adamczak, Prezes, Urząd Patentowy RP, Warszawa, Polska Lidia Adamska, Członek Zarządu, Giełda Papierów Wartościowych, Warszawa, Polska Binying Wang, Zastępca Dyrektora Generalnego, Światowa Organizacja Własności Intelektualnej, Genewa, Szwajcaria 10.00 – 10.30 Wystąpienia okolicznościowe Waldemar Pawlak, Wiceprezes Rady Ministrów, Minister Gospodarki, Polska Christian Archambeau, Zastępca Prezesa, Urząd ds. Harmonizacji Rynku Wewnętrznego, Alicante, Hiszpania 10.30 – 11.00 Wręczenie medali „WIPO Award for Innovative Enterprises“ 11.00 – 11.30 Przerwa kawowa 11.30 – 13.00 Temat 1: Znaczenie wzornictwa w innowacyjnej gospodarce Moderator: Ewa Okoń-Horodyńska Uczestnicy panelu: Mi-Young Han, Li Yuguang, Susanne Äs Sivborg, Zuzanna Skalska, Lena Ekelund, Zdzisław Sobierajski, Paulina Kordos, Paulina Tumiel 13.00 – 14.00 Lunch 14.00 – 15.30 Temat 2: Krajowe, regionalne i międzynarodowe strategie wykorzystania wzornictwa Moderator: Ewa Gołębiowska Uczestnicy panelu: Patrycja Zielińska, Beata Bochińska, Wojciech Lubawski, Ludmila Celisova, Pitaccolo Bartolomei, Marek Cecuła 15.30 – 16.00 Przerwa kawowa 16.00 – 17.45 Temat 3: Od wzoru do sukcesu w biznesie Moderator: Józef Mrozek Uczestnicy panelu: Ewa Mańkiewicz-Cudny, Katarzyna Laskowska, Dawid Korzekwa, Marek Jankowski, Andrzej Tomasz
    [Show full text]
  • The Real Outcome of the Iraq War: US and Iranian Strategic Competition in Iraq
    The Real Outcome of the Iraq War: US and Iranian Strategic Competition in Iraq By Anthony H. Cordesman, Peter Alsis, Adam Mausner, and Charles Loi Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy Revised: December 20, 2011 Note: This draft is being circulated for comments and suggestions. Please provide them to [email protected] Chapter 6: US Strategic Competition with Iran: Competition in Iraq 2 Executive Summary "Americans planted a tree in Iraq. They watered that tree, pruned it, and cared for it. Ask your American friends why they're leaving now before the tree bears fruit." --Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.1 Iraq has become a key focus of the strategic competition between the United States and Iran. The history of this competition has been shaped by the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988), the 1991 Gulf War, and the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. Since the 2003 war, both the US and Iran have competed to shape the structure of Post-Saddam Iraq’s politics, governance, economics, and security. The US has gone to great lengths to counter Iranian influence in Iraq, including using its status as an occupying power and Iraq’s main source of aid, as well as through information operations and more traditional press statements highlighting Iranian meddling. However, containing Iranian influence, while important, is not America’s main goal in Iraq. It is rather to create a stable democratic Iraq that can defeat the remaining extremist and insurgent elements, defend against foreign threats, sustain an able civil society, and emerge as a stable power friendly to the US and its Gulf allies.
    [Show full text]