Conservatism and Chaos: Martin Heidegger and the Decline of the West
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23. Relativism and Radical Conservatism
This is the preprint version of a book chapter published by Routledge/CRC Press in The Routledge Handbook of Philosophy of Relativism, edited by Martin Kusch (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020), 219–27 on December 4, 2019, available online: http://doi.org/10.4324/9781351052306-24. 23. Relativism and radical conservatism Timo Pankakoski and Jussi Backman ABSTRACT. The chapter tackles the complex, tension-ridden, and often paradoxical relationship between relativism and conservatism. We focus particularly on radical conservatism, an early twentieth-century German movement that arguably constitutes the climax of conservatism’s problematic relationship with relativism. We trace the shared genealogy of conservatism and historicism in nineteenth-century Counter-Enlightenment thought and interpret radical conservatism’s ambivalent relation to relativism as reflecting this heritage. Emphasizing national particularity, historical uniqueness, and global political plurality, Carl Schmitt and Hans Freyer moved in the tradition of historicism, stopping short of full relativism. Yet they utilized relativistic elements – such as seeing irrational decisions or the demands of “life” as the basis of politics – to discredit notions of universal political morality and law, thereby underpinning their authoritarian agendas. Oswald Spengler, by contrast, took the relativistic impulses to the extreme, interweaving his conservative authoritarianism and nationalism with full-fledged epistemic, moral, and political relativism. Martin Heidegger has recently been perceived as the key philosopher of radical conservatism, and his 1 thought arguably channeled antimodern aspects of historicism into contemporary political thought. We conclude by analyzing how some radical conservative arguments involving cultural relativism and plurality still reverberate in contemporary theorists such as Samuel Huntington, Aleksandr Dugin, and Alain de Benoist. -
Towards a Phenomenology of Liberation: a Critical Theory of Race and the Fate of Democracy in Latin America”
APA Newsletters NEWSLETTER ON HISPANIC/LATINO ISSUES IN PHILOSOPHY Volume 10, Number 1 Fall 2010 FROM THE EDITOR, BERNIE J. CANTEÑS ARTICLES CARLOS ALBERTO SANCHEZ “Against Values: Culture and Phenomenology in Jorge Portilla and Max Scheler” ALEJANDRO A. VALLEGA “Philosophy Beyond Pernicious Knowledge, from a Latin American Perspective” NYTHAMAR DE OLIVEIRA “Towards a Phenomenology of Liberation: A Critical Theory of Race and the Fate of Democracy in Latin America” BOOK REVIEW Enrique Dussel, Eduardo Mendieta, Carmen Bohórquez, Eds.: El pensamiento filósofico latinoamericano, del Caribe y “latino” [1300-2000]: Historia, Temas, Filósofos REVIEWED BY GRANT SILVA SUBMISSIONS CONTRIBUTORS © 2010 by The American Philosophical Association ISSN 2155-9708 APA NEWSLETTER ON Hispanic/Latino Issues in Philosophy Bernie J. Canteñs, Editor Fall 2010 Volume 10, Number 1 phenomenology.” De Oliveira’s thesis is developed in three ROM THE DITOR parts: (1) Philosophy of Race, (2) Liberation Philosophy, and F E (3) Critical Theory. According to de Oliveira, this new social phenomenology will avoid the “objectivist claims of Marxism” and “subjectivist ‘representations’ of postcolonial and cultural Bernie Canteñs studies.” De Oliveira adopts a “weak social constructionist” Moravian College conception of race. He understands that any account of race in Latin America will be intertwined with political and social The fall 2010 issue of the Newsletter contains Carlos Alberto psychology, and his philosophy of race intends to deconstruct Sanchez’s “Against Values: Culture and Phenomenology in racial democracy myths or scientific and historical conceptions Jorge Portilla and Max Scheler.” Sanchez’s essay compares of race, and Eurocentric myths of liberation such as democracy, the “European crisis of value” with the “Mexican crisis of liberalism, and socialism. -
Trump and American Exceptionalism: Why a Crippled America Is Something
Home > Trump and American Exceptionalism Tuesday, January 3, 2017 Trump and American Exceptionalism Why a Crippled America Is Something New Stephen Wertheim STEPHEN WERTHEIM is a historian of U.S. foreign relations and Fellow at King’s College, University of Cambridge. Follow him on Twitter @stephenwertheim [1]. Since Donald Trump’s election as U.S. president on November 8, the liberal commentariat has been sounding the alarm on the fate of the international order: the Pax Americana is over. Four years after dismissing American decline as a myth [2], Robert Kagan now claims we’re nearing [3] the “end of the 70-year-old U.S. world order.” Ian Buruma, writing in the New York Times Magazine, laments [4] that those who voted for Trump and Brexit wish to “pull down the pillars” of liberal internationalism and retreat into isolation. Such eulogies say less about Trump or his voters than about the limits of conventional wisdom. The president-elect denounced nation-building and demanded that U.S. allies pay more for protection, but so have many of his predecessors. And Trump never promised to retract the United States’ global power [5]. To the contrary, he vowed to build up the military, go after Islamist terrorism, and counter Chinese aggression. An isolationist he is not. But Trump has distinguished himself in one dramatic respect: He may be the first president to take office who explicitly rejects American exceptionalism [6]. CITY ON A HILL “We shall be as a city upon a hill—the eyes of all people are upon us,” said John Winthrop, the first governor of the Massachusetts Bay colony, in 1630. -
Postmodernism and the Digital Era Flores, Fernando
Postmodernism and the Digital Era Flores, Fernando 2007 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Flores, F. (2007). Postmodernism and the Digital Era. Department of Informatics, Lund University. Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 Postmodernism and the Digital Era Omslagsbild: Kafka Composition © Maria Crossa, 2007 POSTMODERNISM AND THE DIGITAL ERA Fernando Flores Morador Department of Informatics Lund University 2007 Department of Informatics Lunds universitet, Ole Römers väg 6, 223 63 Lund Postmodernism and the Digital Era © Fernando Flores Morador, 2007 Tryck: Media-Tryck, Lund University, 2007 ISBN 978-91-633-1105-5 Dedicated to Germán Wettstein and Raquel Morador de Wettstein CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS............................................... -
Oswald Spengler, the Decline of the West, and the Potential for the German People
Jones: 1 Andrew Jones Message for the Pandemonium: Oswald Spengler, The Decline of the West, and the potential for the German people. Oswald Spengler was born in 1880 in Blankenburg, Germany. His father was a bureaucrat who worked for the Duchy of Brunswick in the German Empire. He studied history at the universities of Munich, Berlin, and Halle. Spengler found the Pre-Socratics to be fascinating. His academic career culminated in his doctoral thesis which focused on the Pre-Socratic philosopher Heraclitus. He worked as a teacher in Hamburg at a Realgymnasium or grammar school where he taught German history, science, and mathematics. Oswald Spengler found himself caught up into the turbulent events of 1914. What unfolded surprised many people, after all; he had been a simple school teacher from an unremarkable family in an unremarkable place in Germany. One historian referred to Spengler before 1918 as “nobody in particular, an Oberlehrer or Gymnasium teacher who had thrown up his job in 1910 in order to write.”1 Unable to serve his fatherland due to his weak heart, Spengler decided to do something radical. He worked to answer the most pressing question of the time and perhaps the most pressing question of the Twentieth Century. Spengler sought to explain why the great powers of Europe destroyed the peace, power, and prosperity of Europe to fight a horrific war that consumed the continent while involving the entire world. Spengler recognized the utter madness of the war as well as its lack of guiding reason and sought to find refuge from the deluge of insanity. -
Adorno – History & Freedom Lectures –
HISTORY AND FREEDOM Lectures 1964-1965 Theodor W. Adorno Edited by Rolf Tiedemann Translated by Rodney Livingstone ' l polity First published in German as Zur Lehre von der Geschichte und von der Freiheit (1964165} by Theodor W. Adorno© Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt am Main, 2001. CONTENTS This English edition first published in 2006 ©Polity Press Reprinted in 2008 Polity Press 65 Bridge Street Cambridge CB2 1UR, UK Polity Press 350 Main Street Malden, MA 02148, USA All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Editor's Foreword Xll ISBN-13: 978-07456-3012-0 ISBN-13: 978-07456-3013-7 (pb) PART I History A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. LECTURE 1: Progress or Regression? 3 Notes: The relationship of the lectures to Negative Typeset in 10.5 on 12 pt Sabon by SNP Best-set Typesetter I.td, Hong Kong Dialectics; the concept of freedom in Kant and Hegel; the diminishing consciousness of freedom; the meaning of Printed and bound in the United States by Odyssey Press Inc., Gonic, New Hampshire history refuted by Auschwitz; the philosophy of history implies that there is a meaning; cultural morphology (Spengler) and idealism For further information on Polity, visit our website: www.polity.co.uk The publication of this work was supported by a grant from the LEcTuRE 2: Universal and Particular 10 Goethe-lnstitut. -
Conservative Revolution”
Introduction Countercultures Ideologies and Practices Alternative Visions BEYOND HISTORICISM: UTOPIAN THOUGHT IN THE “CONSERVATIVE REVOLUTION” Robbert-Jan Adriaansen The “Conservative Revolution” presents a paradox to contemporary scholars, as the idea of a revolution seems to challenge the very foundations of conservatism. “Conservative Revolution” is a col- ligatory concept; it does not refer to any particular historical event but to a current in intellectual thought that gained prominence in the German Weimar Republic.1 Comprising a broad array of right- wing authors, thinkers, and movements, the concept of “Conserva- tive Revolution” was introduced as an analytical category by Armin Mohler in his dissertation Die Konservative Revolution in Deutschland (1949).He defi ned it as “that spiritual movement of regeneration that tried to clear away the ruins of the nineteenth century and tried to 1 Colligatory concepts are create a new order of life.”2 Covering vö lkisch authors, Young Con- concepts used by histori- ans to create unity in the servatives such as Oswald Spengler and Arthur Moeller van den morass of past ideas and Bruck, National Revolutionaries — like brothers Ernst and Friedrich events; they bring them together under a general Georg Jü nger — and also two more organized movements, the metaphor such as Landvolkbewegung and the Bü ndische Jugend, Mohler presented a “Renaissance,” “Industrial Revolution,” or, indeed, taxonomy of a heterogeneous array of thinkers and organizations that “Conservative Revolution.” did not regard itself as a unifi ed movement but shared a common See William H. Walsh, “Colligatory Concepts in attitude to life, society, and politics. History,” in The Philosophy of History, ed. -
The Role of the United States in World Society Jason F
University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Doctoral Dissertations University of Connecticut Graduate School 8-26-2016 A Difference That Makes a Difference: The Role of the United States in World Society Jason F. Charrette University of Connecticut - Storrs, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/dissertations Recommended Citation Charrette, Jason F., "A Difference That Makes a Difference: The Role of the United States in World Society" (2016). Doctoral Dissertations. 1253. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/dissertations/1253 A Difference That Makes a Difference: The Role of the United States in World Society Jason Francis Charrette, PhD University of Connecticut, 2016 Abstract: This dissertation examines the global role of the United States and other organizations within world society. What sets this project apart from previous scholarship is that it relies on the insights of Niklas Luhmann‘s modern systems theory to contextualize those roles. Luhmann argues that the closest human civilization has to a world order is a ―world society‖ made up of many functional communication systems. These systems each provide a distinct model through which humans understand and construct their social world. Because these models are not always compatible, the potential for conflict is woven into the fabric of world society. Extending Luhmann‘s theory further, I argue that the differences between these systems structure this conflict and manifest themselves through organizational behavior, which I demonstrate through the development of a model of organizational behavior. I apply this model in four case-studies that reveal Luhmannian dynamics at play. From the political system, I focused on the United States. -
Understanding America's Contested Primacy
C E n t E r for Strat E g i C a n D B u D g E t a r y a S S E S S m E n t S Understanding America’s Contested Primacy Dr. Eric S. Edelman Understanding america’s contested Primacy Dr. Eric S. Edelman 2010 © 2010 Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. All rights reserved. About the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments The Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments (CSBA) is an independent, nonpartisan policy research institute established to promote innovative thinking and debate about national security strategy and investment options. CSBA’s goal is to enable policymakers to make informed decisions on matters of strategy, security policy and resource allocation. CSBA provides timely, impartial and insightful analyses to senior decision mak- ers in the executive and legislative branches, as well as to the media and the broader national security community. CSBA encourages thoughtful participation in the de- velopment of national security strategy and policy, and in the allocation of scarce human and capital resources. CSBA’s analysis and outreach focus on key questions related to existing and emerging threats to US national security. Meeting these challenges will require transforming the national security establishment, and we are devoted to helping achieve this end. About the Author Ambassador Eric S. Edelman retired as a Career Minister from the US Foreign Service on May 1, 2009. He has served in senior positions at the Departments of State and Defense as well as the White House where he led organizations providing analysis, strategy, policy development, secu- rity services, trade advocacy, public outreach, citizen services and con- gressional relations. -
Demonic History: from Goethe to the Present
Demonic History Demonic History From Goethe to the Present Kirk Wetters northwestern university press evanston, illinois Northwestern University Press www.nupress.northwestern.edu Copyright © 2014 by Northwestern University Press. Published 2014. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Wetters, Kirk, author. Demonic history : from Goethe to the present / Kirk Wetters. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8101-2976-4 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Demonology in literature. 2. German literature—19th century—History and criticism. 3. German literature—20th century—History and criticism. 4. Devil in literature. I. Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 1749–1832. Urworte orphisch. II. Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 1749–1832. Urworte orphisch. English. III. Title. [DNLM: 1. Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 1749–1832— Criticism and interpretation.] PT134.D456W48 2014 830.937—dc23 2014012468 Except where otherwise noted, this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. In all cases attribution should include the following information: Wetters, Kirk. Demonic History: From Goethe to the Present. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 2015. For permissions beyond the scope of this license, visit http://www.nupress .northwestern.edu/. An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high-quality books open access for the public good. More information about the initiative and links to the open-access version can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org. -
U.S. Role in the World: Background and Issues for Congress
U.S. Role in the World: Background and Issues for Congress Updated August 26, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44891 U.S. Role in the World: Background and Issues for Congress Summary The U.S. role in the world refers to the overall character, purpose, or direction of U.S. participation in international affairs and the country’s overall relationship to the rest of the world. The U.S. role in the world can be viewed as establishing the overall context or framework for U.S. policymakers for developing, implementing, and measuring the success of U.S. policies and actions on specific international issues, and for foreign countries or other observers for interpreting and understanding U.S. actions on the world stage. While descriptions of the traditional U.S. role in the world since the end of World War II vary in their specifics, it can be described in general terms as consisting of four key elements: global leadership; defense and promotion of the liberal international order; defense and promotion of freedom, democracy, and human rights; and prevention of the emergence of regional hegemons in Eurasia. The issue for Congress is whether the U.S. role in the world has changed, and if so, what implications this might have for the United States and the world. A change in the U.S. role could have significant and even profound effects on U.S. security, freedom, and prosperity. It could significantly affect U.S. policy in areas such as relations with allies and other countries, defense plans and programs, trade and international finance, foreign assistance, and human rights. -
The Revolt Against Reason: Oswald Spengler and Violence As Cultural Preservative
The Philosophical Journal of Conflict and Violence Vol. III, Issue 2/2019 © The Authors 2019 Available online at http://trivent-publishing.eu/ The Revolt against Reason: Oswald Spengler and Violence as Cultural Preservative Gregory Swer University of KwaZulu-Natal School of Religion, Philosophy and Classics, South Africa Abstract: In The Decline of the West, Spengler argues that cultures have lifecycles. Although he warns that the end of Faustian (western) culture is nigh, Spengler suggests that the death of the culture might be forestalled if a rapprochement can be brought about between the technologized powers of Reason and the remains of cultural life. This portrayal of Reason as a salvific force seems to contradict Spengler’s typical depiction of Reason as a violent anti-cultural force. This paper reconstructs Spengler’s account of Reason as both killer and preserver of western culture and argues that in both roles it remains inherently violent. Keywords: Oswald Spengler; The Decline of the West; Technics; Existentialism; Reason; Culture; Enlightenment; Violence; Civilisation. DOI: 10.22618/TP.PJCV.20204.1.201008 The PJCV Journal is published by Trivent Publishing This is an Open Access article distributed in accordance with the Creative Commons Attribution Non Commercial (CC- BY-NC-ND 4.0) license, which permits others to copy or share the article, provided original work is properly cited and that this is not done for commercial purposes. Users may not remix, transform, or build upon the material and may not distribute the modified material (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/) The Revolt against Reason: Oswald Spengler and Violence as Cultural Preservative Gregory Swer University of KwaZulu-Natal School of Religion, Philosophy and Classics, South Africa Abstract: In The Decline of the West, Spengler argues that cultures have lifecycles.