Soviet Union Before World War Ii
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Local Authorities' Initiatives in Support of Agenda 21-Russia
AREA STUDIES -RUSSIA (Regional Sustainable Development Review) – Vol. II – Local Authorities’ Initiatives in Support of Agenda 21-Russia - N.Glazovsky LOCAL AUTHORITIES' INITIATIVES IN SUPPORT OF AGENDA 21 -RUSSIA N.Glazovsky Institute of Geography, Russian Academy of Sciences Keywords: Agenda 21, Local Agenda 21, Local authorities, International Union of Local Autorities, International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives. Contents 1. Objectives, Possibilities and Mechanisms of Sustainable Development at Different Levels of Natural-Social Systems 2. The main UN documents defining the activity of local authorities 3. The main international organizations of local authorities and their activity 4. Activities of local authorities in Russia to support Agenda 21 5. Conclusion Bibliography Biographical Sketch Summary This article considers the activity of local authorities in support of Agenda 21. The main UN documents defining activity in this sphere are given. The main international organizations assisting the activity of local authorities on sustainable development are reviewed, and the main directions and programs of sustainable development at the local level are considered. The results of this activity after the Rio conference are described and the most important directions for future activity are described. Difficulties and perspectives of development of these initiatives in Russia are shown. Concrete examples are given of progress in reinforcement of local authorities’ role in ensuring sustainable development in Russia, at federal and local levels. 1. Objectives, Possibilities and Mechanisms of Sustainable Development at Different Levels of Natural-Social Systems The AgendaUNESCO 21 adopted in Rio de Janeiro – envisages EOLSS very different levels of activity to ensure sustainable development. It is reasonable to dwell on consideration of at least three main levels: global, national (regional) and local. -
Utopian Visions of Family Life in the Stalin-Era Soviet Union
Central European History 44 (2011), 63–91. © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association, 2011 doi:10.1017/S0008938910001184 Utopian Visions of Family Life in the Stalin-Era Soviet Union Lauren Kaminsky OVIET socialism shared with its utopian socialist predecessors a critique of the conventional family and its household economy.1 Marx and Engels asserted Sthat women’s emancipation would follow the abolition of private property, allowing the family to be a union of individuals within which relations between the sexes would be “a purely private affair.”2 Building on this legacy, Lenin imag- ined a future when unpaid housework and child care would be replaced by com- munal dining rooms, nurseries, kindergartens, and other industries. The issue was so central to the revolutionary program that the Bolsheviks published decrees establishing civil marriage and divorce soon after the October Revolution, in December 1917. These first steps were intended to replace Russia’s family laws with a new legal framework that would encourage more egalitarian sexual and social relations. A complete Code on Marriage, the Family, and Guardianship was ratified by the Central Executive Committee a year later, in October 1918.3 The code established a radical new doctrine based on individual rights and gender equality, but it also preserved marriage registration, alimony, child support, and other transitional provisions thought to be unnecessary after the triumph of socialism. Soviet debates about the relative merits of unfettered sexu- ality and the protection of women and children thus resonated with long-standing tensions in the history of socialism. I would like to thank Atina Grossmann, Carola Sachse, and Mary Nolan, as well as the anonymous reader for Central European History, for their comments and suggestions. -
Reassessing the Standard of Living in the Soviet Union: an Analysis Using Archival and Anthropometric Data
IZA DP No. 1958 Reassessing the Standard of Living in the Soviet Union: An Analysis Using Archival and Anthropometric Data Elizabeth Brainerd DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES DISCUSSION PAPER January 2006 Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit Institute for the Study of Labor Reassessing the Standard of Living in the Soviet Union: An Analysis Using Archival and Anthropometric Data Elizabeth Brainerd Williams College, CEPR, WDI and IZA Bonn Discussion Paper No. 1958 January 2006 IZA P.O. Box 7240 53072 Bonn Germany Phone: +49-228-3894-0 Fax: +49-228-3894-180 Email: [email protected] Any opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and not those of the institute. Research disseminated by IZA may include views on policy, but the institute itself takes no institutional policy positions. The Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA) in Bonn is a local and virtual international research center and a place of communication between science, politics and business. IZA is an independent nonprofit company supported by Deutsche Post World Net. The center is associated with the University of Bonn and offers a stimulating research environment through its research networks, research support, and visitors and doctoral programs. IZA engages in (i) original and internationally competitive research in all fields of labor economics, (ii) development of policy concepts, and (iii) dissemination of research results and concepts to the interested public. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. IZA Discussion Paper No. -
Social and Economic Space Compression in Border Areas: the Case of the Northwestern Federal District Romanova, E.; Vinogradova, O.; Frizina, I
www.ssoar.info Social and economic space compression in border areas: the case of the Northwestern Federal District Romanova, E.; Vinogradova, O.; Frizina, I. Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Romanova, E., Vinogradova, O., & Frizina, I. (2015). Social and economic space compression in border areas: the case of the Northwestern Federal District. Baltic Region, 3, 28-46. https://doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2015-3-3 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Free Digital Peer Publishing Licence This document is made available under a Free Digital Peer zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den DiPP-Lizenzen Publishing Licence. For more Information see: finden Sie hier: http://www.dipp.nrw.de/lizenzen/dppl/service/dppl/ http://www.dipp.nrw.de/lizenzen/dppl/service/dppl/ Diese Version ist zitierbar unter / This version is citable under: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51391-6 Economic and geographical development of the Russian Northwest ECONOMIC AND GEOGRAPHICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE RUSSIAN NORTHWEST The so-called “compression” of social SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC and economic space has been the subject of SPACE COMPRESSION quite a few studies in the past decades. There are two principle types of compres- IN BORDER AREAS: sion: communicative, that is, associated THE CASE with the development of transport and in- OF THE NORTHWESTERN formation systems, and physical, mani- FEDERAL DISTRICT fested in the rapid decrease of the number of new territories to explore. While physi- cal and communicative compression are in- terrelated, they have different spatial ex- * pressions depending on geographical con- E. -
The Russian Revolutions: the Impact and Limitations of Western Influence
Dickinson College Dickinson Scholar Faculty and Staff Publications By Year Faculty and Staff Publications 2003 The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence Karl D. Qualls Dickinson College Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Qualls, Karl D., "The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence" (2003). Dickinson College Faculty Publications. Paper 8. https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications/8 This article is brought to you for free and open access by Dickinson Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Karl D. Qualls The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence After the collapse of the Soviet Union, historians have again turned their attention to the birth of the first Communist state in hopes of understanding the place of the Soviet period in the longer sweep of Russian history. Was the USSR an aberration from or a consequence of Russian culture? Did the Soviet Union represent a retreat from westernizing trends in Russian history, or was the Bolshevik revolution a product of westernization? These are vexing questions that generate a great deal of debate. Some have argued that in the late nineteenth century Russia was developing a middle class, representative institutions, and an industrial economy that, while although not as advanced as those in Western Europe, were indications of potential movement in the direction of more open government, rule of law, free market capitalism. Only the Bolsheviks, influenced by an ideology imported, paradoxically, from the West, interrupted this path of Russian political and economic westernization. -
Politics of Multilingualism in Roma Education in Early Soviet Union and Its Current Projections Marushiakova, Elena; Popov, Vesselin
www.ssoar.info Politics of multilingualism in Roma education in early Soviet Union and its current projections Marushiakova, Elena; Popov, Vesselin Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Marushiakova, E., & Popov, V. (2017). Politics of multilingualism in Roma education in early Soviet Union and its current projections. Social Inclusion, 5(4), 48-59. https://doi.org/10.17645/si.v5i4.1128 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY Lizenz (Namensnennung) zur This document is made available under a CC BY Licence Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden (Attribution). For more Information see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.de Social Inclusion (ISSN: 2183–2803) 2017, Volume 5, Issue 4, Pages 48–59 DOI: 10.17645/si.v5i4.1128 Article Politics of Multilingualism in Roma Education in Early Soviet Union and Its Current Projections Elena Marushiakova * and Vesselin Popov School of History, University of St. Andrews, St. Andrews, KY16 9BA, UK; E-Mails: [email protected] (E.M.), [email protected] (V.P.) * Corresponding author Submitted: 14 August 2017 | Accepted: 16 October 2017 | Published: 22 December 2017 Abstract This article presents the history of the politics of multilingualism (or lack thereof) in regard to Roma (formerly known as ‘Gypsies’). In the 1920s and 1930s in the newly established Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, against a backdrop of pro- claimed principles of full equality of all peoples1 living in the new state, commenced a rapid creation of schools for Roma children with instruction in Romani mother-tongue along with special training of Roma teachers. -
Zhenotdel, Russian Women and the Communist Party, 1919-1930
RED ‘TEASPOONS OF CHARITY’: ZHENOTDEL, RUSSIAN WOMEN AND THE COMMUNIST PARTY, 1919-1930 by Michelle Jane Patterson A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Toronto © Copyright by Michelle Jane Patterson 2011 Abstract “Red ‘Teaspoons of Charity’: Zhenotdel, the Communist Party and Russian Women, 1919-1930” Doctorate of Philosophy, 2011 Michelle Jane Patterson Department of History, University of Toronto After the Bolshevik assumption of power in 1917, the arguably much more difficult task of creating a revolutionary society began. In 1919, to ensure Russian women supported the Communist party, the Zhenotdel, or women’s department, was established. Its aim was propagating the Communist party’s message through local branches attached to party committees at every level of the hierarchy. This dissertation is an analysis of the Communist party’s Zhenotdel in Petrograd/ Leningrad during the 1920s. Most Western Zhenotdel histories were written in the pre-archival era, and this is the first study to extensively utilize material in the former Leningrad party archive, TsGAIPD SPb. Both the quality and quantity of Zhenotdel fonds is superior at St.Peterburg’s TsGAIPD SPb than Moscow’s RGASPI. While most scholars have used Moscow-centric journals like Kommunistka, Krest’ianka and Rabotnitsa, this study has thoroughly utilized the Leningrad Zhenotdel journal Rabotnitsa i krest’ianka and a rich and extensive collection of Zhenotdel questionnaires. Women’s speeches from Zhenotdel conferences, as well as factory and field reports, have also been folded into the dissertation’s five chapters on: organizational issues, the unemployed, housewives and prostitutes, peasants, and workers. -
Revolution in Real Time: the Russian Provisional Government, 1917
ODUMUNC 2020 Crisis Brief Revolution in Real Time: The Russian Provisional Government, 1917 ODU Model United Nations Society Introduction seventy-four years later. The legacy of the Russian Revolution continues to be keenly felt The Russian Revolution began on 8 March 1917 to this day. with a series of public protests in Petrograd, then the Winter Capital of Russia. These protests But could it have gone differently? Historians lasted for eight days and eventually resulted in emphasize the contingency of events. Although the collapse of the Russian monarchy, the rule of history often seems inventible afterwards, it Tsar Nicholas II. The number of killed and always was anything but certain. Changes in injured in clashes with the police and policy choices, in the outcome of events, government troops in the initial uprising in different players and different accidents, lead to Petrograd is estimated around 1,300 people. surprising outcomes. Something like the Russian Revolution was extremely likely in 1917—the The collapse of the Romanov dynasty ushered a Romanov Dynasty was unable to cope with the tumultuous and violent series of events, enormous stresses facing the country—but the culminating in the Bolshevik Party’s seizure of revolution itself could have ended very control in November 1917 and creation of the differently. Soviet Union. The revolution saw some of the most dramatic and dangerous political events the Major questions surround the Provisional world has ever known. It would affect much Government that struggled to manage the chaos more than Russia and the ethnic republics Russia after the Tsar’s abdication. -
Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation
POST-SOVIET POLITICAL PARTY DEVELOPMENT IN RUSSIA: OBSTACLES TO DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION Evguenia Lenkevitch Bachelor of Arts (Honours), SFU 2005 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Political Science O Evguenia Lenkevitch 2007 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY 2007 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Evguenia Lenkevitch Degree: Master of Arts, Department of Political Science Title of Thesis: Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Lynda Erickson, Professor Department of Political Science Dr. Lenard Cohen, Professor Senior Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. Alexander Moens, Professor Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. llya Vinkovetsky, Assistant Professor External Examiner Department of History Date DefendedlApproved: August loth,2007 The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection (currently available to the public at the 'Institutional Repository" link of the SFU Library website <www.lib.sfu.ca> at: <http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/112>) and, without changing the content, to translate the thesis/project or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work. -
Historians As Activists: History Writing in Times of War
Nationalities Papers (2021), 49: 4, 691–709 doi:10.1017/nps.2020.38 ARTICLE Historians as Activists: History Writing in Times of War. The Case of Ukraine in 2014–2018 Yuliya Yurchuk* Department of History and Contemporary Studies, Södertörn University, Sweden *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] Abstract This article elucidates the role of historians in times of war and the peculiarities of popular history narratives written by historians who became activists. The article focuses on historians who call themselves “Likbez. Historical Front.” This cohort gave rise to a new professional species—activist historians—who are different from so called memorians or propagandists, who work in service of authorities. Likbez historians tried to use their power to influence and promote their activist agenda not only in the realm of memory and history but also in reformation of state institutions. I argue that for Likbez historians, securitization of the past is the main strategy employed for producing historical knowledge. Historians’ work is a part of postcolonizing process observed in Ukrainian society since the Maidan protests. As the analysis shows, popular history narratives written with an open activist agenda are a result of many compromises made by scholars in the intersection of several factors: professional ambitions, political and civic aims, social and political context, popular expectations, and market environment. In line with the increased attention to agency in memory studies, this article demonstrates that historians have a much more nuanced relation to power than straightforward opposition or co-option. Keywords: Ukraine; history writing; memory; popular history; activism; securitization; postcolonizing process; empowerment The terms often used to define the military conflict in eastern Ukraine1—information war, war of narratives, or hybrid war—underline the crucial role of information in the conflict (Khaldarova and Pantti 2016; Nygren and Hök 2016; Bolin, Jordan, and Stålberg 2016). -
The Baba and the Bolshevichka – Learning to Read Soviet Representations of Women’S Literacy in Early Soviet Culture
The Baba and the Bolshevichka – Learning to Read Soviet Representations of Women’s Literacy in Early Soviet Culture Kathryn Martin University of Nottingham The importance of the female role in the Sovietisation process in post- Revolutionary Russia and beyond was not lost on many of the key figures of the Bolshevik party, not least Vladimir Lenin, who wrote many articles prior to the seismic social shifts of 1917 extolling the need to emancipate women from their current social positions, and emphasising the key role that the female figure had to play in bringing communism to the nation. Clara Zetkin, the German Marxist theorist and female activist recalled that in 1920, Lenin told her that: “We can rightly be Proud of the fact that in the Party, in the Communist International, we have the flower of revolutionary womankind. But that is not enough. We must win over to our side the millions of toiling women in the towns and villages. […] There can be no real mass movement without women” (1929: 69). However, one of the greatest barriers to this process were the overwhelmingly low levels of literacy among the adult female population Journal of Languages, Texts, and Society, Vol. 2 (2018), 48–66. © 2018 by Kathryn Martin. This content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International license. The Baba and the Bolshevichka 49 after the Revolution, which according to some estimates, were as low as 17% (St George 25). This paper draws on Soviet linguistic theory and language policy in order to explore the relationship between the female literacy movement in the early Soviet period and its artistic representation in three different cultural items from this period: state produced propaganda posters, Olga Preobrazhenskaia’s 1927 film Baby Riazanskie (The Peasant Women of Riazan), and Andrei Platonov’s 1929 novel Kotlovan (The Foundation Pit). -
FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS in the SOVIET UNION: a COMPARATIVE APPROACH * T~Omas E
1967] FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS IN THE SOVIET UNION: A COMPARATIVE APPROACH * T~omAs E. TowE t INTRODUCTION The Soviet Constitution guarantees many of the same funda- mental rights as are guaranteed in the Constitution of the United States, plus several others as well. Indeed, these rights are described in greater detail and appear on their face to be safeguarded more emphatically in the Soviet Constitution. However, the mere existence of constitutional provisions for fundamental rights does not necessarily guarantee that those rights will be protected. Western scholars often point to discrepancies between rhetorical phrases in the Soviet Con- stitution and actual practices in the area of fundamental rights.' Soviet legal scholars insist, however, that such criticism should be aimed instead at Western constitutions. Andrei Vyshinsky has stated that it is precisely in the area of fundamental rights that "the contra- dictions between reality and the rights proclaimed by the bourgeois constitutions [are] particularly sharp." 2 Soviet legal scholars claim that bourgeois laws are replete with reservations and loopholes which largely negate their effectiveness in protecting fundamental rights generally, and those of the working man in particular.3 There is undoubtedly some truth in both claims, for, as Professor Berman has stated, "The striking fact is that in the protection of human rights, the Soviet system is strong where ours is weak, just as it is weak where ours is strong." 4 The full impact of this statement can only be understood by comparing the different approaches which * The author wishes to acknowledge the helpful comments and suggestions of Dr. Branko M.