Gender Variation in the Careers of Conservative Rabbis: a Survey of Rabbis Ordained Since 1985
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Gender Variation in the Careers of Conservative Rabbis: A Survey of Rabbis Ordained Since 1985 Prof. Steven M. Cohen and Judith Schor July 14, 2004 Sponsored by: The Rabbinical Assembly 3080 Broadway New York, NY 10027 Contacts: Steven M. Cohen: [email protected] Judith Schor: [email protected] Rabbinical Assembly: [email protected] CONTENTS Gender Variation in the Careers of Conservative Rabbis: A Survey of Rabbis Ordained Since 1985 4 Appendix A: Survey Questionnaire 20 Appendix B: Resolution on Equal Opportunity for Rabbis 28 Appendix C: Rabbinical Assembly Policy Memorandum on Gender Variation Study 30 Gender Variation in the Careers of Conservative Rabbis: A Survey of Rabbis Ordained Since 1985 Prof. Steven M. Cohen and Judith Schor July 14, 2004 OVERVIEW men earn more than women. In the Spring of 2004, almost 20 years after the first female Other critical factors possibly hampering women’s rabbi was ordained by the Conservative movement, the advancement may be related to women’s less satisfying early Rabbinical Assembly, with the support of the Jewish career experiences as rabbis. More than male rabbis, female Women’s Foundation of New York, embarked on a study of Conservative rabbis … the career paths of male and female Conservative rabbis. complain of hurtful gender-related remarks in This is the report of that study. their work-life, The key findings demonstrate significant varia- tions in the career paths and experiences of men and report less satisfying relationships with rabbinical women. Specifically, men, more than women: supervisors in their first jobs, work full-time, cite more unfair treatment in the interview process for their most recent positions, work in congregations, report less time (earlier termination or departure) lead the congregations where they are employed, in their first jobs, and report more frequent termination of their lead congregations far larger in size than those led contracts or loss of their positions, by women rabbis. express lower levels of professional satisfaction, Not surprisingly given all these variations, and Conservative male rabbis earn more than their female coun- terparts, both in salary and benefits, both overall, and with express less satisfaction with RA-sponsored efforts controls for the type of work they perform. to assure gender equity. These findings emerge from a largely mail-back Four contextual variables – long-term socialization, survey of all 156 Conservative female rabbis living in the the larger culture, gender bias, and historical lag – combine United States, and a sample of men (155) selected to match to shape the careers and rewards (financial and psychic) of the distribution of women by year of ordination, starting in men and women rabbis. 1985, the first year in which Conservative rabbis were The results of successful efforts to diminish gen- ordained. Of the 311 potential respondents, 75% (233) der-related differences in rabbinical careers would be seen responded to the survey, largely administered by mail. in more women rabbis receiving comparable compensation Several factors help explain the above-mentioned to their male colleagues, more women working in senior gender-linked variations in type of work and in levels of positions, and fewer women reporting negative experiences compensation. In particular, for women, and not for men, in the workplace. parenting responsibilities seem to lead many to work only part-time as a rabbi. They also serve to lead women (but not BACKGROUND men) away from pulpit positions. These patterns may well In 1985, the Jewish Theological Seminary of America reflect differing approaches among men and women to ordained its first women rabbis. This historic change in pol- work-life balance. icy both reflected and promoted broadening tendencies As noted, the differences in work patterns (hours, toward gender equality in the Conservative movement. By pulpit work, etc.) fail to totally account for differences in 2004, as many as 177 women rabbis were dues-paying compensation. When statistically controlling for job-relat- members of the Rabbinical Assembly, the movement’s rab- ed factors, gender-related gaps remain. That is, in seeming- binic professional association, constituting approximately ly comparable jobs for Conservative rabbis (e.g., assistant 11% of the Rabbinical Assembly’s total membership of rabbis, or solo rabbis of congregations of a specific size), 1550 rabbis at the time of the survey. 4 The entry of women into the once exclusively male educational credentials. profession of the Conservative rabbinate raises several Most broadly, the most prestigious, influential, and immediate questions about gender-based variations in desirable positions in several Jewish communal hierarchies career patterns. Given all the differences and disparities in have been the exclusive or nearly exclusive preserve of men. the work world, and the rest of life for that matter, we The evidence points to widespread gender-related gaps in would expect these Conservative rabbis to display some- compensation for putatively equivalent positions. what divergent career patterns related to gender. To what can we attribute differences in the career The reasoning is straightforward. In the larger soci- accomplishments of men and women that are both so wide- ety, in almost all sectors, men continue to out-perform spread and so persistent? Scholars and other observers point women in terms of occupational prestige and compensa- to a variety of reasons for these gender gaps in prestige, rank tion. Gender gaps in compensation extend to seemingly and compensation. Among the factors they cite most often meritocratic high-prestige professions, as a few easily acces- are: sible examples readily illustrate. In the American professo- riate, women earn about 6-8% less than comparably placed overt and subtle patterns of gender bias – those in men (c.f., Nettles, Perna, Bradburn & Zimbler, 2000; a position to nurture, advance, promote and hire prefer Perna, 2000; Toutkoushian, 1998). Among holders of doc- male to female aspirants; torates in science and engineering, one study reports that differential socialization of men and women – women earn 23% less than men (Babco and Bell, 2003.). boys and girls, and men and women evoke different reac- Female fundraisers at U.S. non-profit organizations earn a tions and expectations from their parents, teachers, friends, median annual salary of $25,000 less than that of men spouses, co-workers and supervisors, all of which produce (Association of Fundraising Professionals, 2002). differential aspirations; In another relevant sphere, similar patterns emerge differing approaches to work-life balance – in the Protestant clergy where, among denominations that women more than men feel responsible or are held respon- ordain women ministers, men dominate the spiritual lead- sible for tending to child-rearing and other domestic obli- ership of the larger churches. Moreover, again, men earn gations; and more than their female counterparts in terms of both pay historical lag – notwithstanding recent changes in and benefits (McDuff 2001; Deckman, Crawford, Olson hiring (or, in this case, rabbinic ordination), years of differ- and Gree, 2003). (The studies also point to lower rates of ential treatment cannot be reversed overnight. The impact professional satisfaction and marriage among women cler- of historical lag may be especially pronounced with respect gy, patterns we shall encounter in this study of rabbis, as to the rabbinate, where thousands of years of tradition asso- well.) ciate rabbinical religious leadership (and, before that, Closer to home, the Jewish communal world is priestly leadership) with men and not with women. marked by significant differences in the status attainment of Given the deep-rooted and widespread patterns in men and women (Bronznick 2002). A recent study the larger society, in the Jewish communal world, and in the explored why no woman has ever served as the executive American clergy outside of Judaism, one would not be sur- director of the 19 largest Jewish Federations in North prised to learn of significant gender-based variations in the America, reflecting the under-representation of women in career trajectories of Conservative rabbis. This expectation more prestigious positions throughout the Federation sys- raises the following sorts of empirical questions: tem (Cohen, Bronznick, Goldenhar, Israel, and Kelner, 2004). In another domain – Jewish Community Centers – Do, in fact, male and female Conservative rabbis recent research has demonstrated significant gender gaps in work in different sorts of settings; more specifically, are men compensation (Schor and Cohen, 2002) male JCC execu- more likely (or women less likely) to serve in congregations? tives earn about $10,000 more than their female counter- parts, even after controlling for size of JCC, seniority, and 5 Among those who do undertake pulpit work, are METHODS men more likely (or women less likely) to work in, and The results reported below derive from a sample survey of aspire to work in, larger congregations associated with high- RA members living in the United States who joined the RA er prestige, greater desirability, larger compensation, and, in 1985 or afterwards. We attempted to reach all 156 perhaps, greater demands for time and effort? women members living in the United States and an almost To what extent do we find gender gaps in compen- equal number of U.S.-based men (155), selected so as to sation, both with and without relevant statistical controls? match the distribution of women by year of ordination (or more precisely, the year in which they joined the RA which How can we explain these gender-based patterns, generally corresponds to the year of ordination). In all, 233 insofar as they might exist? rabbis responded, representing 75% of the total comple- What are the consequences for the rabbis of these ment of 311 potential respondents (maximal figure; some gender gaps, insofar as they exist? rabbis were unreachable due to inaccurate addresses and The Rabbinical Assembly has long taken an inter- telephone numbers). We administered the survey (see est in the advancement of its female members.