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ABSTRACT

HISTORIC NATIVE AMERICAN VILLAGE SITES IN THE MIDDLE ROCK RIVER

Amanda Douglas, M.A. Department of Anthropology Northern University, 2016 Dr. Kurt Rademaker, Director

The focus of this thesis is on Historic Period Native American villages within the Middle

Rock River. For the purpose of this thesis, the Middle Rock River is the portion of the Rock

River Valley in north . There are very few sites in the Middle Rock River dating to the time when both Native and Europeans/Euro-Americans occupied it. This is con- trary to the several Native American villages recorded in historical documents. Why have these villages not been found archaeologically? Using historical documents, previous archaeological research and my own original research, I explore three explanations 1.) The sites: to ephemeral,

2.) reoccupation destroyed the sites, and 3.) the area has not been researched enough. Addition- ally, I use historical documents to answer questions of ethnicity, behavioral patterns and culture contact, all of which could be used in future research to create a predictive model to locate His- toric Period Native American sites. UNIVERSITY DEKALB, ILLINOIS

DECEMBER 2016

HISTORIC NATIVE AMERICAN VILLAGE

SITES IN THE MIDDLE ROCK RIVER

BY

AMANDA DOUGLAS

© 2016 Amanda Douglas

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

FOR THE DEGREE

MASTER OF ARTS

DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY

Thesis Director: Kurt Radmaker TABLE OF CONTENTS Page

LIST OF TABLES……………………………………………………………………. iii

LIST OF FIGURES…………………………………………………………………... iv

LIST OF APPENDICIES...... v

Chapter

1. INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………. 1

2. ENVIRONMENT OF THE MIDDLE ROCK RIVER……………………...…...... 4

3. REGIONAL HISTORY…………………………………………………………... 8

4. TRIBAL HISTORIES...... 26

5. THEORY…………………………………………………………...... 31

6. METHODS...... ………………….……..... 46

7. HISTORY OF INVESTIGATIONS…………………………………………...….. 50

8. DISCUSSION…………………………………………………………...………... 73

9. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS………………………………...………….... 75

BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………….... 78

APPENDICES………………………………………………………...... 89 LIST OF TABLES Table Page

1. 11WO527 Lithic Assemblage……………………………………………………. 62

2. 11WO526 Assemblage…………………………………………….....…. 68 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. Map of the Middle Rock River Valley…………………………...... …………… 5

2. Map of archaeological surveys compleated as of January 2015…… 51

3. Early historic artifacts courtesy of the Burpee Museum of Natural History…….. 54

4. Map of recorded Middle Rock River Valley sites as of January 2015……..…… 57

5. Tanner's map of Indian villages c.1830 Illinois...... 59 LIST OF APPENDICES

Figure Page

APPENDIX A: Lithic Glossary…………………………...... 85

APPENDIX B: Survey Maps...... 87 CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

The focus of this thesis is on Historic Period Native American villages within the Middle

Rock River. The Rock River flows from northeastern to west central Illinois and is the main waterway in south central Wisconsin and north central Illinois. For the purpose of this thesis, the portion of the Rock River Valley in north central Illinois will be called the Middle

Rock River.

Throughout this thesis, general terms are used to describe broad ranges in time. Although their definitions are generally known, I list them here for clarification. The time frames for these periods differ geographically but, generally speaking, Prehistoric refers to the time periods prior to Native Americans having any indirect or direct contact with Europeans (pre-sixteenth cen- tury). The Proto-Historic Period (Post-early sixteenth century) refers to the time when Native

Americans and Europeans had indirect contact with each other. The Historic Period (post-early sixteenth century) refers to the time after Native Americans and Europeans began to have direct contact with each other.

Archaeological study shows that Native Americans had been living in the Middle Rock

River for thousands of years before the Europeans arrived. There are hundreds of Native

American sites dating prior to the arrival of Europeans and many Euro-American (Americans of

European descent) sites dating after the removal of the Native Americans. However, there are very few sites in the Middle Rock River dating to the time when the area was occupied by both 2

Native Americans and Europeans/Euro-Americans (DNR 2015).

Originally, my goal had been to locate Historic Period Native American sites in the

Middle Rock River. Using historical documents to identify areas with a high probability of containing Historic Period sites, I surveyed these areas but found no evidence of Historic Period

Native Americans. My focus then changed to why I didn't find these sites. Why have so few

Historic Period Native American sites been found in the Middle Rock River, and what use are historical documents to an archaeologist in the absence of archaeological evidence?

Using a combination of middle-range theory and the historical archaeology approach, I explore three probable explanations of why these sites have not been found: 1.) they are too ephemeral, 2.) The sites were destroyed through reoccupation, and 3.) not enough research has been completed. Additionally, I used historical documents to answer questions of ethnicity, be- havioral patterns and culture contact, all of which could be used in future research to create a predictive model to locate Historic Period Native American sites.

Chapter 2 describes the study area, including the landscape, flora and fauna, and why these resources would have been important to the Native Americans. Chapter 3 presents a brief overview of the Prehistoric time periods, followed by a much more detailed overview of the

Historic Period in the Middle Rock River, from 10,000 BC to AD 1832. I then summarize a brief history of the two main tribes who lived in the area, the Winnebago and the Pottawatomie. The historical information provides a context for understanding changes in Native American culture and the causes and effects of those changes. Chapter 4 presents the historical information of the major tribes in the Middle Rock River during the Historic Period. Chapter 5 presents the 3 theoretical background for this study. Chapter 6 includes descriptions of the methods used in this study, including archival research, fieldwork and data analysis.

Chapter 7 details the history of investigations, focusing on six areas in the Middle Rock

River. This information includes the historical references, collector activity, previous archaeological investigations, and my own archaeological research. Chapter 8 discusses the research and Chapter 9 summarizes my research and details my conclusions. CHAPTER 2

ENVIRONMENT OF THE MIDDLE ROCK RIVER

The Rock River is the main tributary to the River between the Wisconsin and

Illinois Rivers. It is a slow-moving river flowing out of Fond du Lac County in northeastern

Wisconsin; the Rock River continues southwest to the in Rock Island County in .

The northern border of the focus area begins at the of the Pecatonica and

Rock Rivers, near the town of Rockton in northern Winnebago County, Illinois. The area extends south to the town of Grand Detour in Ogle County, Illinois, and east from the confluence of the

Kishwaukee and Rock Rivers to the east side of the town of Belvidere in Boone County, Illinois, the western border being the Rock River itself. For simplicity this area will be referred to here as the “Middle Rock River” (Figure 1).

Beginning in 1804, each within Illinois was surveyed and recorded by the

General Land Office (GLO). The plats created by the GLO were the first created through systematic survey; as such, they were the most accurate maps of Illinois for their time. Prior to the signing of the Prairie du Chien Treaty of 1829, in which the Winnebago, Pottawatomie and other groups ceded lands to the government, the Middle Rock River was in the “In- dian Lands,” and so this area was not surveyed until 1839 (USGLO 1839). These plats give an indication of what the natural landscape was like before it was heavily settled by Euro-Ameri- cans in the nineteenth century. 5

Figure 1: Map of the Middle Rock River Valley 6

West of the Rock River is rolling hills of prairie and groves of woodlands over bedrock, which is limestone and dolomite in the north, sandstone farther south. Caves are also present, having been carved out of the limestone by the river. The east bank of the Rock River has prairie-covered hills formed of glacial and limestone gravels, with woodlands confined to the stream edges. Farther east, along the Kishwaukee River, the land becomes less undulating and the prairie is dotted with wetlands (Department of Natural Resources 2014).

Soils in the uplands of the Middle Rock River belong to the Jay-Tama-Muscatine-Ipava-

Sable and the Sidell-Catlin-Flanagan-Drummer soil associations (Fehrenbacher et al. 1967).

These soils are dark-colored, thick loess soils developed under the prairie landscape. These are well-drained soils that lend themselves well to agricultural production, such as the corn, beans and squash grown by the Native Americans. The terraces and low uplands of the Rock River

Valley contain glacial outwash soils belonging to the Littleton-Proctor-Plano-Camden-HurstGi- nat soil association. These are silty to sandy loams that are easily worked to yield high agricultural productivity. The floodplains within the valley consist of sandy to clayey alluvium belonging to the Lawson-Beaucoup-Darwin-Haymond-Belknap soil association (Fehrenbacher et al. 1967).

The upland woodlands consist mainly of oak and hickory; however, basswood, sugar maple, beech and ironwood are not unheard of. The floodplains support a variety of trees, in- cluding maples, ash, elm, willows and birch. The sandstone outcrops support various pine species, aspens, hemlock, oaks and maples (Schewegman 1973). The woodlands would have lent

` 7 themselves well to the hickory nut collecting commonly practiced by the local Native

Americans. Maple groves may have also lent themselves well to sap collecting, which was practiced by some Native Americans to make maple sugar. The prairies support a wide variety of grasses, such as blue stem, Indian grass, and prairie dropseed, and wild flowers, such as coneflowers, sunflowers, and wild bergamot. The wetlands support their own variety of plants, such as common reed, cattails and poison sumac. Wetlands plants were important to the Native

Americans. Some plants were collected for food and reeds were collected to make mats, which covered their dwellings (Department of Natural Resources 2014; Millhouse 2010).

These environments support a wide variety of fauna species as well. The woodlands are home to both large and small mammals such as the white-tailed deer, rabbits, raccoon, opos- sum and squirrels. The rivers and streams support a variety of fish, migratory waterfowl and mammals such as muskrats and beavers. The prairies support animals such as prairie ground squirrels, voles, woodchucks and prairie chickens. During the Historic Period, American Bison herds would also have been found in the prairies. The wetlands support a variety of turtles, frogs, migratory waterfowl, and songbirds. All of these animals would have been important to the

Native Americans for hunting; however, the beaver was particularly sought for trade with Euro- peans (Department of Natural Resources 2014; Millhouse 2010; Tanner 1987). CHAPTER 3

REGIONAL HISTORY

Prehistoric Culture History

The Paleo-Indian Period refers to the earliest archaeological period in the Americas. The people who came here were the ancestors of the Native Americans; however, how they came here is still in much debate. In Illinois the Paleo-Indian Period lasted from 10000 to 8000 BC. Native

Americans in this period were highly mobile nomads. They hunted large game, like the mastodon, until the warming climate caused such game to become extinct (Koldehoff and

Walthall 2009; R. Mason 1997). With the warming climate, the spruce and pine forests, that had covered the land, declined, making way for more deciduous species. Native Americans began hunting new species with a smaller range, such as deer, allowing them more opportunity to ex- plore their surroundings. Native Americans began to occupy rock shelters and caves by the Late

Paleo-Indian Period. Material culture commonly associated with Paleo-Indian sites include chipped stone tools such as fluted spear points, scrapers and gravers and bone needles

(Koldehoff and Walthall 2009; R. Mason 1997).

The Archaic period lasted from 8000 to 500 BC. Native Americans continued to live as they had during the Late Paleo-Indian Period throughout the Early Archaic Period. Illinois saw a population increase as the Native Americans began to reoccupy sites and to stay at those sites for longer time periods. The climate continued to warm and, in northern Illinois, this caused the 9 deciduous forests to spread and become thicker, creating a lack of resources for the Native

Americans. Native Americans moved out of the uplands to the floodplains, which provided plentiful and varied resources such as fish, waterfowl, wild roots, tubers and seeds while the nearby uplands provided deer and nuts. A semi-permanent base camp was created near a flood- plain, so that a variety of resources could be reached without moving the occupation. Some of the Native Americans had begun to cultivate certain wild plants for food by the end of the Ar- chaic Period;:starchy grains like goosefoot, erect knotweed, maygrass, and little barley; oily seeds such as sumpweed and sunflower; and native squash. However, cultivation did not occur simultaneously throughout Illinois; not all of these plants were grown in all parts of Illinois nor were they of equal importance. Material culture commonly associated with Archaic sites include chipped stone tools such as corner-notched and stemmed spear points, scrapers, drills, ground stone axes and atlatl weights. Exotic trade items, like shells from the Gulf Coast or copper from the , are also sometimes included, which indicates long-distance trade

(Stoltman 1997; Wiant and Berkson 2009).

The Early (500 BC to AD 100) saw the introduction of pottery. The earliest pottery in northern Illinois is Marion Thick. The Marion Thick pottery is grit tempered.

Vessels had thick, nearly straight walls and a flat base. The vessels were cordmarked and were sometimes decorated with fingernail impressions. Most other aspects of the Early Woodland

Period remained as it had at the end of the Archaic Period.

The Middle Woodland Period (AD 100 to 300) is widely associated with the Hopewell

Interaction Sphere, which began in central Illinois and . The Hopewell cultures are 10 associated with social, political and ritual complexity. One way this complexity is exhibited is through an extensive trade network that traded in exotic raw materials and finely crafted materi- als such as pots, stone pipes, stone points and personal adornment items. The Hopewell cultures are also known for building conical mounds around a log tomb in which the deceased was placed with finely crafted grave goods. Long-distance trade ended by the beginning of the Late Wood- land Period, for reasons unknown ( Farnsworth 2009; Stevenson et al. 1997).

In northern Illinois the Late Woodland Period lasted from AD 300 to 1100, though in some areas certain aspects of the Late Woodland material culture may have persisted until the

Historic Period (Emerson and Titelbaum 2000).

Subsistence strategies varied across northern Illinois throughout the Late Woodland

Period. It is unknown if these differences represented cultural/regional preference or simply part of a seasonal round. Some sites had evidence for a culture of semi-nomadic hunter-gatherers that lived in short-term habitations, with no evidence of cultigens. Houses appeared to be represented by small circular to oval shallow basins with few to no post molds; storage pits and hearths were also shallow. Material culture commonly associated with these sites are ceramic grit-tempered, cord-marked globular jars known as Madison Ware and chipped stone tools such as small triangular points, stemmed and notched points, knives, scrapers, drills, ground stone tools and bone and antler tools (Porubcan et al. 2010; Stevenson et al. 1997). The Shaw Site (11OG188) located in Ogle County on a terrace along the Rock River, is an example of this site type. It con- tained all of the characteristics described above, with the exception of little barley and chenopod found at the site, which could have been cultigens (Emerson and Titlebaum 2000; 11

Mehrer 1996a).

Other sites appeared to represent larger groups that lived in sometimes fortified, semi- permanent to permanent villages that utilized small seasonal camps for specific activities. These sites contained evidence for cultigens of native plants, with some corn being used to supplement a diet of wild food. Some sites contained evidence for keyhole-shaped structures while others had post-mold construction. These sites contained ceramic grit-tempered, cord-marked, collared and uncollared wares and chipped stone tools such as small triangular points, knives, scrapers, drills and ground stone tools. Stemmed and notched points and bone tools were not as common

(Emerson and Titelbaum 2000; Porubcan et al. 2010; Stevenson et al. 1997).

Late Woodland sites (11WO108, 11WO351 and 11WO361) located on the east side of the Rock River, north of its confluence with the Kishwaukee River, seemed to be of this site type. Although evidence for structures was lacking, the sites contained all of the other characteristics listed above. Historical documents and previous site reports also mentioned the presence of effigy mounds in the area (Titelbaum 1999).

Effigy mounds are considered a hallmark of the Late Woodland Period in northern

Illinois, southern Wisconsin and northeast . In northern Illinois they can be found in the

Driftless Area of northwestern Illinois, along the Rock River and the lower reaches of the Fox and Des Plaines Rivers. Effigy mounds, built from AD 800 to 1050 (Porubcan et al. 2010), in- clude large earthen mounds that are zoomorphic and sometimes anthropomorphic in shape. Coni- cal, oval and linear mounds are also common. The mounds were usually constructed on a bluff or a rise overlooking water as part of a group that could number from just a few mounds to 12 a few hundred mounds. Many of the mounds contained flexed, cremated or bundle burials. Most of the burials were interred during the construction of the mound but some were added later.

Burials in mound groups included both genders of all ages and rarely contained any grave offerings, such as pottery, tools or ornaments (Stevenson et al. 1997). This may suggest an egalitarian society. Not all of the mounds contained burials. The exact function of these mounds is unknown. They may have been a representation of their builder’s cosmology, a territorial marker or a landmark indicating a gathering place (Emerson and Titelbaum 2000; Stevenson et al. 1997).

In southern, central and western Illinois, a complex political hierarchy and economic network known as the Middle Mississippian Tradition of the Mississippian Period (AD 1050-

1500s) had developed out of the Late Woodland Period. The Middle Mississippian Tradition is marked by large urban centers surrounded by more rural farming societies. The largest of these urban centers was . Cahokia grew up in central Illinois along the Mississippi River, around AD 1050. Cahokia and other urban centers like it show evidence for complex religious, political, social and economic inequality. They also show evidence of an influx of immigrants, craft specialization, trade of exotic goods and a heavy reliance on corn, which was grown by the rural occupations that surrounded the urban centers. Middle Mississippians lived in rectangular semi-subterranean houses that surrounded an open plaza and earthen flat-topped pyramid mounds. Sites contain thin-walled ceramics with shell temper that show foreign influence in their construction and decoration, chipped stone tri-notched and triangular points, figurines and game pieces (Pauketat 2004). 13

Cahokia's cultural influences radiated outward. Along the peripheries of Cahokia’s influence, which would have included the Middle Rock River, was another, contemporaneous, tradition known as Upper Mississippian. The Upper Mississippian Tradition included several groups that had much less evident social inequality and political complexity. Timothy Pauketat

(2004) suggests that these groups resisted the “Mississippianization” that was happening to the rest of Illinois and farther south. These sites did not contain pyramid mounds, their ceramics seem to have evolved from the Late Woodland and the adoption of corn agriculture was differen- tial before, during and after the Missippian period (Pauketat 2004).

Although this time period has not been thoroughly investigated in the Middle Rock River area, a Langford site (11WO23) was identified near the confluence of the Rock and Kishwaukee

Rivers. Langford is an Upper that dates from c. AD 1200 to 1500. Most

Langford sites are in the Upper Valley and its northeastern tributary valleys, indi- cating that the Langford culture was imported to the Middle Rock River. Langford peoples lived in sizable semi-permanent to permanent villages on terraces along waterways. Their houses were rectangular and semi-subterranean, similar to those found at Cahokia. They were huntergatherers who also grew corn as a subsidiary to their diet. The Langford material culture is marked by their ceramics: black grit-tempered, globular jars with straight or everted rims. They are smooth with trailed decorations being confined to the shoulders. Other material found at Langford sites in- clude chipped stone triangular points and humpbacked knives, shell spoons and bone tools.

There are two types of cemeteries associated with Langford sites. In the first type, the Langford people built small burial mounds close together in a circumscribed area to eventually 14 create a larger mound. In the second type, a low mound-covered burial would later have more burials layered on top of it. In both cases, the cemeteries represent a specialized mortuary area

(Emerson 1998).

Historical Overview of the Historic Period

Europeans came to the St. Lawrence River in during the sixteenth century to be involved in the fish/ industry that was already in full reogression by the 1580s. Native

Americans would trade fish, and later furs, for items that they saw as technologically different from their own native cultural material, such as brass kettles or iron knives, as opposed to their own earthen cooking vessels or lithic knives. The French were the dominant European group in eastern Canada by the seventeenth century and it was the Huron who were the dominant trading partners of the French. The Huron then traded with the vast majority of tribes within the Great

Lakes region. Most of the peoples in the area had no direct contact with Europeans but had access to a limited amount of European goods through trade with the Huron. It must be noted here that the Huron were only used as middlemen by the French due to restrictions placed upon them by the French King; they were not allowed to trade directly with the Natives farther into the interior of the country until those restrictions were eased in 1681 (Ehrhardt 2010).

Mazrim and Esarey (2007) suggest that European goods first appeared in Illinois sometime between 1580 and 1630 in the form of beads and scrap pieces of brass; however, Ehrhardt

(2010) argues that while those dates are possible, there is not enough solid evidence to support a pre-1625 date. 15

The were fighting for dominance in trade by the seventeenth century and in

1649 destroyed Huronia to achieve this end. Many tribes fled west of Lake in the face

of war with the Iroquois (Ehrhardt 2010; Tanner 1987). These refugees included Sauk, Fox,

Kickapoo, , Pottawatomi, Miami, Ottawa, Huron, and Petun. They may have been

attracted by the void left by the major decline of the Winnebago, whose numbers were

devastated through war and disease and then were scattered by the Illinois around 1640 ( Blair

1911-12: 2; Ehrhardt 2010; Mazrim and Esarey 2007).

Wars among the Native Americans disrupted trade until c.1654 when a new French trade post was established in (Mazrim and Esarey 2007). The French then employed the

Ottawa and some remaining Huron as their middlemen (Ehrhardt 2010). However, trade was not reliable again until the 1660s (Mazrim and Esarey 2007).

Mazrim and Esarey (2007) suggest that the 1660s is when the Illinois stepped in as the

major distributor of European goods throughout the . What the French called the

Illinois Country, during the mid-seventeenth century, encompassed all of the present state of

Illinois south of , along with parts of , Iowa and . During this time,

both native and refugee tribes from north and east of populated the area.

The French and British fought each other over the and the upper

Illinois Country through to the end of the seventeenth century ( Mason 1997; McCorvie and

Wagner 2009). The was signed at the end of the in 1763.

As part of the treaty, everything east of the Mississippi was claimed by the British and the Span-

ish claimed everything west of the Mississippi (Broihahn 2008; Millhouse 2010). 16

Consequently, the British became the main trading partners of the Native Americans in the Great

Lakes region. The British not only traded European goods to the Native Americans, they also made gifts of trade items to create positive relationships with the Natives.

Spain, Great Britain and the newly created United States of America (US) were fighting for control of the Illinois Country during the American Revolutionary War (1775-1783). The

Illinois themselves, who lived along the Illinois River, did their trading in St. Louis. At this time,

St. Louis was under the control of with a Spanish ; however, French traders were allowed to stay and do business. Spain wanted to take control over the region, so they began building and populating towns along the west side of the Mississippi River. With strong French and new Spanish ties, the Native Americans in this area took a neutral or anti-British stance in the war. However, when France declared its support of the US in 1777, the Native Americans with French ties fought to support the US, unlike the Native Americans in the Great Lakes region, who mostly supported the British. The burning of Saukenuk (a pro-British village) by a

US force with some Spanish and French allies in 1780 was the only attack on a Native American village in the Illinois Country during the Revolutionary War (Tanner 1987).

The beginning of the American Period in Illinois is traditionally marked by the US capture of the British-held town of in in 1778. Soon after the US take-over of the Illinois Country, US settlers came, mostly from the Carolinas, and

Tennessee, to populate southern Illinois (McCorvie and Wagner 2009).

Spain relinquished its claim back to France in 1802. France then sold it to the United

States in 1803; this is known as the Purchase. One of the first acts of the US 17 government there was the Treaty of 1804, enacted by , the newly ap- pointed US governor in St. Louis and territorial governor of and the newly acquired Lou- isiana . Harrison made a treaty with some members of the Sauk and Meskwakie (Fox) tribes in 1804, which gave ownership of all land east of the Mississippi River, between the Wis- consin and Illinois Rivers, to the US. The Native Americans signed this treaty without full knowledge of what it meant. The Sauk and Fox were given a payment of goods worth $2,234.50, a promise of annual annuities worth $600 for the Sauk and $400 for the Fox and the right to re- main living and hunting on the land (Trask 2006). The Sauk and Fox lived near the mouth of the

Rock River but the land they signed over to the US was occupied by the Pottawatomie, Win- nebago and as well, who received nothing from this treaty (Tanner 1987). The rest of the members of the Sauk and Fox tribes, who did not sign, contested the treaty, saying that the individuals who signed it had no authority to do so. The dissension among the Sauk and

Fox caused by the Treaty of 1804 would eventually culminate in the War of 1832

(Black Hawk 1833, Broihahn 2008, Millhouse 2010; Trask 2006). The Pottawatomie also contested the treaty, saying that the Illinois River Valley had never been a part of the Sauk terri- tory and so was not theirs to give away. The Pottawatomie not only spoke about this but also be- gan to concentrate their numbers in the Illinois River Valley (Bishop and Campbell 1979).

The Treaty of 1804 also allowed the US to build government-run trade factories. The US government created the Office of Indian Affairs to set up trade posts, usually near military forts.

This was mainly done in an attempt to steal the Native American loyalties from the British, who were actively trading in the Great Lakes region. However, the US trade factories were so poorly 18 managed that most Native Americans would not trade there. Thomas McKenny, head of the

Office of Indian Affairs, wanted to assimilate the Native Americans into “civilized” life.

McKenny stocked the factories with items he wanted the Native Americans to have, like farming equipment. The US trade factories sold low-quality, US-made items for higher prices than that of the higher quality British-made items sold by other traders. John Jacob Astor, a private entrepre- neur, created the in 1808. The company grew quickly by selling high- quality British goods at low costs by company traders who lived near or in Native American vil- lages, which fostered good relations between the Native Americans and the American Fur Com- pany traders. The US fur trade system was disbanded in 1822, leaving Astor to dominate the fur trade without competition (Folsom 1997). The fur trade in the US became so profitable that it threatened Great Britain’s mercantile power, which, in part, led to the

(Perkins 1961). Due to the scarcity of formal US military presence within the lower Great Lakes area, the war there was mainly fought between pro-British and pro-US Native Americans. Most of the Native Americans who were in the present state of Illinois were either neutral or pro-

British; however,a concentration of pro-US Native Americans was located in Ohio, who were mainly , Wyndot and (Tanner 1987).

The divide of loyalties among the Native Americans stemmed from an earlier division of religion. The early nineteenth century saw a spread of Protestant in the lower Great

Lakes area. This gave rise to the Native American prophets: Native American religious leaders who granted visions from the Great Spirit directing them on how to live and indicating who was not living appropriately (Tanner 1987; Wagner 2001, 2011). During the late eighteenth and early 19 nineteenth centuries, with the US moving into the area, it became exceedingly important for the

Native Americans to find some way for their culture to survive. While some decided to cling to their traditional ways, others decided that assimilation was a better strategy.

Teskwatawa (the Shawnee Prophet) and his brother led a movement to unite the Native Americans against the growing population of Europeans,and the US. Native

Americans traveled from all over to see the Shawnee Prophet in person and to hear him speak.

However, the British dissuaded the Seven Nations of lower Canada from going to any of the councils and the eastern groups who were being led by the Delaware Prophet, Handsome Lake, also did not attend. Part of Teskwatawa's message included giving up all things Euro-American and returning to “traditional” ways of living (Nativist). The Prophet went on a vision quest during which the Great Spirit told him how the Native American people could be saved by giving up European food, weapons, and material goods and by rejecting those who did not return to the old ways (Wagner 2001, 2011). The movement had strong followings among the Kickapoo and Pottawatomie. In 1808 the Shawnee Prophet established a Pan-Indian village in Indiana known as Tippecanoe or Prophetstown (Tanner 1987; Wagner 2011; White 1991).

At the same time, another faction of Native Americans believed that through selective assimilation into Euro-American society they would avoid removal and be able to retain some cultural identity (Accommodationist). Leaders like of the Miami, Black Hoof of the

Shawnee, Five Medals of the Pottawatomie and Handsome Lake of the Delaware ignored

Teskwatawa's cry for tribes to unite, focusing their attentions on protecting their own. They decided to work with the US, “including the cession of tribal lands, acceptance of tribal 20 annuities, and participation in government-sponsored ‘civilization’ or acculturation programs designed to eradicate native economic, social, and religious practices” (Wagner 2011, p.76).

During the War of 1812, these Native Americans fought on the side of the US; the followers of

Teskwatawa and Tecumseh fought on the side of the British (Tanner 1987; White 1991).

The controversy came to a head during the War of 1812 between war leader Tecumseh and Governor Harrison. Tecumseh and his followers fought against the US; however, the follow- ing severely diminished with the death of Tecumseh in 1813. The movement still continued, at least among the Kickapoo and some Winnebago, into the early 1830s. It was this movement, with a vision from Wabokieshiek, the Winnebago Prophet, that prompted the Sauk with some

Fox and Kickapoo to follow Black Hawk back east of the Mississippi River in 1832, which started the (Trask 2006; Wagner 2001, 2011).

At the end of the War of 1812, the British were completely expelled from the Great

Lakes region and replaced by the US in 1814. While the US traded with the Native Americans, it was not their main goal, the main goal being to settle the area (Trask 2006). Following the end of the war, the U.S. requested that the Fox and other tribes confirm the Treaty of 1804 in what became the Treaty of 1816. Initially most of the tribes refused but, the treaty was eventually signed by the Sauk, Fox, Ojibway, Ottawa and Pottawatomie, who were the main tribes in the area. Black Hawk was one of those to sign the treaty ( Millhouse 2010; Trask 2006). Winnebago villages were mostly north of the area described in the treaty, and so the Winnebago were not asked to sign (Tanner 1987).

During the early 1820s, the lead mining district, bordered by the Apple River in 21 northwest Illinois, the in southwest Wisconsin and the west bank of the

Mississippi River in northeast Iowa, had a large influx of US settlers, leading to the settlement of the town of Galena. Galena on the Mississippi River and Chicago on Lake Michigan were the only US settlements in northern Illinois at the time. This is the time of the first recorded history of the Middle Rock River as US settlers and traders moved between the two settlements

(Millhouse 2010; Tanner 1987; Trask 2006).

Many of the Native groups were moving westward throughout the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, in response to the growing pressure of US settlers coming from the east. The , who lived in the west, went to war with those who were coming into their traditional territory (northwest Wisconsin, , northwest Iowa, eastern and eastern ), and so some tribes, such as the Winnebago and Pottawatomie, turned south instead. By the early nineteenth century, the Pottawatomie had moved south along the west side of Lake Michigan and the Winnebago had moved south along the Rock River. These areas also contained the Chippewa and Ottawa and the Sauk and Fox, respectively (Tanner 1825).

The US wanted to stop the hostilities caused by the pressure of the overlapping Native

American in the area because it made trade and travel much more dangerous. Repre- sentatives of the US, Sioux, Sauk, Fox, Menominee, Ioway, Winnebago, and the Council of the Three Fires (Chippewa, Ottawa and Pottawatomie) signed the first Treaty of Prairie du

Chien on August 19th, 1825. This treaty put formal boundary lines for each group's territory, where there previously had been none, restricting each to live and hunt in their own territory. So the Rock River became the boundary between the Winnebago on the west and the Pottawatomie 22 to the east (American State Papers 1834).

Only four years later, the US government began a concerted effort, in 1829, to remove the remaining Native Americans from Illinois. In this year, two separate treaties were signed at

Prairie du Chien, one by representatives of the Winnebago and the other by the Pottawatomie.

Both treaties ceded land in northwest Illinois and southwest Wisconsin to the US. These were lands in and around the profitable lead mining district. As part of the Winnebago Treaty of

1829, those of mixed European and Winnebago descent, who did not wish to leave with their groups were each granted their choice of two-square-mile plots of land. These lands could not be sold without the approval of the US President (Church 1900; Kett & Co. 1877a). One such prop- erty was granted to Joseph, son of Joseph Thibault. Joseph was of mixed descent through his

French father and his Winnebago mother. The father Joseph was an early trader in the Rock River Val- ley who occupied a trading post at Turtle Village, the present location of Beloit, Wisconsin. The record of deeds in Winnebago County confirmed that part of Joseph Thibault's chosen land was the part of Section 21 (Township 43 north, Range 1 east) northwest of the Rock River; how- ever, it is unknown if he ever lived there. Joseph sold the land approximately ten years later. Ac- cording to the record of deeds, he was living in the at the time of the sale

(Winnebago County Recorder of Deeds [Co. Recorder] 1836-1849, p. 218). This fractional sec- tion is the area that contains a terrace occupied by the Ruel Village Site (11WO24). Although the site is currently recorded as a Middle Woodland Hopewell village, historical documents, like the

Thibault deed, may suggest that the Native Americans of the Historic Period identified the ter- race as a traditional occupation area and in general that the Rock-Kishwaukee River area was 23 a satisfactory location to live (Department of Natural Resources 2015).

Black Hawk War 1832

The Sauk and Fox had lived in the village of Saukenuk at the mouth of the Rock River for approximately one hundred years prior to the Black Hawk War. By 1832 they no longer lived at Saukenuk, the land having been ceded in the Treaty of 1804 and again in the Treaty of 1816.

The US government opened the land in and around Saukenuk to settlement in 1829. It was then that most of the Sauk and Fox followed , an Accommodationist, to establish new villages west of the Mississippi. Black Hawk, a Sauk, had led warriors against the US in the War of 1812 and continued to be friendly with the British. Black Hawk and his warriors, known as the

“,” stayed in Saukenuk until 1831, when they finally joined the rest of the Sauk and Fox to the west. On April 15th, 1832, Black Hawk led approximately five hundred Sauk and Fox warriors, consisting mainly of the British Band, with five hundred women and chil- dren across the Mississippi River, initially, with the intention to return to Saukenuk to plant their crops. The land at Saukenuk was fertile and had supported them for the past one hundred years. The land they had moved to in Iowa was not nearly as plentiful.

In response to the group's crossing, Governor John Reynolds called out the and

General ordered ten companies of regulars to Fort Armstrong at Rock Island.

However, the group did not attempt reoccupation of Saukenuk but continued along the Rock

River to a multi-tribal village led by the Winnebago Prophet, Wabekieshiek, at present-day

Prophetstown, Illinois. Black Hawk knew that the army and the militia would be waiting for him 24 and so he was visiting villages, sending messengers, and holding councils trying to convince other Natives to join them in taking back their land; however, it did not go well. Black Hawk sent word as far as eastern Texas but received only a little help. The main part of the band con- tinued north along the Rock River. For five weeks the group had been east of the Mississippi

River and not one hostility had occurred. By May the group had made it to a village at the con- fluence of the Rock and Kishwaukee rivers. Here he received more disheartening news; the Pot- tawatomie at the village did not help him either (Bishop and Campbell 1979; Tanner 1987; Trask

2006).

Black Hawk was holding council at another Pottawatomie village on the South Branch of the Kishwaukee when he learned of a party of militia moving towards them. Black Hawk's memoir states that he sent runners with a white flag to lead them back to his camp so they might discuss his group heading back across the Mississippi, unmolested. The militia, under Captain

Isiah Stillman, attacked the runners and followed them back to their camp. Upon reaching Black

Hawk's camp, the militia panicked and retreated. This initial encounter caused approximately

3,000 militia and hundreds of regulars to chase 1,000 Native American warriors, women and children all over northern Illinois and southern Wisconsin for four months. Terrified of Black

Hawk's band, settlers moved to the nearest fort; but if a fort was not available, one was hastily constructed (Trask 2006).

By August 1832, Black Hawk's group had long been without provisions. Receiving little to no help from other Native Americans, they had to eat tree bark to survive. A few Winnebago had joined Black Hawk. The Winnebago, who acted as guides for the US troops, led the troops away from Black Hawk. However, this only slowed them down. Colonel caught up 25 with the retreating band near present-day Wisconsin Heights. Although outnumbered, Black

Hawk's warriors turned to hold off the US troops to give the women and children time to escape across the Wisconsin River. A week later, Dodge caught up with them again at Bad Axe, Wis- consin, on the shores of the Mississippi River. Here a gunboat and troops on land attacked Black

Hawk and his band. Again the warriors tried to hold off the US troops so the women and chil- dren could escape across the river, but many of them did not make it; the women and children were deliberately shot as they tried to flee. Many of those who managed to escape west of the Mississippi were killed a few days later by a band of Dakotas. Only about two hundred of the original one thousand were able to make it back to their villages in Iowa. Black Hawk, his son, his principal lieutenant, (named Neapope) and the Winnebago Prophet were all four taken into custody (Tanner 1987; Trask 2006). The US government used the Black Hawk War as a pre- text to remove all Native Americans, Accommodationist and Nativist alike, from Illinois to west of the Mississippi. The last first-hand accounts of Native American habitations in northern Illi- nois are from 1835 (Kett & Co.1877b; Trask 2006; Wagner 2001, 2011). CHAPTER 4

TRIBAL HISTORIES

Winnebago

The Winnebago are a Siouan-speaking people whose traditional history states that their original home was in the of Wisconsin, on the shores of Green Bay (Blair 1911-

12: 2; Jipson 1923; 1924; Quackenbush pers. comm. 2015; Radin 1923; Tanner 1987). The Win- nebago are thought to have evolved from the culture, which lasted from c.1580 to 1630

(Esarey 2009; Mazrim and Esarey 2007; Overstreet 1997). Evidence of this is mostly based on ethnohistorical resources written by Europeans on the northern edge of Oneota territory between

1630 and 1650. The French Jesuits and traders referred to these people as “Gens du Mer,” a

French term meaning people of the sea, or “Puans,” an Algonquin name for the people living at the entrance of what is now Green Bay on the northwest side of Lake Michigan; loosely trans- lated it means “stinkards” or “people of the stinking waters.” A tribe visited by in

1634 was a part of the larger Puan nation but was called “Ounipegong” (Winnebago) by the Ot- tawa, an Algonquin-speaking people. The first recorded history of the Winnebago was in

1642 by French Jesuits who were recounting Jean Nicolet's expedition. Nicolet is the first known European to enter Wisconsin; hence, Winnebago is the name that persisted in the historical records (Ehrhardt 2010; Overstreet 1997;Radin 1923).

The Winnebago's numbers had been severely diminished through disease and warfare 27 around 1640. Bacqueville de la Potherie, French Royal Commissioner to Canada, wrote a manu- script in 1722. Much of his information came from Nicholas Perrot, an early French trader. La

Potherie relates the tale that the Winnebago, who did not trade with the French, were fighting with the “Ouataouaks,” who did trade with the French. The Winnebago then fell into civil war, diminishing their numbers and making them vulnerable to outside attacks by the Illinois. The

Winnebago disbanded their civil war to unite in one village. Their numbers were further dimin- ished by disease. They took refuge on an island where they Illinois attacked them. Most of the

Winnebago were either killed or captured (Blair 1911-12; 1, pp. 293-301).

Soon after, there was an influx of other native groups from the east moving into

Winnebago territory. At this time the Winnebago lived in multi-tribal villages with those moving into their territory (Blair 1911-12: 2; Clifton 1977 ; Mazrim and Esarey 2007; Sasso and Joyce

2006; Tanner 1987). The French Jesuits state that by 1742 approximately half of the Winnebago had moved south, relocating on the Rock River at , in what is now Wisconsin

(Jipson 1923, 1924; Tanner 1987). By the beginning of the nineteenth century the Winnebago had moved further south along the Rock River.

By 1812 the Winnebago had settled as far south on the Rock River as present-day

Prophetstown, Illinois, approximately 40 miles northeast of the mouth of the Rock River, and the

Sauk village, Saukenuk. Two other villages were noted in historical documents along the Rock

River, both in the vicinity of Grand Detour (Bauxar 1978; Mehrer 1996b; Trask 2006). Still other

Winnebago villages were located on the at this time, including Winnesheek’s village, at the present site of Freeport, Illinois (Bauxar 1978). In 1815, the US government 28 described the Winnebago territory as having the Rock River as its eastern boundary and stretch- ing from Lake Winnebago in Wisconsin south to Prophetstown, Illinois (American State Papers

1834). According to Tanner (1987), by 1830 less than fifteen percent of the Winnebago were liv- ing in northern Illinois, spread out among six villages, the majority living in Wisconsin. Many of the Rock River Winnebago sided with Black Hawk in 1832. Consequently, after Black Hawk’s defeat, many of the Rock River Winnebago villages in Illinois were abandoned as they either moved west of the Mississippi, north into Wisconsin or into other multi-tribal villages on the

Rock River (Bauxer 1978; Tanner 1987).

Through a series of treaties between 1825 and 1837, the Winnebago had ceded to the US all of their territory east of the Mississippi River ( Bishop and Campbell 1979; Black Hawk

1833; Kett & Co. 1877a; McMakin 2010 ; Murphy 1995, 2000 ; Tanner 1987; Trask 2006;

White 1991). Although the US repeatedly tried to remove the Winnebago to west of the Missis- sippi, their descendants, the Ho-Chunk, still live in Wisconsin today (Bishop and Campbell

1979, McMakin 2010; Quackenbush 2015).

Pottawatomie

The Pottawatomie are an Algonquin-speaking people who emigrated to the northwest side of Lake Michigan during the mid-seventeenth century and lived in multi-tribal villages with the Winnebago, Sauk, Menominee, Ottawa, Huron and Tionontati near Green Bay. They then be- gan to move south and east, along the coast of Lake Michigan. By 1695, there were at least 200

Pottawatomie warriors and their families living in southwest Michigan and , 29 near the St. Joseph River. There was enough of a population there that the French established a mission to serve the Pottawatomie’s religious needs. By the mid-eighteenth century the Pot- tawatomie had joined with two other Algonquin-speaking tribes, the Ottawa and Chippewa, to form the known as the Three Fires. The main goal of the confederation was to drive the Illinois out of the Illinois Country (Foreman 1940). They succeeded and became the prominent group on the southwest side of Lake Michigan, with villages along the northern Illi- nois River (Blair 1911-12: 2; Clifton 1977; Mazrim and Esarey 2007; Sasso and Joyce 2006;

Tanner 1987).

At the end of the eighteenth century, the US began their “civilization” policy, an attempt to assimilate the Native American people while eradicating their culture. The main focus of this policy was resettling single families into log cabins, using US farming practices and European goods. Items such as hats, shoes, domesticated food animals, refined earthenware pottery, formal dining utensils, log architecture, farming equipment and crops were seen by both Native

Americans and the US as symbols of assimilation. Some of the Pottawatomie, such as Five

Medals and Topinabee, decided to accept these symbols so that they would be allowed to stay on their lands in peace (Secunda 2006; Wagner 2011).

A US government document mentions that the Pottawatomie were living on the Rock

River in 1815 (American State Papers 1834). In 1823 Major Stephan Harriman Long undertook an expedition to find the source of the St. Peter's River. During his travels, Major Long came upon two multi-tribal villages along the Kishwaukee River, one comprised mainly of Menomi- nee with some Pottawatomie who had intermarried with them, the other comprised of 30

Pottawatomie, Chippewa, Ottawa, Menominee and Winnebago (Keating 1825; McMakin 2010;

Tanner 1987).

Through a series of treaties between 1816 and 1829, much of the Pottawatomie territory in Illinois had been ceded to the US (Bishop and Campbell 1979; Black Hawk 1833; Kett & Co.

1877a; McMakin 2010; Murphy 1995; 2000; Tanner 1987; Trask 2006; White 1991). Most of the Pottawatomie sided with the US in the Black Hawk War of 1832, for this they were allowed to hunt and fish on ceded land. However soon after, settlers accused the Pottawatomie of break- ing fences, burning a bridge and entering into a war alliance with the Winnebago (Trask 2006).

This was used as a pretext on December 3rd, 1832, when the governor ordered the Pottawatomie to leave Illinois. The rest of the Pottawatomie lands were ceded in 1833, (Bishop and Campbell

1979; Tanner 1987; Trask 2006). CHAPTER 5

THEORY

The research presented in this thesis stems from the conflicting information of Historic

Period Native American villages presented in the historical and archaeological records. The historical records show that Native American villages were present in the Middle Rock River during the Historic Period, but they have not been found archaeologically. The goal is to explore reasons for the absence of archaeological sites that the historical documents suggest are there.

The framework for this thesis is set by combining middle-range theory with the historical archaeology approach.

Middle-Range Theory

middle-range theory began as a means in sociology to build theories about the causes of human social behavior. In archaeology, however, middle-range theory is used to explain site formation. It uses analogies drawn from ethnographies, ethnohistories, and experimental archaeology to explain the cultural behaviors and natural processes that created an archaeological site (Binford 1967; Hodder and Hutson1986; Raab and Goodyear 1984; Warrick 2008). For instance, Lewis Binford, a major proponent of middle-range theory, observed how modern huntergatherers created waste, then used those observations to explain the formation of

Paleolithic sites. Binford also examined a site in the eastern US with pits surrounding it, all of which contained burned 32 corn cobs. Using previously documented ethnographic information, he was able to ascertain that these were smudge pits used to keep mosquitoes away (Binford 1967).

The theory rests on the assumption that people having a similar sociopolitical level of complexity and level of technology, who also live in similar environments, will behave in similar ways (Binford 1967; Raab and Goodyear 1984; Sutton 2003). This theory does not pertain to a culture's beliefs, history or ideals, simply their actions that produce material that could later be found by an archaeologist. As such, some archaeologists view it as a methodology and not as a theory. These contenders believe that the middle-range theory would be better used to explain human behavior, not simply as a tool to explain the material remains (Hodder and Hutson 1986;

Warrick 2008). However;Raab and Goodyear 1984, middle-range theory links static material re- mains with the specific behaviors that create the remains. It draws heavily from more modern ex- amples to give plausible explanations of how people created the archaeological record. Once the archaeologist understands the material remains in a quantifiable way, she or he can compare it with other sites to develop a pattern that then becomes the standard for understanding that time period and/or culture (South 1977).

Historical Archaeology Approach

The historical archaeology approach is a methodology that uses historical documents to better understand the archaeological remains. While middle-range theory helps to answer how a site was formed, the historical archaeology approach helps to answer why a site formed where and how it did. 33

When historical archaeology began in the United States during the 1920s it was entirely focused on Euro-American Colonial sites connected with a wealth of documentation. The plethora of “facts” in the historical documentation led many to question why historical archaeology was needed. However, by comparing archaeological data with historical documents, archaeologists are able to improve their theories and methodologies and better interpret their data. Even in the absence of archaeological data, the documents can help archaeologists to understand the time and the culture. This understanding which can identify why the absence exists could then lead to the development of hypotheses to be tested by future researchers

(Lightfoot 1995; Naunapper 2000; Orser 1995).

The historical documents, while being a useful tool, are rife with bias that must first be understood in order to make the texts useful to the researcher. Europeans and Euro-Americans wrote documents during the Historic Period about their own lives from their own personal and cultural perspective and for their own reasons; consequently, the documents provide a Euro- centric view of history. Additionally, it was Euro-Americans doing research on Euro-American sites, providing a Euro-centric focus to historical archaeology. The focus on Euro-American sites created the view that all archaeology focusing on Native Americans was prehistoric, almost ignoring their presence during the Historic Period. However, archaeology has the potential to provide information on those not well documented, such as the Native Americans (Lightfoot

1995; Naunapper 2000; Orser 1995).

In response to the Euro-centric research, archaeologists began to use the “post-colonial” approach, studying the impact Europeans had on Native American cultures. Historical sources 34 can be most helpful in this approach when looking at multiple interacting cultures and ethnic groups to make sense of the intermixed data (Naunapper 2000). Lightfoot (1995) argues as his- torical archaeology is “an interface of common concern, culture contact studies may revitalize holistic anthropological approaches that consider multiple lines of evidence from ethnohistorical accounts, ethnographic observations, linguistic data, native oral traditions, archaeological materials and biological remains” (Lightfoot 1995, p. 199).

To understand the Native Americans of the Historic Period, one has to understand the changes that occurred to their cultures due to the arrival of the Europeans and Euro-Americans.

Material culture and the biological remains of Native Americans show that changes occurred prior to them physically meeting the Europeans. European material goods and diseases were spread by various Native American groups ahead of the Europeans' progression into the country

(Mason 1997; Mazrim and Easery 2007; Tanner 1987). By the 1820s when the Euro-Americans were settling in northern Illinois, vast changes had already occurred within the lives and culture of the Native Americans living in the area. The degree of change was highly variable between and Native American villages. While some took on as much European material and practices as they could, others only took on some of the material and none of the practices

(Mason 1997; Tanner 1987; Wagner 2001, 2011). The historical and archaeological records con- tain evidence for the Native Americans' differing views of the Europeans and Euro-Americans and the actions taken because of these views, such as the establishment of domestic settlements, trading posts, and the use life of artifacts; a good example are the Mines of Spain in Iowa.

The wife of Peosta, a local Fox chief, discovered a large lead deposit, that became 35 known throughout the region around the end of the Revolutionary War. Julian Debuque, a

Frenchman, received permission from the Fox to mine Pesota's wife's lead deposit in 1788. He was also given permission to prospect and mine additional deposits in Fox territory. Debuque's settlement was adventagous to the Fox as it gave them access to trade goods, is evidenced by the

Fox villages that were established near the mines shortly after Debuque settled there. Over the next few decades of trading and working together Debuque and the Fox developed a friendly re- lationship. Debuque's relationship with the Fox caused the U.S. to hire him as an in

1808. With tension growing between the US and the British it was important for the US to keep their Native allies. Debuque helped do this by giving gifts to the Fox. Debuque died in 1810. The

Fox gave him a respectful ceremony and buried him on a high bluff. Soon after Debuque's death, the Fox discovered that he had sold some of the land granted to him by the

Fox. In anger, the Fox burned all of Debuque's buildings and possessions. The Fox felt betrayed and refused to permit any Euro-American near the mines (Kett 1878, Millhouse 2010, Pike

1811). Several archaeological investigations took place over the years, beginning as early as the late ninteenth century. Archaeological investigations have confirmed the Fox presence in the

Mines of Spain area and found evidence of various activities relating to lead mining. Julian

Debuque's grave location has always been known, due to the wooden monument placed over it by the Fox, a testament of their respect. The Euro-American residents soon replaced the wooden monument with a stone version, which still presently stands. (Alex 2000; Prior et al. 1991).

Through the use of middle-range theory and the historical archaeology approach, archae- ologists can address how and why these views and actions occurred. Presumably, the 36 views and actions that took place in the past would have created patterns on the landscape that can be observed in the present. Additionally, patterns can be observed within a site.

Archaeologists can develop and test a theory for settlement patterns of Historic Period Native

Americans to determine high-probability areas for Historic Period Native American sites through further research and observation of patterns, within sites and between sites across the landscape.

Problems in Historic Period Native American Archaeology

As stated earlier, this thesis is, partly, about answering why Historic Period Native

American sites in the Middle Rock River have not been located, even though historical documents mention their existence. With this goal in mind, the problems facing someone researching this topic need to be identified. Once identified, possible solutions can be proposed to solve these problems.

Archaeological sites in Illinois span about 12,000 years. Native Americans reoccupied sites over multiple time periods; some were later occupied by Euro-Americans, in many cases destroying much of the evidence of the site's previous occupants. The Historic Period of the

Native Americans in northern Illinois covers only about twenty years (c.1820-1840), marked by the influx of settlers to northwest Illinois during the 1820s lead mining rush to the late 1830s, when Native Americans began leaving northern Illinois. This leaves a very small window for the creation of Historic Period Native American sites and associated features unless during that pe- riod Native Americans were continuing to inhabit places they had lived previously. It is the 37 potential lack of material that makes it challenging to find the archaeological remains of these villages. The Native American population was dwindling due to disease, warfare and forced removal, and the trade items that are diagnostic to this time period are scarcely found (Mason

1997; Millhouse 2010). These factors would tend to make Historic Native American villages small in size and difficult to distinguish from Late Prehistoric sites. Moreover, artifacts from that era, when identified, are usually found in mixed contexts, making the cultural and temporal affil- iation uncertain. We do not have a good understanding of traditional Native-made artifacts used by Native Americans during the Historic Period because so few Historic Period Native American components have been isolated and studied. This lack of information further complicates the identification of Historic Period Native American sites lacking European trade items.

Additionally, with the availability of documentation, archaeologists studying Historic

Period Native American sites are expected to answer more questions than what can be answered by the physical remains of a site alone. Thus, archaeologists deal with at least three research problems: (1) linking physical evidence to historical written records, (2) linking a site, ethnically, to a historically known native tribe, and (3) determining the timing and scale of native involve- ment with Europeans and Euro-Americans as land changed hands and settlers moved in.

Textual to Physical Evidence

Our understanding of the Historic Period in the study area is largely based on historical records. Using those records to find a physical archaeological site proves very difficult. 38

Historical records are usually very vague about the locations they mention. This is especially true for earlier records, partly because of the lack of named landmarks; the authors used a named body of water or a specific settler’s claim which, in many cases, is no longer known. It is also partly because the authors each had their own agenda, and rarely was that agenda posterity. Often these authors were government-hired explorers looking for access to Native land or an easier and faster way to travel through that land. Such was the case with Captain , who was or- dered in 1805 to travel into the with objectives to gain native land for trade posts or forts and to create peace among the natives. He was to record his journey concentrating

“particularly upon geographical structure, the natural history, and the population of the coun- try…” (Pike 1811). Major Stephan H. Long was ordered on an expedition to find the source of the St. Peter’s River. The book documenting his expedition gives more detail of the geology and topography of the land than it does the land’s inhabitants; the few mentions of Native American villages gave more to describing the character of the people than their location (Keating 1825).

Other times the document is a personal memoir, documenting the authors' days and their impressions of their surroundings from memory. Often these types of documents are filled with bias and subjective representations of the author and others. Mrs. Juliette Kinzie, for example, published her memoir, Wau-bun, in 1856, but the story begins in 1830. Mrs. Kinzie gave descrip- tions of what she saw in her travels and secondhand descriptions of other important events, like the attack of in Chicago. The preface states that the book was published so that people would know just how different things were in those days and be thankful for the progress 39

that had occurred since then. Throughout her memoir, however, Mrs. Kinzie seems to make great efforts to make her husband, John H. Kinzie, look good, possibly in the hopes of furthering his career (Kinzie 1856). John H. Kinzie was a trader for the American Fur Company in Chicago from 1804-1823; he also became the Indian sub-agent for in the 1820s. The

Kinzies then returned to Chicago in 1833 where ran for mayor and in 1857 he be- came the president for the Chicago Board of Underwriters (Chicago's First Half Century 1883), the year after Wau-bun was published.

The Illinois county historians do seem to be writing for posterity; however, all of the his- tories use the first few chapters to tie the county and the state to other important historical events. County histories usually begin with the landing of Columbus or sometimes the French entering the Illinois area, becoming more detailed and specific as they go on. When speaking of the Native Americans, many of the earliest county histories refer to them only within European memory and history, claiming that the mysterious, non-Native American, “mound-builders” were in Illinois prior to the Native Americans. Harking back to a time before the county existed seems to be an effort to tie the county to something larger, older, more European and more important than its small arbitrary borders. The county histories also rely on the memories of people who may or may not have remembered accurately. Authors of county histories often state the locations of Native American villages based on memories or lore. The Boone County history, for example, states:

…Mrs. John K. Towner is the only living representative. Forty-two years ago… When the Towners came the Pottawattomies were encamped here-on or in close proximity to the fair grounds… (Kett & Co. 1877b, p. 331) 40

Using historical documents to locate an Historic Period Native American site is difficult.

The documents give general locations, such as when Keating (1825) mentions a Pottawatomie village in a bend of the Kishwaukee River. The entire length of the Kishwaukee River has many curves and twists, leaving it in question which bend Keating was talking about. It is for these reasons that archaeologists use the historical documents more as an interpretive tool rather than a map to locate sites.

Ethnicity in the Archaeological Record

Native Americans of the Historic Period in northern Illinois often lived in multi-ethnic settlements. In some cases, similar to many Native Americans in the Great Lakes area, they may have given up the use of indigenous technology in favor of European-made items (Mason 1997;

Sasso and Joyce 2006; Wagner 2001, 2011). Ethnicity is flexible through , political and/ or religious affiliations. It can be ascribed or achieved. With documents, one or more of these types of identities can be known of the inhabitants of a site. Pokagon Village provides an exam- ple. Leopold Pokagon was the namesake of the Pokagon Pottawatomie in southern Michigan and northern Indiana. Pokagon was born an Ojibwa and was later adopted by the Pottawatomie. He and his band later identified themselves as Christian, which allowed them to avoid removal. This chain of changing identity would probably never have been known without documentation

(Schurr 2006).

For prehistoric times, archaeologists commonly name cultures after a specific ceramic type; the ceramic type name in turn is used to represent the culture present at a site (Ehrhardt 41

2010; Mason 1997). Many Native Americans had almost completely stopped making ceramics in the 1700s, trading for brass and iron kettles instead. Other common trade items included iron points, knives and axes, guns, glass beads and textiles. By the 1820s, trade items were so readily available and with a uniform inventory that a homogenization of material culture occurred, making ethnicity difficult to recognize by the material remains alone (Mason 1997).

For example, the Windrose site is an early nineteenth-century Native American village on the in northeastern Illinois. The site contained a large amount of native-made artifacts (n=1,369) spread over a large area and only a small clustering of European items

(n=542). The European goods consisted of gun parts, lead shot, iron projectile points, redware pottery sherds, glass and wampum beads, animal traps, metal horse trappings, iron fishing and gardening tools and brass, copper, and tin container parts (Wagner 2001). There was, however, a significant absence of European architectural, clothing and agricultural items that would be associated with European log cabins. Whether the items found at the site were acquired from the

British prior to the War of 1812 or from the Euro-Americans afterward is unknown. Many of the

European goods at the site had been reworked to suit native uses. Exhausted silver, brass, iron and tin items were reworked into tinkler cones, hair tubes, iron arrow points and silver ornaments of native fashion. Of pure native creation were the many lithic projectile points and stone pipes at Windrose. Other than the fact that the site's occupants were obviously Native American, the material remains alone cannot reveal the occupants’ ethnicity. However, through archival research, this site was found to be a Pottawatomie village known as “Little Rock” and that it was occupied from 1800 to 1836. Archival research also, connects the location of the site to Main 42

Poc, a known supporter of the Nativist movement (a social movement among Native Americans who wished to live more traditionally, see Chapter 3 ), which explains the continued creation of the lithic points and pipes (Wagner 2001).

Duration and Scale

One of the tasks for an archaeologist studying Native Americans in the Historic Period is to ascertain the duration and scale of a group’s or site’s socioeconomic and political involvement with other tribes and Euro-Americans. In the 1820s there was an influx of settlers to the lead mining region of northwest Illinois while Chicago was settled in northeast Illinois. In the Middle

Rock River area, however, there were only a few European/ Euro-American traders (Barge 1918;

Black Hawk 1833; Blair 1911-12; Carr 1898; Jipson 1923; 1924; Keating 1825; Kett 1877;

Kinzie 1856; Chicago's First Half Century 1833; Tanner 1987; Trask 2006). With a standing population of Euro-Americans in the northern corners of Illinois, Native Americans and Euro-

Americans were in frequent contact and occasional conflict. In the Middle Rock River area, how- ever, contact between Native Americans and Europeans/Euro-Americans was mostly limited to trade. Historical documents do not note any large violent conflicts between Euro-Americans and

Native Americans in this area during the early 1800s until the Black Hawk War in 1832 (Barge

1918; Black Hawk 1833; Blair 1911-12; Carr 1898; Jipson 1923, 1924; Keating 1825; Kett &

Co. 1877a and b ; Kinzie 1856; Chicago's First Half Century 1833; Tanner 1987; Trask 2006).

After the Black Hawk War, the Middle Rock River valley was quickly settled by Euro-Ameri- cans. The first settlers of towns like Rockford, Belvidere and Grand Detour were among the last to see Native American settlements 43 along the Middle Rock River (Barge 1918; Kett & Co. 1877a and b).

Keating (1825) describes the Native Americans on the Kishwaukee River as recognizing, but still curious about, many European made items. This may be because, according to historic documents, the nearest trader at the time was at Grand Detour, approximately 30 miles away.

While the Native Americans had most likely seen such items, they were not made readily available. On the other hand, the Shaw site near Grand Detour had a plethora of European trade items. More than likely the inhabitants at Shaw were in frequent contact with the trade post at

Grand Detour (Mehrer 1996b).

The physical remains alone cannot answer questions of ethnicity, political inclinations, or the depth of socioeconomic involvement of a site's inhabitants. The archival research alone cannot track the cultural changes that occurred due to the influence of the Europeans/Euro-

Americans. However, the use of both physical and archival evidence can answer these questions of documented sites. When a documented Historic Period Native American site is identified and studied, like the Windrose site, then it allows the opportunity to study relationships between the physical and archival evidence that can then be applied to finding and investigating undocumented sites (Schurr 2006).

In summary, the expected explanation as to why more Historic Period Native American sites have not been found in the Middle Rock River is 1.) the sites, if they have not been destroyed through reoccupation, are ephemeral due to their short occupation, and 2.) the sites are difficult to identify, as they are not fully understood due to the small amount of study that has been given to this topic. Through further research, using archaeology and historical documents, 44 eventually a predictive model could be made to determine high-probability areas where these sites are likely to be located. CHAPTER 6

METHODS

Archival Research Methods

For this study, I used primary and secondary records to understand the ethnicity of Native

American villages; intra-tribal relations; relations with other tribes; the economic, political and social interaction between Euro-Americans and Native Americans; the effect those interactions had on the Native Americans, all with the goal of identifying Historic Period Native American sites.

These texts produced were of the time and culture of the author and with the author's agenda and include all of the bias that context entails. It is important to analyze critically the bias of the author and the effect those biases had on the writing (Naunapper 2000). With that in mind, primary and secondary sources are very useful aids in understanding the world in which the archaeological sites and material were once in active use. Secondary historical studies used gave a more comprehensive history of the regional events leading up to the Native Americans’ re- moval from Illinois. Archaeological site and survey reports used to investigate the archaeologi- cal work undertaken focused on the Native Americans of the Historic Period in the Middle Rock

River. Using the reports, comparison of known Historic Period Native American sites and late prehistoric sites tracked the degree of change in the Native Americans' way of life. In summary, archival and historical research provided background and supplemental information 46 prior to archaeological fieldwork and as an aid in interpreting the archaeological data.

Historical research can lead to the location of sites and/or features and aid in the development of a field research design. Additionally, the use of primary and secondary sources can be useful in understanding artifacts with little context. For example, an iron in a personal collection with no provenience can be understood through the use of primary and secondary sources as a product of the fur trade and all of the nuances of culture contact that entails (Nauapper 2000). The texts can also give insight into things that are, typically, not seen in the archaeological record, such as ethnic identity, cosmology, kinship and other relationships.

Primary sources, such as journals, letters and maps, give a firsthand account of the inhabitants, events and appearance of the Middle Rock River before it was heavily settled and modified by

Euro-Americans. The texts offer the personal experiences and thoughts of the authors, giving insight into the relationship between the author's culture and that of the Native Americans encountered. Secondary historical research texts give a general local history, providing a more comprehensive picture of the events that shaped the Historic Period. Archaeological resources include journal articles and survey and site reports, showing the extent of archaeological research and giving insight into what remains to be done in the research area. Secondary sources used for this study range in coverage from the general Great Lakes area to specific parks in the Middle

Rock River.

Archaeological references can aid the historical documents providing physical evidence about the Native Americans and how they lived. Site locations and reports can be found on a public database maintained by the and survey reports can be found on a 47 database maintained by the Illinois State Archaeological Survey (DNR 2015; ISAS 2015).

Unfortunately, archaeological references are scarce due to the inherent difficulties of studying the archaeology of Native Americans in the Historic Period, as mentioned in the previous section. Many of the site reports, created retroactively by archaeologists, are sites located by collectors. Others are sites located for cultural resource management. Not one of the surveys mentioned in this thesis, other than my own, was aimed at locating a Historic Period Native

American site. Archaeological resources also include articles and books by authors who have compiled their own research.

In general, various kinds of sources have different strengths and weaknesses. Primary documents give information about their time period; however, they require careful reading be- cause the author’s writing will have biases brought on by one's own agenda and experiences.

Secondary documents are usually the products of intense research as they attempt to give a com- prehensive history and interpretive view of their topic. Analysis of archaeological remains can give a sense of what was physically on the landscape and how people lived but little about how they interacted in their everyday lives. Using all three types of these resources for this study gave the most holistic picture possible.

Field Methods

The two survey locations chosen for this thesis were determined by comparing the location descriptions of Native American villages found in the historical texts with modern topographic maps and aerial images to check for modern disturbances. I then narrowed the 48 chosen areas to places near water sources that were not likely to be flooded and could be easily accessed. The size of the survey areas was determined by land formation and property ownership

(see Chapter 5).

A small crew and I conducted field investigations according to cultural resource management (CRM) standards. We completed pedestrian surveys in all areas where 25% or more of the ground surface was visibly clear of vegetation. We shovel tested areas where less than 25% of the ground surface was visible. A pedestrian survey consists of walking over the survey area in straight lines spaced at regular 5m (16ft) intervals (transect) while visually scanning the surface for culturally significant material. We walked over areas containing cultural material (positive areas), perpendicular to the original transects, at 3m (10ft) intervals (cross- walked); the survey stopped 10m past the last sighted artifact. A shovel test survey consists of excavating soil from small, 30cm (1ft) diameter holes at regular 15m (50ft) intervals in a grid pattern. We sifted all excavated soil through ¼ in. hardware mesh to look for cultural material.

We then delineated positive shovel tests, placing shovel tests at 5m (16ft) intervals in cardinal directions around the positive shovel test until two adjacent shovel tests were negative. All exca- vated soil was then replaced. We recorded positive shovel test soil profiles using the Munsell

Soil Color Chart. Additionally, we conducted a metal detection survey in areas that seemed undisturbed by construction or agriculture. We used the metal detector in transects spaced at 5m

(16ft) intervals over positive areas that had been found while conducting a shovel test or pedes- trian survey. We recorded all site areas using a Global Positioning System (GPS).

We collected all prehistoric material and all pre-1840 historical material. We did not 49 collect or analyze post-1840 material. It was, however, identified and noted in the field.

Artifact analysis of all collected materials consisted of a simple inventory of artifact iden- tification with counts and weights.

Data Analysis Methods

The methods used for this research are grounded in middle-range theory and the historical archaeology approach. Observations of the Native Americans' village locations and

European/Euro-American trade posts, frequency of contact with European/Euro-Americans, how that contact was conducted and the various feelings about that contact were used to aid in the interpretation of the archaeological record of the Middle Rock River Valley.

I reviewed the histories of the region, major tribes, and the Native American villages and trade posts in the study area, as described in the historical texts. I then compared those histories to the archaeological record to aid in its interpretation. CHAPTER 7

HISTORY OF INVESTIGATIONS

This history of Investigations chapter gives a brief and general history of archaeology in the Middle Rock River area. It then moves on to specific sites in the Middle Rock River. The sites in this chapter have archaeological or historical evidence of Historic Period Native

American villages. The site descriptions give the known history of the site and the immediate surrounding area before moving on to the history of archaeological investigations of the area. I surveyed the Hononegah Forest Preserve site and the Eggers site. My survey descriptions and data are given after the previous archaeological investigations for each site.

Professional archaeologists have conducted relatively few surveys in the Middle Rock

River area due to the low rate of development in rural areas and the development of the towns being mostly completed before archaeological surveys were legally required (Figure 2). Federal and Illinois state laws require that all construction projects receiving federal or state funding or permits must have all areas of potential impact surveyed to ascertain what, if any, resources of cultural significance are in the area so that those areas could be avoided or the effects of con- struction mitigated. It is not required by law for private land and construction projects funded by private persons or companies to have an archaeological survey if they also do not require a fed- eral or state permit (ISAS 2014, 20 ILCS 3420/4). This type of archaeology is cultural resource management (CRM). Within the Middle Rock River Valley CRM surveys have mostly been lim- ited to the Chicago Rockford International Airport (previously the Greater Rockford Airport), 51

Figure 2: Archaeological surveys completed as of January 2015 (DNR 2015)

` 52

Illinois Route 2, Winnebago County Forest Services and a handful of subdivisions and other small structure projects (Department of Natural Resources 2014).

There have been many sites recorded by early twentieth-century recreational archaeologists and collectors that lack any recorded information other than the site location.

Current CRM standards require the site location and, if known, temporal affiliation, site function, the type of land form the site is on, what was found at the site, the condition the site was found in, and the methods used to find the site and collect the artifacts. Professional surveys in the

Middle Rock River Valley began in 1972 when the Illinois Archaeological Survey (IAS) did a reconnaissance of thirteen project areas, locating 1,587 prehistoric sites in Winnebago and Ogle

Counties for the US (Peters 1972).

Construction projects that have not been surveyed run the very high risk of destroying a site and any archaeological information that may have been available from it. Historical references state that near the city of Rockford there had been over 30 prehistoric burial and effigy mounds (Church 1900; Department of Natural Resources 2014; Keating 1825; Kett & Co.

1877a). There are now five remaining mounds within the city limits, the rest having been de- stroyed for development and agriculture (Department of Natural Resources 2014).

During the early twentieth century, interested people began mapping many of the burial and effigy mounds. Robert Becker, for example, recorded a mound group along the Rock River near Rockton and collected artifacts from around the mounds in 1913. In 1974, Beloit College investigated the collection and formally reported the site. Many private collections remained among family members and/or friends or they went to local museums. Frank Osborne was an 53 active collector and recorder in Winnebago and Ogle Counties, possibly during the 1940s. Os- borne recorded many of the sites near the confluence of the Rock and Kishwaukee rivers.

Osborne's and other early collections are now housed at the Burpee Museum of Natural History in Rockford, Illinois. Some of the Native American artifacts in the donated collections at the museum are of the Historic Period (Figure 3) but have no recorded information other than the name of the collector. Additionally, archaeologists have revisited few of the sites that Osborne located.

The Shaw Site (11OG188)

Historical Information

Chief Jarro led a village of Winnebago and Pottawatomie in the 1820s near Grand De- tour in Ogle County (Tanner 1987). Jarro traded at John Dixon's store, a few miles south of the village. Pejanga led another Winnebago village southwest of Jarro's village. Pejanga also traded at Dixon's store (Barge 1918; Mehrer 1996b; Tanner 1987).

La Sallier, a French fur trader, was residing on Franklin Creek in 1822, across the Rock

River from the present location of the town of Grand Detour. In February of that year J. Watson

Webb, led by a Pottawatomie from Chicago on their way to Ft. Armstrong, visited La Sallier.

Webb related that during the visit he heard a nearby group of Winnebago conducting a war dance (Barge 1918).

La Sallier guided Major Stephan Harriman Long to the Rock River in 1823. La Sallier is

` 54

Figure 3: Early historic artifacts courtesy of the Burpee Museum of Natural History: a-b. Iron trade points, c.Bone bead, d-e. Gun flints, f. Gun guard. 55

described as someone who had married a Winnebago and had lived among the Native

Americans for over 30 years (Keating 1825; McMakin 2010). La Sallier sold his trade post to US trader Stephan Mack that same year. Mack married Hononegah, daughter of a local Winnebago chief, while at Grand Detour (Bishop and Campbell 1979; Carr 1898; Mehrer 1996b). Mack, supposedly, refused to sell liquor and guns to the Native Americans, straining his relationship with them (Carr 1898; Mehrer 1996b). Mack received two more licenses to trade on the Rock

River in 1824 and 1826 (Mehrer 1996b; 19th Congress U.S. Congress, 1st Session; 20th

U.S. Congress, 1st Session). Bernard Laughton, Morice Lozon, Bernard Gringnon, Perish

Grignon and S. Chapua and H.B. McGulpin received licenses in 1826 for trade at Grand Detour

(Mehrer 1996b). Mack and Hononegah later moved up the Rock River to Bird's Grove, near what is now the town of Rockton, Illinois (Barge 1918; Bishop and Campbell 1979; Carr 1898;

Kett & Co. 1877a; McMakin 2010; Mehrer 1996b). The Winnebago stayed in the area for seven years after the cessation of lands, of which Grand Detour was a part (Mehrer 1996b). Major

Leonard Andrus founded the town of Grand Detour in 1834 . The Winnebago ceded all of their lands east of the Mississippi River in 1837 and were given eight months to vacate the area. The

Winnebago initially accepted the land granted them in Iowa but soon moved back to Wisconsin (Bishop and

Campbell 1979; McMakin 2010; Mehrer 1996b). All of the historical evidence supports the no- tion that a sizable and long-term Native American village was located near the town of Grand Archaeological Information Detour. The Shaw site is located in Ogle County, north of the town of Grand Detour on a high 56 terrace west of the Rock River (Figure 4). It was originally located in 1974 by Birmingham and

Baldzikowski of the University of Wisconsin-. The site was originally recorded as an

Archaic habitation based on a full-grooved axe that was found during their survey. Burns and

Abbott of the Resource Investigation Program (RIP) of the University of Illinois Urbana-

Champaign (now called the Illinois State Archaeological Survey) revisited the site in 1987, dur- ing which they collected plain and cordmarked grit-tempered ceramic sherds. Those finds ex- panded the temporal affiliation to include Woodland to, possibly, the late Prehistoric time peri- ods. However, archaeologists continued to record the site as an Archaic habitation (DNR 2014).

Northern Illinois University’s Contract Archaeology Program (NIU-CAP) excavated the Shaw site between 1991 and 1993. The results of the excavation showed that the site is multi-compo- nent consisting of Paleo-Indian, Archaic, Woodland, Historic Period Native American and His- toric Period Euro-American affiliations.

A sparse collection of material represents the late Prehistoric and/or Historic Period at the

Shaw site which indicates a short-term occupation. The small assemblage includes Historic Pe- riod diagnostic artifacts such as glass trade beads, cubes of galena, a perforated lead disk, tin- kling cones, scraps of brass or copper, iron projectile points and gun flints manufactured from both British and local material, dating the site to the Pioneer Period (1781-1840). These items were found along with lithic artifacts such as Madison points, a Nodena point, humpback bifaces, chert debitage, ground stone hammer and anvil stones and a possible bear tooth. The features found at the site also indicate that a log cabin with Euro-American style cellars had been present. 57

Figure 4: Map of recorded Middle Rock River Valley sites as of January 2015 (DNR 2015)

` 58

In his report, Mehrer (1996b.) concluded that the artifacts found at Shaw did not conclusively point to a Historic Period Native American site. However, after many more years of experience with Euro-American Historic Period sites, Dr. Mehrer has concluded that Native

Americans occupied the log cabin at the Shaw site (Mehrer, pers. comm., 2015). This is because

Euro-American Historic Period sites are usually filled with considerably more window glass, nails, refined whiteware ceramics, container glass, and unidentifiable iron scraps than that found at the Shaw site. Additionally, the site contains artifacts spanning the Paleo to the Historic Peri- ods, so Native Americans had been returning to that location for a very long time.

Hononegah Forest Preserve Site (11WO527)

Historical Information

Bird's Grove is in Winnebago County, Illinois, on the east side of the Rock River where it meets Dry Run Creek, south of the present town of Rockton, Illinois. Before Mack went to

Grand Detour, he was in Green Bay, Wisconsin, where he heard of the trading opportunities on the Rock River, he then headed in that direction. According to Carr (1898) Mack stopped in Tur- tle Village, the present-day location of Beloit, Wisconsin, here he heard of a Winnebago settle- ment at Bird's Grove (Bishop and Campbell 1979; Carr 1898; Church 1900; McMakin 2010). It is unknown exactly when Mack and Hononegah moved to Bird's Grove; however, several, histories state that it was around 1829 (Carr 1898; Church 1900; Jipson 1923, 1924). Tanner's

(1987) 1830 map (Figure 5) marks this area with a trade post (Mack's) and a Winnebago village named Howaninga. During the Black Hawk War in 1832, Mack left Bird's Grove and went to 59

Chicago. From Chicago he wrote a letter to his sister dated May 30, 1832, which stated:

I am still alive and well. We are at war at present with the Sock Indians. I left my wintering ground or trading station on the 9th inst. and as I left it the Socks took possession of my house but were prevented from injuring me or my men by the Winebagoe Indians who claimed me as their friend and trader. (McAfee n.d.; McMakin 2010)

Figure 5: Tanner's map of Indian villages c.1830 Illinois (Tanner 1987, p.140). The red square encompasses the Middle Rock River.

` 60

Filed with the Winnebago Mixed-Blood Claim Commissions is an affidavit given by

Mack on October 6, 1838, which states that Mack had been living at the Rock River when some

of Black Hawk's men came to his cabin in search of gunpowder. Mack had hidden everything he

could and the warriors did not find the powder. The affidavit continues to say that Mack

dissuaded the Winnebago from accepting the Sauk and Fox's invitation to join them (McMakin

2010; Waggoner 2002).

In 1835 Mack left Bird's Grove and moved a short distance north to a bluff on the west

side of the Rock River, directly south of its confluence with the Pecatonica River (Bishop and

Campbell 1979; Carr 1898; Church 1900; Kett & Co. 1877a; McMakin 2010).

Carr (1898) states that there remained visible evidence of the Native Americans at Bird's

Grove long after they had left, including bark coffins in the trees and a stone altar, which was occasionally visited by Native Americans.

In 1924, Bird's Grove became the first Winnebago County Forest Preserve,named

Hononegah in honor of Stephan Mack's wife (Bishop and Campbell 1979). There is also some

textual evidence of activity there during the Historic Period prior to Stephan Mack. Carr (1898)

states that several maple trees, cut in 1875, showed evidence of having been tapped by a chisel

and gouge. One of the trees showed a growth of 162 rings over the gouge mark, meaning that a

European gouge was used to tap the tree in 1713; however, this date cannot be further

corroborated as there is no documentation from the Middle Rock River area dating that early. 61

Archaeological Information

There are no previously documented sites or surveys in the HFP property (Department of

Natural Resources 2014-2015). However, by happenstance, archaeologist Sara Pfannkuche located and collected a lithic scatter within the HFP while camping in 1998, but the site was not reported for listing on the Inventory of Illinois Archaeological Sites and there are no records of the scatter. Pfannkuche did, however, tell me in a personal communication (2014) the general lo- cation of the scatter. This site is situated on a high eastern bluff edge overlooking Dry Run

Creek. The bluff-top is covered with sparse forest and low underbrush. The bluff base has the same type of vegetation.

In the summer of 2014, a small crew and I spent an afternoon surveying the area (See

Figure 4). The exact location of the 1998 scatter is unknown, so we resurveyed the general area.

The site covers 6,250 square meters. The entire (100%) site was pedestrian surveyed and a total of 27 shovel tests were completed, seven of which yielded artifacts. The shovel test survey was con- ducted on the bluff-top between campgrounds. The bluff slope was not shovel tested. Shovel tests continued at the bluff base to Dry Run Creek. Shovel tests were excavated down to subsoil, typically 50cm below the surface (Appendix B). We then reported the site and the survey to the

Illinois State Museum for inclusion on the Inventory of Illinois Archaeological Sites. We located artifacts at the bluff-top and base. The artifacts found at the bluff base most likely washed down by erosion from the bluff-top. The 1998 collection and the 2014 survey combined yielded 49 arti- facts (Table 1). Tools in the assemblage include two retouched flakes and a crude biface.

` 62

Non-lithic artifacts include one iron fence staple, one large mammal bone with knife marks, two mussel shells and one piece of slag. The fence staple and slag belong to the Historic Period; however, they are most likely recent. While lithic debris cannot give a date for a site, it can tell something about what was going on there. Lithic debris or flakes are the leftover chert stone that had been chipped off a larger stone or core when making or sharpening a lithic tool, such as a spear or arrow point. Any flake has certain characteristics that can indicate from which step in the tool-making process it came (Appendix A). Table 1 11WO527 Lithic Assemblage Provenience Material Type Count Weight (g.) ST1 Biface thinning Flake 1 0.24 ST2 Biface thinning Flake 1 0.21 Block Shatter 2 1.93 ST3 Reduction Flake 1 8.91 FCR 1 41.32 ST4 Secondary Decortication 1 7.98 ST5 Biface Thinning Flake 1 0.73 ST7 Biface Thinning Flake 1 0.2 ST9 Retouched Flake 1 4.16 Ped-1 Biface Thinning Flake 1 1.14 Block Shatter 2 9.82 Retouched Flake 1 9.82 Ped-2 Secondary Decortication 8 17.03 Reduction Flake 7 17.53 Biface Thinning Flake 2 0.83 Flake Fragments 7 6.56 Block Shatter 3 9.09 Thermal Shatter 1 0.06 Core 1 30.06 63

The presence of secondary decortication, reduction and biface thinning flakes indicate that some rough material was being worked down to a size that could then be shaped into a tool.

Most of the material located is Galena-type chert. It is possible that the few flakes all came from the same piece of chert, indicating a short-term work site. However, due to the paucity of mate- rial, this is only a surmise.

Unfortunately, this site has yielded no evidence of Historic Period Native American activity. This may be because there was no evidence to find in this location. Modern history of the Ho-Chunk, decedents of the Winnebago, states that the highest places, such as blufftops, were regarded as special places where the elders would flint knapp (Quackenbush 2015). This may explain why the site only contained debitage. However, certain artifacts such as beads may have been small enough to fall through the screen unnoticed. Early Historic Period Native

American sites commonly have only a few Historic Period artifacts, some as small as a single bead. If this were the case at the HFP site, evidence would most likely not be found during a sur- vey. However, there is much more of the HFP that could be surveyed in the future.

Macktown (11WO256)

Historical Information

Stephan Mack left Bird's Grove in 1835 and moved to the future site of Macktown.

Mack created it at the confluence of the Rock and Pecatonica Rivers. He believed the spot would

` 64 be a good place to set up his trade post, as both rivers were navigable for at least 100 miles

(Bishop and Campbell 1979; Carr 1898; Church 1900; Kett 1877 & Co. a; McMakin 2010). Al- though there were no known Native American villages at the confluence, it was a gathering place for them. In 1831 Henry Gratiot, the Indian Agent for the Rock River Winnebago, sent a letter to , superintendent of Indian affairs, stating that the area around the mouth of the Pecatonica was a gathering place for the Rock River Winnebago before they went to their wintering grounds near Dixon and Prophetstown, Illinois (Jipson 1923, 1924; McMakin 2010).

Macktown, originally called Pecatonic, was located in section 23 of Rockton Township.

This section was originally granted to Joseph Thibault on behalf of his daughter Therese, as per the Treaty of 1829. By 1838, however, Therese had died and Joseph Thibault sold this section to , a business partner of Stephan Mack (Bishop and Campbell 1979;

Carr1898). The Winnebago County Forest Preserve District purchased the property on which

Macktown had been located in 1926 (Bishop and Campbell 1979).

Archaeological Information

Macktown sits on a bluff south of the confluence of the Rock and Pecatonica Rivers in

Winnebago County within the Macktown Forest Preserve (MFP).

Cultural material found at the site indicates that 11WO256 had been occupied prehistorically during the Late Archaic and Woodland Periods (5,000-850 years ago); however, there is no evidence of Historic Period Native Americans (Amick 2009; Lurie and Bird 1994).

The Euro-American Historic Period component contains a “Greek Revival timber frame building 65 built by Stephen Mack in 1839” (DNR 2015) and Whitman's Trading Post, a fieldstone building.

Both Stephan Mack's house and Whitman's Trading Post are still standing today. Macktown is on the National Register of Historic Places (DNR 2015; Lurie and Bird 1994).

Site 11WO15 lies approximately one mile north of Macktown, on a terrace north of the

Rock River (see Figure 4). The site was originally recorded by Frank Osborne as “historic Pot- tawatomie and others mound and camp”; however, the site form states no evidence as to why he recorded it that way. Archaeological Consulting Services revisited the site in 1991 and it was re- visited by Midwest Archaeological Research Services, Inc. (MARS) in 2005; neither survey was able to relocate the mound or find evidence of Historic Period Native Americans. The 1991 site report mentions that the agricultural field in which the site was located had steep slopes and the

2005 site report mentions that the site had been severely damaged by agriculture (Department of

Natural Resources 2014-2015). It is possible that the site located by Osborne has been destroyed by agriculture and erosion. If the site had been a Historic Period Native American site, it is possi- ble that it may have been the gathering place of the Winnebago mentioned by Henry Gratiot

(Jipson 1923, 1924; McMakin 2010).

Keeshin Farm (11WO23)

Archaeological Information

One of the Osborne sites that has been revisited several times is the Keeshin Farm site

(11WO23; see Figure 4), located on the north bank of the Kishwaukee River, near where it meets the Rock River. In 1956, Dr. Elaine Bluhm and Joe Bauxer of Rockford College opened 20 5ft. x

5ft. ` 66 test units that yielded six features ( Department of Natural Resources 2014; Emerson 1998). Dur- ing the 1990s, Rochelle Lurie and Catharine Bird of MARS reexamined the material from the

1956 Bluhm and Bauxer excavation. The Illinois Transportation Archaeological Research Pro- gram (ITARP) investigated the site again between 1993 and 1995 as part of a larger survey com- pleted for the expansion of the Chicago-Rockford International Airport (Emerson 1998). The

1990s airport survey identified and revisited over 20 sites (Titlebaum 1999). Of those sites, the

Keeshin Farm site was the only one found to have any possible evidence of Historic Period Na- tive Americans. The Keeshin Farm site is a late prehistoric site with some early Historic Period material. However, because all Historic Period materials were surface finds, they lack the contex- tual information needed to designate, conclusively, a Historic Period component to the site.

Eggers Site (11WO526)

Historical Information

Kishwaukee Village was said to have been located at the confluence of the Rock and

Kishwaukee Rivers. Black Hawk visited the village in 1832 in an attempt to convince the

Pottawatomie to join him against the US, but he was unsuccessful (Bishop and Campbell

1979; Blackhawk 1833; Tanner 1987; Trask 2006). In 1823 Major Stephan Harriman Long visited the village, "Opposite to the mouth of the Kishwake there is a large island in Rock River.

At the lower crossing of the Kishwake, we passed through an Indian village, designated by the name 67

of the river, and which is inhabited by a mixed race of Potawatomies, Chippewas,

Ottawas, Menomones, &c." (Keating 1825, p. 184).

Archaeological Information

Based on Major Long's 1823 description of the village location (Keating 1825), in 2014 a small crew and I attempted to locate the village on the southwestern bank of the confluence of the Rock and Kishwaukee Rivers. The southwest bank of the confluence has bluffs, while the southeast bank is a floodplain, making the southwest bank a more logical habitation area as the floodplain would regularly flood. Southwest of the site, following the Rock River, the landscape is undulating with hills and natural drainages, which lead down to a terrace approximately ten feet above the floodplain.

The crew and I spent two days surveying the Eggers' entire property. We found lithic debitage both on the surface and in shovel tests, with the densest concentration at the bluff edge.

The concentration lessened the farther we got from the confluence of the rivers. We located some lithics at the bluff base, most likely washed down from the bluff-top by erosion. We collected a total of 25 lithic artifacts. We did not locate any prehistoric diagnostic artifacts

(Table

2). The site covers 5,700 square meters. The entire (100%) site was pedestrian surveyed and a to- tal of 20 shovel tests were completed, 10 of which yielded artifacts. The shovel test survey con- tinued to the bluff edge on the north and west sides of the site and to a gravel road on the east side of the site. Shovel tests were halted on the south side of the site when the soil became a thin

3cm layer over bedrock. Shovel tests were excavated down to subsoil, typically 40cm below the surface (Appendix B). 68

Table 2 11WO526 Artifact Assemblage Provenience Material Type Count Weight (g.) ST1 Block Shatter 1 1.36 White Clay Pipe 1 Not Collected Stem ST2 Retouch Flake 1 0.02 ST3 Biface Thinning 1 0.06 Flake ST4 Primary- 1 0.4 Decortication ST5 Block Shatter 1 0.58 ST6 Reduction Flake 1 0.36 Flake Fragments 1 0.1 ST7 Core 1 34.12 ST8 Primary- 1 1.96 Decortication Secondary- 2 2.75 Decortication Biface Thinning 1 0.68 Flake Wire Nails 9 39.43 Bolts 2 48.96 Coal 3 4.01 Unidentified Iron 12 9.22 ST9 Flake Fragment 1 0.14 ST10 Flake Fragment 1 0.36 Ped-1 Flake Fragment 2 1.02 Block Shatter 3 8.16 Ped-2 Biface Thinning 1 0.47 Flake Block Shatter 2 3.3 Rockingham Yellow 2 c.1840-1890; Not Collected Ware Mold Blown 1 c.1880-1905; Not Collected Amethyst Glass 69

There are more than 30 sites within one mile of the Eggers site, including site 11WO69:

Mr. Osborne recorded this site as a mound. Osborne noted the location and that there were over

200 burials found. Investigators revisited the site in 1994, but it was not found. Collector Richard

Reese believes that the site was misplotted and that it was probably on the north side of the Rock

River, opposite of its recorded location (Department of Natural Resources 2014-2015; Titelbaum

1999). There is no recorded temporal affiliation for this site but, because it is described as a mound with such a large amount of burials, it can be surmised that the site was used for a long time. Due to its location near the confluence of the Rock and Kishwaukee Rivers, it is possible that 11WO69 was used by the Historic Period Native Americans that lived in the area.

Site 11WO118 (Birmingham 1979), a Historic Period Native American “cultivated field,” lies approximately ¾ of a mile southeast of the Eggers site (see Figure 4). Birmingham recorded the site based on the 1839 land survey notes, which state, “…the quarter section was placed in old field which has been used by the Indians for cultivation”(p.1). The site has never been further evaluated archaeologically. However, it is on the south side of the Kishwaukee

River opposite the location of the Historic Period Native American Kishwaukee Village, as indi- cated in the historical records, and so the two may be associated.

` 70

Belvidere Sites

Historical Information

During Major Long's 1823 expedition, the party visited a small village, likely near the present town of Belvidere, Illinois, which is described at length:

At about twenty-eight miles in a general westerly course from the Pishtako [Fox River], we came to a beautiful winding stream, called the Kishwake, Cottonwood...About one mile and a half below the place where we forded this stream, we saw a small Indian village, designated by the name Wakesa, (little bend,) from its situation at one of the bends of the Kishwake. It consisted of four lodges, the population of which was computed to amount to at least sixty persons, as there were many crowded into one lodge; the village is chiefly inhabited by Menomones, with a few who have intermarried with them. We stopped at the lodge of the chief, whose name is Kakakesha (Crow). He, together with many of his people, was engaged in his corn-fields;... The men whom we saw were almost naked, having no other garment than the breech-cloth, but as we drew near them they gathered up their blankets; the women had a sort of short gown and a blanket; the children ran about naked, with no other appendage than a belt round their loins... who seldom assume the breech-cloth until they attain the age of puberty... The house, which we visited, was about twenty feet long by fifteen wide, and full twelve feet high at its center. Seen from a distance, it resembled a log-house; but on approaching we discovered it to be formed of bark, secured to a frame made of poles, and covered with the same material. It had the appearance of being very comfortable. The fire was made in the middle of the house; two sides of the interior were occupied with a frame, three feet high and four feet wide, which was covered with blankets, skins, &c. and on these the inmates sleep and eat; upon these we were invited to sit down. There is no sign of partition, or any thing that can serve as a skreen [sic] to sepa- rate or divide one part of the family from another. A woman who was sick, lay in the lodge exposed to view, until the child, which was taken from the chief's back, and which was her's, was handed over naked to her. (Keating 1825, pp. 181-183)

Within the town of Belvidere, in front of the courthouse is a monument marking the final resting place of Chief Big Thunder of the Pottawatomie. The monument was erected in 1924 but dates the death of Big Thunder at about 1800. Kett & Co. (1877b) describes the burial: 71

His burial place was selected on the highest ground on the mound where the court house has since been built. As was their custom no grave was dug, but wrapped in his blan- kets, and seated on a rude stool or bench, with his feet placed on an Indian-made rug, with his face turned towards the West, a direction in which a battle was expected to take place between his tribe and another, a structure made of split white ash logs, from which the bark was pealed, was erected around his body and covered with bark. (Kett 1877a, p. 233)

Kett & Co. (1877b) also mentions the location of corn hills that had been used by the

Pottawatomie, near the “Old Fair Grounds” about one and a half miles west of the court house, near present-day Spencer Park. He also gives the recollection of Mrs. Towner, who settled there in July of 1835. Mrs. Towner stated that when she arrived the Pottawatomie were encamped on or near the location of the old fair grounds and they had a council house near Martyn's Mill, known today as the Baltic Mill, which still stands in Belvidere Park (Kett & Co.1877b, p. 331).

There are no recorded Historic Period Native American sites in Boone County. According to the description given by an early settler, there was a Pottawatomie encampment somewhere in or near where Spencer Park is today. Prior to being a park, the land had been used as the fairgrounds (Kett & Co.1877 a; Middle-West Publishing Co. 1905; Ogle & Co. 1923; Sauer

1886; Thompson and Thompson 1870). The area has never been surveyed and surveys of the surrounding land have only located Historic Period Euro-American farmsteads and undiagnostic prehistoric flake scatters (Department of Natural Resources 2014-2015).

Summary

To date, only the Shaw site gives any archaeological evidence of Historic Period Native

Americans in the Middle Rock River. Archival research offered the most evidence. Overall, the historical descriptions given of the Native American villages all have a common theme of cul- ture contact. It is apparent that the Native Americans of the Middle Rock River and Euro-Ameri- cans were in contact frequently enough that the Native Americans held an appreciation for Euro- 72 American weapons and food, understood that nudity made Euro-Americans uncomfortable, and chose sides for or against the Euro-Americans during the Black Hawk War. At the same time, the

Native Americans held on to their own culture by continuing their seasonal rounds of subsistence and village occupation (hunting and growing crops of corn, moving between summer and winter villages), living in their own style of housing, wearing their own style of clothing, and continuing their own practices of child rearing and burial.The most frequent contact would have been be- tween the villages and the local trader who in many cases married into the tribe, as with La

Sallier and Mack. This not only facilitated trade but also created a mutual pact of protection; the tribe would come to the trader's aid if he were attacked by another tribe and the trader aided the tribe, when he could, in negotiations with other tribes or the US government, such as Mack did for the local Winnebago during the Black Hawk War (Keating 1825; McAfee n.d; McMakin

2010; Murphy 1995, 2000; Sleeper-Smith 2001). CHAPTER 8

DISCUSSION

The main questions of this thesis are why so few Historic Period Native American sites have been found in the Middle Rock River, and what use are the historical documents to an archaeologist in the absence of archaeological remains. The historical documents paint a picture of who lived there, and how and why they lived there. This area did not have the competing lifeways between the Native Americans and the Euro-Americans as did the northern corners of

Illinois. Euro-American settlers were just beginning to move into the area as the last Native

Americans were leaving. The Native Americans of the Middle Rock River had limited contact with Euro-American traders and travelers. While the Native Americans were not ignorant of regional events, the events never seemed to happen in the Middle Rock River. This is mostly because the Rock River was never a major waterway as was the Mississippi, Fox and Illinois

Rivers. Like any other rural community, the people in the Middle Rock River were not in the center of events, but on the periphery, meaning that other areas, near the Middle Rock River, were the centers of trade, treaties and warfare, the effects of which could be felt in the Middle

Rock River. The Native Americans in this area possibly did not transition to using European technology as quickly or as much as those who had more frequent contact with Euro-Americans, meaning that the artifact assemblage that could be expected at one of these sites would have only a small amount of European/Euro-American-made material, making it not immediately recogniz- able as a Historic Period site. In some cases, Historic Period artifacts were found out of 74 context, making it difficult to say who used them or how they came to be at the site.

The Shaw site is an exception, having a large-enough assemblage to identify it as a

Historic Period Native American site. However, this site is documented as being near an active trade post, putting its occupants in frequent contact with the Euro-American trader. Additionally, the area around the Shaw site has not been greatly developed and it has been archaeologically studied. The other areas focused on in this thesis were either highly developed, such as the airport and quarry area near the Rock and Kishwaukee Rivers, and/or have never been surveyed, such as Spencer Park in Belvidere.

The documents explored throughout this thesis give information on changing culture and habitation patterns. In previous time periods, the Native Americans made their habitations in places with a wide variety of natural resources, such as food, fresh water and good soil for farming. As the Europeans moved farther into the area, the Native Americans had an additional concern when choosing an area to occupy - whether they wanted to be close or far away from the

Europeans. This decision is made clear in the archival research as the Accommodationist and

Nativist ideologies are explained. However, the Pottawatomie and Winnebago of the Middle

Rock River seem to be more neutral, simply not taking an active role in violent disputes such as the Black Hawk War. While they had clearly made a decision of what side they were on, most of them did not take up arms to aid that side. CHAPTER 9

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

There is very little archaeological evidence for Historic Period Native American sites in northern Illinois, and while the number of these sites in the northwest and northeast corners of the state is few, central northern Illinois has even fewer. The purpose of this thesis was to locate

Historic Period Native American sites in the Middle Rock River area. My idea was that historical texts and previous archaeological reports would point me in the direction of areas to survey and that through survey I would find some evidence of Historic Period Native American sites. I did not, however, accomplish my goal, as I did not find any Historic Period Native American sites.

What I did find was a plethora of reasons why there are so few Historic Period Native American sites recorded in the Middle Rock River Valley. These include the short 20-year span of the period, the vague location descriptions given in the historical texts, the scant amount of archaeological survey that has been completed in the area, little information being recorded in the early archaeological surveys, reoccupation of sites by Euro-Americans and the homogenization of Native American and Euro-American material culture, making Historic

Native American sites difficult to distinguish.

The work I did at the Eggers site and the Hononegah Forest Preserve site, while being small in scale, was an improvement over the complete lack of archaeological work in those ar- eas. Shovel test and pedestrian surveys are usually the most practical beginning for finding a site.

If the surveys yield sufficient evidence for answers to the research questions, then a more 76 extensive survey or excavation could take place. The surveys that detected the Eggers and

Hononegah Forest Preserve site followed the artifact concentrations to their termination. Neither site contained diagnostic material, making the temporal affiliation of both sites unknown. As nei- ther site showed any evidence that they could answer my research questions, I decided that they did not warrant more extensive field study for this thesis. However, that does not mean that His- toric Period Native American sites do not exist in the Middle Rock River.

Even though there are many reasons why it is difficult, I still believe that it is possible to find Historic Period Native American sites in the Middle Rock River area. The historical information given in this paper could be used to create a predictive model for site location. The documents state that the trade posts on the Rock River had Native American villages nearby. The historical documents also describe villages in the Middle Rock River as being located near , near the floodplains, as opposed to the high ground. Using this information, another high-probability survey could be conducted.

The texts also describe the Native Americans as not having many European/Euro-

American-made items. This means that it is plausible they would have been using similar material as in earlier periods. This is why previously recorded sites with little recorded information or with the possibility of being a Historic Period Native American site should be reevaluated. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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LITHIC GLOSSARY

Taken from ITARP Route 3 Lithic Analysis Handbook (1999:6-7)

B. Debitage Analysis

Debitage Includes all types of chipped-stone refuse that have not been utilized or intentionally modified. There are two basic types of debitage-flakes and shatter. Flakes have attributes that indicate that they were struck from cores by concoidal fracturing, usually under controlled conditions. Flakes are more informative than shatter because shatter is generally the result of uncontrolled fracturing along inclusions or internal cleavage lines. The Striking Platform is the

most informative part of a flake because it represents a small slice of the edge of the core, and each type of core will be represented by distinct types of platforms. Moreover, as cores

(and bifaces) are reduced the types of platforms (i.e., types of flakes) generated change over the

Reduction sequence. Reduction sequences are reconstructed by sorting flakes into types based upon platform attributes and dorsal-surface attributes. For Instance, during biface production

(reduction), flakes get smaller, and platforms get smaller and more faceted; at the same time, amounts of dorsal cortex decrease and the number of dorsal flake scars increases. These attributes, as outlined below, are used to distinguish the following debitage types; Primary-

Decortification Flake, Secondary-Decortification Flake, Core-Reduction Flake,

Biface-Reduction Flake, Bipolar Flakes, Flake Shatter, and Block Shatter.

1. Primary-Decortification Flakes are intact or nearly intact flakes with 100 percent dorsal 88

cortex.

2. Secondary-Decortification Flakes are intact or nearly intact flakes with 99 to 50 percent

dorsal cortex.

3. Core-Reduction Flakes are intact or nearly intact flakes with less than 50 percent dorsal

cortex, fewer than four dorsal flake scars, on average, and irregularly shaped platforms

with minimal faceting and no lipping. Platform grinding is occasionally present. These

flakes could have been detached from early-stage bifaces or freehand cores.

4. Biface-Reduction Flakes are intact or nearly intact flakes with multiple overlapping

dorsal flake scars and small elliptically shaped platforms with multiple facets. Platform

grinding is usually present. Platforms are distinctive because they represent tiny slivers of

what once was the edge of a biface. Biface-Reduction flakes are generated during middle

and late stages of biface reduction and during biface maintenance.

5. Bipolar Flakes are intact or nearly intact flakes that have been struck from a bipolar

core. They typically exhibit sheared cones, diffuse bulbs, closely spaced ripples, and

crushed and splintered platforms. Crushing can also occur on the termination of the flakes

(distal end), but it is a common misconception that platforms and bulbs are present on

both ends of each flake. At times, bipolar flakes can be hard to seperate from intensively

reduced bipolar core. Bipolar cores and flakes can also be confused with wedges....

6. Block Shatter are angular or blocky fragments that do not possess platforms or bulbs.

Generally the result of uncontrolled fracturing along inclusions or internal fracture

planes, block shatter is most frequently produced during the early reduction of cores and

bifaces. APPENDIX B

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