AN HISTORICAL-DESCRIPTIVE STUDY OF RUTHERFORD BIRCHARD HAYES AND THE CHAUTAUQUA

Timothy David Franck

A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

August 1975 610305 WYA\

ABSTRACT

The life and politics of Rutherford Birchard Hayes has been examined from a variety of viewpoints. Scholars have attempted to outline Haves1 life as a U.S. Congressman, three terms as Governor of Ohio, and as the 19th President of the United States. Others have analized the literary and social influences of Hayes. Equal attention has been paid to the socio-cultural effects of the Chautauqua. From its beginnings in l£74, through the growth of the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle, and the traveling Chautauqua, it grew to become a significant social movement in this country. There does not exist any work which attempts to incor­ porate the two. This dissertation vzas the first effort to establish the historical relationship between Rutherford 8. Hayes and the Chautauqua. Through an intense examination of the extant correspondence, and private diary of Hayes, the scenario was developed. It was discovered that Hayes made four visits to either the original Chautauqua, orto one of the branches. Available manuscripts provided five speeches delivered by Hayes on these occasions;- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The author of this dissertation wishes to extend his deep and sincere appreciation to his advisor, Dr. John T. Rickey, a fine gentleman and a close friend. Special thanks is also owed to Dr. Raymond Yeager who provided unrelenting support for this candidate throughout the course of his doctoral pursuit. Additional thanks are also extended to Dr. Virginia Platt, Dr. James Wilcox, and Dr. Raymond Tucker for their efforts toward the completion of this work. A special kind of appreciation is offered to my colleagues at Bowling Green State University for making this endeavor bearable. Beyond the realm of explanation is the love and devotion to my parents, Merrill and Francis Franck, who, through the good times and the bad, never faltered in the love and encouragement necessary for anyone to achieve such a goal. And to Becky, who, beyond the many hours of editing and typing of this work, provides the balance which makes my life complete.

by an unexpected turn of our hiss tory, a bit of the truth, an in­ significant part of the whole, was allowed out in the open. But those same hands which once screwed tight our handcuffs now hold out their hands in recon­ ciliation: ”No, don’t! Don’t dig up the past! Dwell on the past and you will lose an eye." But the proverb goes on to say: "Forget the past and you’ll lose both eyes." Aleksandr I. Solzhenitsyn The Gulag Archipelago i\l

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page INTRODUCTION...... 1 Statement of the Problem...... 1 Methodology...... 2 Review of the Literature...... 3 Research Questions...... 4

CHAPTER I: RUTHERFORD BIRCHARD HAYES: BIOGRAPHY...... 6 Early Life and Education...... 6 Law, War, and Politics...... 17 Final Years...... 47 Footnotes...... 49

CHAPTER II: CHAUTAUQUA: A HISTORY...... 55 Foundation and Growth...... 55 The Chautauqua Literary andS cientific Circle...... 77 Chautauqua Since 1900,...... 55 Tent Chautauqua...... 56 J Postscript...... 94 Footnotes...... 97

CHAPTER" III: RUTHERFORD B. HAYES AND THE CHAUTAUQUA: CORRESPONDENCE...... 102 Introduction...... 102 V

Chautauqua Assembly, Lake Chautauqua, New York—1892...... 104 Rutherford B. Hayes and the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle...... 113 Lakeside, Ohio—188$...... 117 Beatrice, Nebraska—1891...... 122 Lake Madison Chautauqua Association, South Dakota...... 130 Mountain Lake Park Assembly, Maryland...... 132 Connecticut Valley Sunday School and Chautauqua Assembly, Laurel Park, Mass...... 134 Footnotes...... 13 8

CHAPTER TV: CHAUTAUQUA SPEECHES OF RUTHERFORD B. HAYES...... 142 Introduction...... 142 Speech: To the Grand Army of the Republic, August 20, 1892, Lake Chautauqua, New York...... 143 Speech: To the Delegation of the Grange, August 19, 1892, Lake Chautauqua, New York...... 160 Speech: To the Grand Army of the Republic, July 25, 1892, South Framingham Chautauqua, Northamptopn, Mass...... 166 Speech: At Lakeside, Ohio, July 31, 1891...... l69 Footnotes...... 174

CHAPTER V: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS...... 176

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 180 INTRODUCTION

In recent years, the study of the history of American Public Address has apparently fallen behind its disciplinary counterparts in providing additional information to the general scope of knowledge. This should not be the case. Each section of a discipline is given equal responsibility for gathering information which adds to man’s understanding of himself, and his environment. There exists a need for the resurgence of historical studies in the areas of Speech- Communication. For, obviously, the study of the history of American Public Address has not been exhausted. The case of Rutherford B. Hayes and the Chautauqua is an excellent opportunity to add to the existing literature the historical narrative of a man, his speaking, and his environment. While the study of Hayes and the Chautauqua will not cause a radical shift in the discipline’s research efforts, it does provide a significant addition to the list of already famous speakers in the country’s history. For this reason, this author proposes a study which examines the interaction of a man and a movement.

Statement Of The Problem

It becomes clear that the relationship of Rutherford 2

B. Hayes and the Chautauqua needs to be established. Hayes made four visits to the original Chautauqua, or to one of the branches. At each of these occasions he delivered one, and in some cases, two speeches to large crowds. However, as the review of the literature indicates, there does not exist any work either in history or speech that examines the relationship. The author suggests that a study which examines the speaking of an ex-President in relation to a significant social experience deserves to be explicated.

Methodology

The study follows an historical framework. It relies heavily on primary material. Since the study is the first attempt to provide the historical narrative, close attention must be payed to accurately relating the chain of events. Through the use of personal letters, documents, along with additional aid from newspapers, magazines, promotion mater­ ial, and pamphlets, the historical relationship of Hayes and the Chautauqua will be developed. Research indicates that there were, in fact, five visits, and the probability exists that the necessary information is available to make the historical scenario complete. The author treats each of the visits, where possible, from the following approach: 1) initial correspondence 3

between the Chautauqua and Hayes, 2) following correspon­ dence which deals with the acceptance-rejection, business details, and suggested program, 3) discuss the social setting that greeted Hayes, and A) the delivery of the speech. A section of Chapter II will be set aside for an examination of the relationship of Hayes to the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle. Since, to this author’s knowledge, no work exists on these aspects of Hayes and the Chautauqua, it will be neces­ sary to develop the scenario from the personal diary and letters of Rutherford B. Hayes located at the Hayes Memorial Library and Museum in Fremont, Ohio.

Review Of The Literature

It is clear that, while there exists a large amount of information on both Rutherford B. Hayes, and the Chautauqua, there does not exist any work which attempts to incorporate the two. Some of the works mentioned the relationship in passing, but none of them develops the interaction at any length. Williams (1924) provides the most comprehensive collec­ tion of the personal diary and letters of Hayes, Its value is great, but must be examined carefully. Williams notes that he purposefully left some information out, and thus 4.

cannot be considered as accurate primary materials. Barnard (1954), Burgess (1916), Davidson (1972), and Eckenrode (1930) are among the main biographers of Hayes. Haworth (1906) provides a synopsis of the controversy surrounding the Hayes-Tilden election. Marchman (1968), Porter (1968), and Garrison (1946) relate the pre-presi- dential years covering such topics as his terms as Governor of Ohio, The Ohio State University, and his early career as a lawyer. Parker (1954, 1956) relates some of the early speaking of Hayes. Sinkler (1968) and Pennanen (1968) show some of Hayes' personal convictions on social issues. One of the earliest works on the Chautauqua is from one of its founders, John Vincent (1886). Harrison (1946) provides one of the few works that relates the White House occupants and the Chautauqua. Hurlbut (1921), Gould (1961), Hadley (1956), Jensen (1971) and Noffsinger (1926) provide various accounts of the life and organizational structure at Chautauqua. Warren (1876) shows insight to the religious orientations of the original Chautauqua.

Research Questions

The investigation of the historical relationship between Rutherford B. Hayes and the Chautauqua will be guided by the following research questions:

1. Do the speeches of Rutherford B. 5.

Hayes, which he delivered at Chautauqua, remain for historical analysis? 2. How many formal visits to Chautauqua did Rutherford B. Hayes make? 3. What method of correspondence was em­ ployed to secure Hayes by the Chautauqua management? Hopefully, the. answers to these questions will provide additional material to the existing volumes on American Public Address. CHAPTER I

RUTHERFORD BIRCHARD HAYES BIOGRAPHY

Early Life and Education

Rutherford Birchard Hayes was born on October 4, 1#22. Arriving into the world only two months after the death of his father, Rutherford grew up in an atmosphere which combined the idealism of New England (whence his parents migrated), and the ruggedness of the Ohio Valley (where the family eventually settled).-^- The westward movement in 1S17 pitted the rather cultured Hayes family against an agrarian west that exceeded their notions of a pioneer America. In lSl7 Hayes was smitten with the west­ ern fever and set out for Ohio in a covered wagon, with his wife, two infant boys, brother-in-law Sardis Birchard, and an orphan girl relative. Forty days they wandered in the wilderness before arriving at the Canaan of Delaware, Ohio. Hayes found Ohio farm life too rough for his family and settled in town. He went into the business of distilling whiskey and rose to prominence as a man of honesty and a leading church member. With the death of the father, Sophia Hayes, Rutherford’s mother, took control of the family in a manner which reflected the stern Calvinistic rules she followed closely. Often approached with offers of marriage from eligible men, 7.

Sophia refused them all, believing that ’’she could never see herself as a bride to anyone but Rud’s father.”3 Without manly influence except the paternal overseeing by her brother, Sardis Birchard, Sophia focused her attention on the two sons, Lorenzo and Rutherford. Further grief was soon to descend on the family with the sudden death of the older son, Lorenzo. Having recently returned from a trip to Vermont, where she pondered the return of the family to New England, Sophia lost her oldest son. His death occurred in January, 1525.^ Rutherford B. Hayes was only three years old. (Lorenzo) had gone skating on a frozen millpond near the Whetstone. Suddenly there was a treacherous crackling sound. The boy had fallen through the ice. Soon his lifeless body was carried to Sophia.5 With Rutherford Sr. and Lorenzo gone, Sophia turned the focus of her protective nature toward the only sur­ viving male, Rutherford Birchard Hayes. As a young boy, Rud, as he was called by his family, was weak. Rud succumbed to childhood illnesses beyond normal expectations. From his birth and all through childhood, Rud was reared as an extraordinarily sheltered boy...Even after he was a year old, his body was so emaciated that , Sardis felt he would always be an invalid. Actually, it was not until he reached the age of seven that young Hayes was permitted to go outside and 8

engage in activities with other boys. For these seven years Rutherford had only the protection of his mother, Sophia, and the company of his older sister, by two years, Fanny Hayes. The marked influence and close relationship which developed between Hayes and his sister left an indel­ ible impression on the course of his life. This influence was so pronounced that Hayes began his diary (in which he made regular entries for forty-eight years) with a long discourse on his relationship with his sister. He wrote: My earliest recollection of Fanny is as my protector and nurse when I was a sickly, feeble boy, three or four years old. She would lead me carefully about the garden and barnyard and on short visits to the nearest neighbors. She was loving and kind to me and very generous.< Like most young boys, Hayes had an early rejection of the protective nature of his mother and the domination of his sister. However, despite normal childhood rebellions, Hayes became extremely close to the two of them. Because of his childhood illnesses young Hayes was kept from formal schooling. The education that he received came from the private teaching of Sophia and Fanny. His mother taught him what she considered the necessities of an early education: reading, spelling, and writing. In the early 1830’s, Fanny and Rutherford, at the insistence of their guardian, entered the newly opened community school. Hayes' first exposure to formal schooling was marked by a 9

vivid recollection of the schoolmaster, Daniel Granger. (He) was a little thin, wiry, energetic Yankee, with black hair, sallow complex­ ion, and piercing black eyes; and when excited appeared to us a demon of fero­ city...He threw a large jack-knife, carefully aimed so as just to miss, at the head of a boy who was whispering near me. All the younger scholars were horribly afraid of him. We thought our lives were in danger.° During his Ohio childhood, Hayes began to reinforce secretly his desires for manly recognition. As he grew more mature, his mannerisms became more obvious to those around him. Indeed, he was a belligerent loyal Buckeye. He made a special point of showing devotion to western ways and ideas, which to him represented rugged manliness.^ One of the methods which Rutherford used for this escapism was to fashion himself after famous men in American history, particularly men of Congress.His main hero was Daniel Webster, Fanny enjoyed reading to young Hayes about the career of Webster. Rutherford became so engrossed in the man that he charged Fanny to repeat the famous "Reply to Hayne" on numerous occasions. Soon, he had committed the work to memory. Other figures that intrigued Hayes were Patrick Henry, and Henry Clay. He carried out this desire to emulate famous men by going into the nearby woods to recite from memory some of these famous orations. 10.

Fanny in particular was delighted, and her encouragement, even permission, was important to him, deeply so then, as in after years. One of her specific dreams for Rud was that he should be another Daniel Webster, her patriotic hero.^-i It was in 1536 that he began his formal education. With the recommendation of Sardis Birchard, who saw a tremendous potential in his nephew, Rutherford enrolled in a boys’ academy in Norwalk, Ohio. At age 14, Hayes entered the Norwalk seminary, a Methodist school under the control of Jonah Chaplin.Hayes spent only one year at Norwalk, 1536-1537. Sardis Birchard’s business successes in Lower Sandusky allowed him to pay for Rud’s early edu­ cation. Rutherford, grateful to his uncle for the assis­ tance, often wrote to Sardis keeping him up-to-date on his progress. His intense desire for education, coupled with his early childhood ill health, did not permit him to engage in regular athletic activities with the other boys. However, his excellence in the classroom made him a favorite. One of his most memorable moments at the Norwalk academy was the recitation of a eulogy on Lord Chatham (Pitt, the elder) for his classmates. The oration was subsequently delivered to other faculty and members of the community, who found him very impressive as a speaker. Dear Mother...A week ago Wednesday was speaking day. I spoke a eulogy on Lord Chatham. I got along tolerably well, 11

considering. I think that I can (learn to orate) so that I will not be scared to death. I was not scared as much as most of the boys are the first time they speak...1^ In 1837, he moved to Middletown, Connecticut, where he attended the Issac Webb Preparatory School (later to become a part of Wesleyan University).15 Initially, Sophia Hayes was against having the boy move so far from home, but she consented when Sardis arranged to have him live with an old friend of the family. At the Issac Webb school, Hayes kept a hectic schedule. I study Latin and Greek; am in the same class as W. Lane. At first it was rather hard to keep up with the class but now I can get along very well. We get up at . half-past 6 o’clock, breakfast at 7, prayers, and school begins at 9, dinner at 12; begin at 1 till 4, then from 6 till 9. I like this school very much indeed.1° He found numerous friends in the area, partly because of the good reputation his father had made in the commun­ ity. He developed a keen interest in the study of American history which evolved from an earlier childhood curiosity. Issac Webb wrote glowingly of young Hayes’ activities at the school.I? While he enjoyed the school, Hayes found that his heart was in Ohio. This, coupled with numerous letters from his mother, caused his return in 1838. The return was significant in that Rutherford, along with Uncle Sardis, believed that Yale University offered him the next best stage in his pursuit of education. 12.

Sophia, on the other hand, fearful of her son becoming corrupted so far from home, insisted on his return. 1A Hayes resisted, arguing that educational advancement was important for him, but Sophia identified many Ohio colleges that could offer him equal excellence. The two compromised; Hayes applied, and was admitted, to Kenyon College, in Gambier, Ohio, in the fall of 133$.^

Hayes had no trouble being admitted to the school since Kenyon was little more than an advanced high school, while his grooming had been for Yale.^O Still, Kenyon College was one of the nation’s leading schools for the study of the classics, ethics, and theology. The school did, however, present some problems for Hayes. The strict control of the students by the faculty was immediately re­ jected by Hayes causing him to write in his diary, ’’Resist tyranny in any shape...but in none is it so dangerous as when exercised by a number of tyrants.Needless to say, Hayes, like any normal boy, reacted to this domina­ tion in many ways. Along with other youths, he got into a lot of mischief. One instance was especially memorable to Hayes. Hayes gained a reputation for being an excel­ lent cook, though cooking was against the rules in the dormitory.22 He wrote: This evening one of my friends had some eggs and was about making some custard in his room in company of three others. The tutor came to the door (and) knocked. 13.

M_____ went and unfastened it. In the meantime the others had hid, one under the bed, and the others in the closet. The tutor found them and sent them to their rooms, feeling rather sheepish.¿3 His stay at Kenyon lasted four years. This period al­ lowed Hayes to make many of the friends that he would hold for life. Part of this can be attributed to the fact that he stayed here longer than at any other place. An event took place during his stay at Kenyon which had a profound influence on his life. Fanny Hayes, the sister he had loved so deeply, was married on September 2, 1539, to William A. Platt of Columbus, Ohio. Hayes out­ wardly rejected William Platt initially by refusing to use the words "married”, or "husband" in his correspondence, and secondly, by refusing to attend the wedding.^4 His fears that Platt would demand all of Fanny’s attention, to the exclusion of himself, were quickly silenced. The mar­ riage was in no manner an alienating factor between bro­ ther and sister. His stay at Kenyon also exposed Hayes to his first real political controversy. The issues of slavery and secession had surfaced in public debate and discussion by 1640. Hayes became interested in the problems that this issue caused at Oberlin Collegiate Institute, and at Ohio University.25 Hayes’ early stand on slavery was one of approval. His friends at Kenyon were mostly southern, and they believed in the right of South Carolina to secede 14.

from the union, because they saw the constitution granting them the right. His mood changed to one of neutrality, and finally to onnosition to secession because of his immediate identification with Webster’s philosophy. To Hayes, it was acceotable to debate the constitutionality of slavery, but the actual breaking up of the union went beyond his Web- steronian Whiggery.26

Collegiate debates increased Hayes’ popularity on the Kenyon campus. He was instrumental in keening the peace at Kenyon by moderating at many of the ooen debates. The friends he made on both sides insured his effectiveness as a moderator. Kenyon, like other colleges had rival de­ bating societies, in which Hayes took an active interest. The club for debating, however, was one that claimed his chief attention, as here was intellectual col­ lision and sharpening of wits...27 In June, 1842, Hayes graduated Valedictorian of his class at the age of twenty.28 He presented a moving ad­ dress at the commencement exercise. This honor was given to him as a result of a movement on the oart of his class­ mates to formally recognize his contributions at Kenyon. It is more obvious in his extracurricular activities how assiduously Hayes applied himself to the art of public sneaking. During his entire college career, Hayes sought every oonortunity, through the local debating society to sneak before an audience. Fortunately, the records of this society have been preserved in the Kenyon College Library, and an 15.

examination of them shows Hayes constant zeal.29 While Fanny Hayes’ marriage had some immediate imoact on his life at school, there was an even more serious con­ sequence later on. The couple gave birth to a girl. Norm­ ally this would have been a welcomed! event, but for Fanny and Rutherford it was a traumatic event that almost cost Fanny her life. The pregnancy left Fanny in a state of ’’mental derangement. ”39 The birth was such a shock to

Fanny that she immediately fell ill. William Platt left the child in the care of Sophia, and with the family’s con­ sent, had her committed to a ’’lunatic asylum. The event had a serious impact on Rutherford, since he realized that Fanny, if she was to recover, would have to do so on her own. During the period of her illness she asked only to see Rutherford, not her husband or mother. Realizing that her dependence on him was beyond reason, Rutherford refused to visit her at any time during her illness. He believed that Fanny had to pull through the illness on her own, and not by a dependence on her brother. Fanny eventually re­ covered and her condition returned to normal. She continued in her life as she had before, but a critical link between Fanny and her brother had been broken. On August 22, 15/+3, Rutherford B. Hayes entered the Harvard Law School.32 At age twenty-one, exerting his in­ dependence, he made the move contrary to the wishes of his 16

mother and sister. His study of law was supplemented by an intensive education in related fields. The stay at Harvard saw Rutherford studying Paley’s Natural Philosophy, Hoffman’s Logic, Locke’s Essays, and other works in Latin, Greek, and German.33 He developed a special love for the works of Aristotle, including the Rhetoric, but more significantly, Aristotle’s Ethics.3^

Shortly, Hayes began to question his work at Harvard. His concern was not so much as to his ability to master material, but rather as to what kinds of preparation he was receiving for living in the real world. He eventually concluded that, in fact, his training was lacking, and resolved to correct that fault. But it is not yet too late. From hence­ forth let me bend my best energies to the great work of fitting myself to act well my part in the drama of life. Let not another sun set upon a day which has. not added something to my stock of in­ struments or my power and skill in using them.35 Having always been fond of debate, Hayes continued the practice he had championed at Kenyon. His attempts to this point were satisfactory, but remained below the level of excellence he had set for himself. In keeping with his resolution for self-improvement, he applied his energies carefully in this area. I found myself not so ready in thought and expression as when I left Kenyon a little over a year ago, since which 17

time I have, not exercised my powers in extempore debating. But I hope in a few weeks to rub off the rust, and be able to (appear) with credit and success as a good extempore debator..from now till that time all my exertions shall be bent , to come off respectively from that trial.36 Two years later, on January 17, 1845, Hayes was awarded the Bachelor of Laws degree from Harvard University.57

Law, War, _and Politics

Upon graduation he returned to Sophia, Fanny, and Sardis for a brief stay, but the fears of returned domina­ tion by the family caused his departure. On April 25, 1845, he began his private practice in Lower Sandusky, Ohio.38 While the location was not far from his home, the move it­ self was an important step toward independence. At that time, Lower Sandusky was a thriving community due largely to the fact that it was a natural trading center. The in­ fluence of Uncle Sardis Birchard stimulated the town’s growth from a struggling farm town to a business community. Hayes was established in his practice largely by the efforts and influence of Sardis. There is little disagree­ ment as to whether this new profession began Hayes’ upward climb. In his attempted'breaking of family ties, Rutherford simply transferred thè control from Sophia and Fanny to

Uncle Sardis. Being the most influential member of the community, Sardis was continually overseeing the practice IB.

of his nephew. Few legal transactions took place unless they had the prior approval of Sardis. Without his uncle’s consent as to the acceptance of any client. Rutherford was incapable of building a reputation for himself.Through the efforts of Sardis, he changed his solo practice to a joint one with R.P. Buckland.The move was important for Rutherford since it allowed him to become more active in community affairs. He began his public speaking career by giving a number of lectures in the area. Temperance was usually the theme of his talks. This pleased Sophia who was known for not allowing any alcoholic beverages in the Hayes home.^1

At this time (1Ô45), he joined the service fraternity known as the "Odd Fellows." He continued his active parti­ cipation in the group until his death. While on the sur­ face it seemed to suffice, the life in Lower Sandusky, was personally unrewarding for Hayes, and he began to grow restless and discontented. Besides doing what business I have in hand, being about half enough to occupy my time, I am brushing up my law reading and mustering as strong a force of inducements and provocatives to ambition as possible, so as to be able to survive the two or three briefless years which probably await me in Cincinnati.^2 Though professionally he felt he was becoming stagnant, Hayes’ social life began to blossom. Rutherford found that there were many available ladies in the town who fancied 19.

him as a husband. While he made the acquaintance of many of them, he rarely indicated any serious attitudes towards one in particular. His hesitation in committing himself to any particular girl was because he looked for a wife who emulated the life style of his sister, Fanny. Few could begin to meet these standards.^3 Hayes did, for a time, fall in love with a woman named Fanny Perkins. She was a cousin of one of the officers in Sardis’ firm, and was considered by many the ideal person for Rutherford. The two talked of marriage, but when Fanny Perkins moved to Connecticut, Hayes refused to follow. Though he rationalized it in many ways, the ending of the affair found Hayes emotionally and physically depressed.The depressions, while stimulated by the ill- fated love affair, went much deeper. The stagnation of Lower Sandusky was causing Hayes to question his value as an individual. If that (marriage) is not the specific I may as well despair of ever making even a respectable figure in life, for now in spite of all my advantages...I am almost wholly worthless. The end of the week finds me no wiser than the first day, no more fitted to discharge the duties of my profession, no more able to be use­ ful in the ordinary walks of life.^ Reacting to the depression, Hayes often took long walks into the woods to relive> some of his early child­ hood experiences. The one that manifested itself most 20.

clearly was the vision he had of being in battle in some distant land. As a child he continually pictured himself as a general heriocally leading his men into battle. Ironically, this was the time of the war with Mexico (1846) The depression was replaced with a burning enthusiasm to join the army, and realize his dream. He dropped out of the law office and joined the Ohio regiment.^6 To this point in his life, Hayes had never been so enthusiastic about an undertaking. He enjoyed the life of rigorous training, sleeping in the rain, hiking for miles before the sun came up, and other general relationships with the ’’real” men. The family, at first, was hesitant, but finally consented to his joing the army, but only on the condition that he visit two physicians before leaving for battle. It was agreed that he would abide by their deci­ sion as to whether he should leave for the fighting. ^-7 Both doctors said that the southern climate would be bad for him, and that he should remain in Lower Sandusky. He consented, and the Ohio regiment left without him. I have been to Cincinnati, taken the advice of Dr. Mussey, and given up my design of going to Mexico. I dislike to leave the company of volunteers, but I had promised my friends net to go if Dr. Mussey thought it would injure, rather than benefit, my health. My excuse made to all friends for not going was ill health, and I could not avoid pledging myself to abandon my intention if medical advisors thought unfavorable of it.48 21

Though he was ill, he was not sick enough to give up his plans. The truth is, Rutherford B. Hayes was duped. What he did not know was that Sardis^ abetted by Fanny and Sophia, and aided by Will Platt, had reached both physi­ cians and convinced them that it was to Hayes’ benefit, regardless of his physi­ cal condition that they advise him to abandon the war plan. Everybody, but Hayes, was delighted.*9 Regardless of motives, the action kept Hayes out of the war with Mexico. However, the impression that the military life left on Hayes would find itself manifested in an even greater conflict in the l560fs. Hayes’ final action in Lower Sandusky was to submit a petition in August, 1549, to the State of Ohio to have the name of the town changed from Lower Sandusky to "Fremont.” The petition was signed, accepted by the Governor, and the change was made.50 With little hope of a successful future in the area, Rutherford B. Hayes made the most important decision of his life. As a sign of rejection of family control, and a need to escape what he found to be the suffocating climate of Fremont, Hayes moved to Cincinnati, Ohio. His arrival on December 31, 1549, marked the beginning of his new life of social, military, and political prominence.51 After getting himself established in town, Hayes became the law partner of John W. Herron.52 His office was in the Law Building, a 22

typical office structure of that remote period. Below it harbored an express office, an auction store, and a telegraph office; above, were eighteen lawyers, three or four architects, and several ’’loafers”, as Hayes called them.53 The relationship between Hayes and Herron became one of both professional respect and personal friendship, Herron’s wife would prove to be a close friend of Rutherford Hayes, and his family in the years to come.5^ John Herron would have a large family, and eventually become father-in- law to William Howard Taft, a future President of the United States.55 More than the pleasure that this relationship gave him, it was now possible for Hayes to interact with his acquaintances on a more sophisticated level. Hayes relished these friendships, and took every opportunity to expand his sphere of influence. His early success as a lawyer for the firm brought him high recognition from other members of the bar. The world was, in fact, opening up for Rutherford B. Hayes. The success he achieved made him realize the time he had ’’wasted” in Fremont. I am now living again with a student, with abundant leisure and few cares. Why may I not, by a few hours daily spent in systematic study, regain all I have lost in the last three or four unfortunate years spent or wasted in the north (Fremont)? Let me awake to my old ambition to excel as a lawyer, as an advocate.5° One of the first public displays of his advocate 23

nature was in opposition to the prohibition proposals that were popular at the time. Hayes did not violate his long opposition to excessive uses of liquor, but argued instead the constitutionality of the issue. I am a sincere, but not extreme or violent friend of the temperance cause. I mean to prepare myself to speak on this subject by accumulating and arrang­ ing in my memory as many interesting facts, arguments, and statistics as I can; also by jotting down my own ideas on the sub­ ject as they occur to me. The learning to speak as well as the notoriety {not to speak of the good I may do) are objects worthy of the pain.57 The ability to speak on a subject without violating any of his personal convictions won him High esteem with those around him. He opposed prohibition on the grounds that every man had the right to choose his own life style, and that to impose legal restrictions on any form of free­ dom was out of the question. Although he continually took opposing views with various temperance organizations, he was always in their highest regard. He was continually asked to speak before these various organizations through­ out his period in Cincinnati. The subject of his talks was a support of the temperance philosophy, but he argued that each man must choose his own evils. This philosophy was advanced in a speech he gave at the Cincinnati County Temperance Association in August, l551f5^

While in Cincinnati Hayes expanded his circle of 24

friends by joining the local chapter of the Odd Fellows, as he had done in Lower Sandusky. Mostly, however, his desire to remain active in the group vzas driven by his need to make the acquaintance of many of the community’s influential citizens. He also joined the Literary Club of Cincinnati for the purpose of renewing his participation in debates, an exercise he had come to enjoy while at Kenyon College. As a member of the club, he met another of his life­ long friends, Henry B. Blackwell. Blackwell was an influential lawyer in the community, and did a lot of legal work with Hayes. It was Blackwell who later married Lucy Stone, a nationally famous advocate of Temperance and women’s rights.59 The success of Hayes’ involvement with the right circle of friends resulted in his having more clients in three months than he had had during his entire stay in Lower Sandusky. By 1852, Hayes vzas an important member of the Cincinnati Bar Association. Before long he was called in regularly on cases that required careful research and getting for himself a reputation as a ’’lawyer’s lawyer.” By June 1852, he was already so well thought of in the profession that he was chosen to examine graduates of the Cincinnati College of Law for admission to the bar...60 The confidence he was now beginning to feel held one surprise for Hayes. He met and eventually married Lucy Ware Webb. The love that he thought he could never feel for a woman, because of the dominant role that women had 25

played in his life, found its manifestation in Lucy Webb. Actually, Lucy and Rutherford had met before; in fact, "destiny" had a little help from the "three widow's of Delaware." This began when she (Lucy), her mother... went to live in Delaware...Mrs. Webb became friendly with Mrs. Lamb, widow of the distillery partner of Hayes* father... through Mrs. Lamb she met Soohia...The three widows decided that Mrs. Hayes* son, and Mrs. Webb is daughter would make a fine match. 1 Still, Rutherford was in love, and saw only the image of Lucy as his wife. Commenting to her on the doings of the three widows, he said, "I rather guess that heaven had a hand in the matter also."^^

Few question the totality of Lucy’s influence on Rutherford for the rest of his life. This "quiet and sweet" girl was in marked contrast to the open, almost flamboyant women he had known before.6 3 A graduate of

Wesleyan Female College in Cincinnati, Lucy was a woman of tremendous personal strength and conviction. She was oriented totally to the Methodist Church, and had a pro­ found religious influence over Rutherford during the later period of his life. Her religious orientation made Lucy’s outlook on social issues almost puritanical in nature. She contin­ ually rejected suitors who did not live up to her ideas and societal beliefs of equality. Lucy Webb was an ada- 26

mant spokeswoman against slavery, and spent a good deal of time writing on the evils of that institution. She grad­ uated high in her class, and Rutherford attended her grad­ uation ceremony to hear her deliver a speech on ’’The Influence of Christianity on National Prosperity. Despite their differences on many social issues, they were married on Decmeber 30, 1852.65 The couple had eight

children, but three of them died at birth.00 The most immediate influence that Lucy had on Rutherford was his conversion to an anti-slavery position. The basis of this was derived from Lucy’s Methodist beliefs. The conversion was so overwhelming for Hayes that he adopted one of his most profound legal philoso­ phies: never to represent, as an attorney, any client who dealt on the pro side of the slavery issue.^7 Hayes soon

became well known for never losing a case related to the issue of fugitive slaves, of whom he represented a large number. If a fee were charged for his services on this issue, and such instances were extremely rare, the money was turned over to Lucy for her dissemination in any manner she saw fit. But further work needs to be done and my sense of duty determines me to keep in the path I have chosen--not to dabble in politics at the expense of duty to my family and to the neglect of my profession, but to do what I can consistently with other duties to aid in forming a public opinion on this 27

subject (slavery) which will ’’mitigate and finally eradicate the evil."65 During the period of 1556 the old Whig party was on the decline, and was beginning to merge with the Republican party. Hayes had always considered himself a Whig, and embarked on a campaign to keep the ailing party alive. This Whig identity grew from his childhood heroes of Webster and Clay. However, the effort was futile, and therefore, after 1556 Hayes considered himself a loyal member of the Republican party. Another event occurred in 1556 that had a marked influence on his life. Fanny Platt (Hayes), the sister he: had grown to love, reject, and love again, died on July 16, 1556. Oh, what a blow it is! During all my life she had been the dear one. I can recall no happiness in the past which was not brightened either by her par­ ticipation in it...All the fine traits of her character shone brightly to the last. She was cheerful, uncomplaining, considerate for others, and affectionate up to the moment that the breath left her body,..Good-bye, good-bye. My heart bleeds, and the tears flow as I write. 9 The death came as a tremendous blow to Rutherford, who, in his letters, often referred to Fanny and his "other love." "Other,” meaning Lucy was the first. For the first time in his life, Hayes was an independent person who fashioned his philosophies and beliefs around the influence of his wife, Lucy. 2B

His life in Cincinnati was marked by repeated success­ es. His law firm, flourishing beyond all expectation, held unprecedented civic responsibility, due largely to the fact that Hayes was becoming a central figure in the community. Rutherford B. Hayes’ first public involvement in national politics began in 1$56.?1 He concerned himself with the Presidential campaign of John C. Fremont. Hayes did some local campaigning for Fremont, but had no desire to take his cause to any other level. The campaign for Fremont, in essence, turned him away from politics. Lucy was also ardent in her wish to keep her husband out of the political scene. In 1&5B, with his influence in the community, espec­ ially the legal community, growing every day, Rutherford B. Hayes was appointed' to the office of City Solicitor of 72 Cincinnati. Those who held the office before him saw the position as a ’’stopover” to a more lucrative position in city government. Hayes, however, feeling honored to be given the post, had no desire to go higher in public office. I am in my new office...and, seeing I was elected only last night, begin to feel much at home. The berth is good. Salary three thousand five hundred a year, and duties agreeable. I am well spoken of in all the papers. ? His role in the office was as prosecutor, similar to the modern District Attorney. For three years he enjoyed 29

the office. . His circle of friends increased, his promi­ nence in the society was heightened, and Lucy reaped the benefits of her husband’s position. However, this period of tranquility came to an abrupt end for the Hayeses. The controversy over slavery was now germinating into an explo­ sive conflict between North and South. In l66l, within a month following the inauguration of President Lincoln, there was a strong Democratic backlash by local opponents to Lincoln.?4 Public sentiment was so anti-Republican, that all major office holders were removed. Initially, considered the easy favorite to win re-election as City Solicitor, Hayes was defeated, and immediately returned to private practice. Not surprisingly, Hayes was glad to get out of public life and back to the serenity of Lucy’s company. This tranquility was interrupted by the outbreak of the Civil War. Hayes initially believed, contrary to the Whiggish philosophy, that separation of North and South might be best for the country. Disunion and Civil War are at hand; and yet I fear disunion and war less than compromise. We can recover from them. The free states, alone will make a glorious nation.'5 Hayes organized the members of the local literary society into a quasi-military unit. His zeal for this effort grew out of his, as yet, unfulfilled dream to be a 30

war hero. The Mexican War had given him a taste for battle, but the fact that he never made it to the conflict left him hungry for such action. In any event, the war would fulfill the last of the childhood dreams. The literary society called itself "Burnett’s Rifles."76

purpose was more to prepare the members emotionally for war than it was for military training. I have joined a volunteer home company to learn drill. It is chiefly composed of the Literary club...Wre wish to learn how to "eyes right and left" if nothing more.77

Hayes’ zeal for military action was greatly enhanced by the support he received from Lucy. She encouraged him to take active part in the war effort, and told him of her desire to see him emerge as a hero of the union, and a symbol of anti-slavery, Rutherford B. Hayes entered the military’s Twenty- Third Ohio Volunteers Infantry.78 He vzas given the title of Lieutenant Colonel by the Governor of Ohio because of his leadership abilities in the Burnett’s Rifles. Hayes’ first job while in the army vzas as legal advisor for the army in disciplinary action. He was quickly disillusioned with the role of attorney in such cases, arguing that it was nothing more than wearing a different suit to work. The compensation is the probable pro­ motion I shall get to his (Lt. Col, Matthews) place. I care little about this. As much to get rid of the title 31

’’major’’ as anything else makes it desirable. Iaam prejudiced against ’’Major”...So if we lose friend Matthews, there may be this crumb, besides the larger one of being the army’s lawyer or judge which I don’t fancy. After continual attempts to get into the infantry, his request was approved. Assuming the rank of full Colonel, Hayes found himself engaged in some of the worst battles of the war. He was continually on the front lines, and always at the head of any charge. His whole nature seems to change in battle. From the sunny, agreeable, the kind, the generous, the gentle gentleman...he was, when the battle was on,... intense and ferocious. 0 One thing still eluded Hayes in his dream of emerging as a hero. Hayes could not visualize a war hero without battle scars. He was determined to get one. This provided a psychological factor for Colonel Hayes in battle. His desire for a wound was fulfilled in an heroic charge at Cedar Creek, Virginia. Hayes would have bled to death had not one of his men pulled him from the open field. This period marked a turn-about for the quiet, often timid Hayes. Numerous letters to Lucy, while in the field, reveal Hayes’ extreme enjoyment of the whole war, and his sorrow for anyone who could not have the same experiences. We have been busy as bees a large part of the time in scorching sun; but so far it (is) great fun. I enjoy it as much as a boy does the Fourth of July. 1 32 *

Other members of the company would go on to greater fame based largely on the images they portrayed during the war. One such man was William McKinley, a sergeant who, like Hayes, would become President of the United States. | Rutherford B. Hayes became a celebrity in Cincinnati. Communities published newspaper accounts of their sons’ heroic ventures, and Hayes became a favorite. It was no surprise, then, that the citizens of Cincinnati elected him to Congress before his tour of duty was ended.| The

thought of being a Representative in Washington excited him. However, he made it clear that he would neither campaign for office nor assume his chair if elected until all obligations to the military were fulfilled. My share of (notoriety) here (in war) is nothing at all, and my real share of merit is also small enough, I know, but the consciousness that I am doing my part in these brilliant actions is far more gratifying than anything the election brings me.®2 He was elected to the House of Representatives in 1564, but did not take his seat in Washington until 1565.^ In 1565, as the war came to a close, Rutherford and Lucy took a short vacation to Spiegel Grove, the estate of Sardis Birchard in Fremont, Ohio. • Subsequent to the visit they moved to Washington for the remainder of his term,^

Hayes spent a large part of his first term in office 33.

getting used to Washington life. He soon acquired a repu­ tation as a hard worker. At this time in Washington’s social history, the concent of hard work was second only to the social ladder.Almost predictably, the Hayes’s found the social life not to their liking. Lucy is with me. She is very happy. We do not go to parties or receptions much. Went to one. They are all alike; rather a bore generally.® His political life during his two terms as Representa­ tive were productive, yet he chose to remain in the back­ ground of controversy, seldom emerging from his work. In this congress and the succeeding one Rutherford B. Hayes sat, brooding, almost inarticulate. Out of place in the furious medley of passions which he did notc-himself share..., he voted but did not speak. He always voted with his party...but his inactivity was his way of washing his hands.°7 His private life centered around his desire to accum­ ulate wealth for his later years. He accomplished this by good investments in real estate near Fremont, Ohio, under the eye of Uncle Sardis Birchard. Soon he had amassed a sum of money sufficient to allow him to live out his life comfortably. The one true hardship that both Rutherford and Lucy Hayes had to deal with was the death of Sophia Hayes, his mother, in October, 1866.88 Her death at age seventy-four left Rutherford in a state of despair for a long time. 34

Lucy initially recommended that the two finish out his stay in Washington and return home. However, with the death of his mother he decided that a second term of office, as his constituency would ask, would keep him occupied throughout this trying time. This was done and Rutherford B. Hayes was re-elected to the House of Representative in lB66,$9; The second term of office saw him move from his moder­ ate position to one where he aligned himself with Ben Butler and other radicals. Hayes voted against Andrew Johnson’s reconstruction, and ultimately for his impeach­ ment. This immediately increased his popularity with top line Republican leaders. His career in Congress was highlighted by a concerned effort in the area of educational legislation. He was instrumental in passing a bill which incorporated the Smithsonian Institution into the Library of Congress. Other legislation on his part aided in efforts to rebuild the educational system in the oost-Civil War south. This action made him more acceptable to the Democratic Southern Governors.90

Personal popularity, a combination of Republicanism and Civil War stories, made him a prime candidate for the office of Governor of Ohio. Tiring of Washington life, Hayes desired the office. He received the nomination, and subsequently resigned his Congressional seat in order to 35

campaign. 91 Despite overwhelming Democratic victories throughout.; the state, Rutherford B. Hayes was elected Governor of Ohio in 1567, by a margin of 3,000 votes.92 He would be sub­ sequently re-elected in 1569, and after a short rest, again in 1575. The terms as governor of Ohio were an extension of the social consciousness that he had been acquiring since his early political days in Cincinnati. One of his first actions was in the area of voter registration. Having seen some of the benefits of universal voting, Hayes initiated changes in order to forestall fraud. He urged...proper registration of voters in order to prevent frauds and injustices. At that time reg­ istration requirements were almost non-existent in the United States, with the result that furious disputes took place at the noils when voters were challenged,..93 While Governor, Hayes built a reputation for consis­ tency, honesty, and a bi-partisan nature in his anproach to state legislation. The result was that he soon became one of the few political figures that received support from both parties in a time of partisan politics. ...by and large he consciously sought to administer his office so that Democrats would recognize that he was Governor of Ohio, not a Republican Governor. Thus, his first term, in making appointments to various state boards, he insisted that some of the men 36.

appointed be Democrats.95

In order to stabilize the economic situation for both business and worker, Hayes made reforms in the regulation of the railroads. Hayes, believing in compromise, often used his office as mediator during outbreaks of violence between the Grange and the railroads. He enjoyed this role for a number of reasons, but his experience in such matters at Kenyon College proved valuable to him in this effort. He pioneered moves in the area of prison reform and care for the mentally ill. He depended heavily on the advice of experts and educators to inform him of the latest theo­ ries of sociology. Offshoots of this interest were his trail blazing recommendations, some adopted while he was Governor, others effected later, separating hardened criminals from first offenders, for giving indeter­ minate sentences, and for building reform schools on the plan of cottages, rather than the forbidding bastile type of structure.95 Hayes* philosophy that ’’...striving for an education is a labor of love,” prompted his advances in the area of edu- cational reform. B6 In a response to his own values on education, Hayes led a vigorous debate on the need to establish a state university. Originally labeled the Ohio Agricultural and Mechanical College, the name was changed in 1B7B, to The Ohio State University.9? He was perhaps the most active and the controlling agent in its organization 37

and location. He shaped the necessary legislation, procured its passage, and appointed the board of trustees which located the University, prescribed its general courses of study, and elected its faculty. His interest in it was constant and he was always ready to make any sacrifice of time and personal effort to serve it.98 By the time Hayes concluded his second term as Governor he was tired of political life. He realized the need for his services to the state, but continually ex­ pressed the desire to leave office as soon as possible.99 Rutherford B. Hayes left the Governor’s office on January 8, 1872, noting the following day, ”1 feel foolishly happy this, my first day of freedom.”3-00 Following his departure from Columbus, Hayes was offered the nomination for the United States Senate by the Republican party. However, he declined the offer, refusing to allow his name to be placed in nomination.1^1 The years 1871-1875 were years of readjustment for Hayes. Finally out of the public eye, he decided to move his family to Fremont, Ohio. Uncle Sardis Birchard had just completed a large home in : the outskirts of Fremont in a quiet area known as Spiegel Grove. The decision to move was made on January 28, 1873. Hayes wanted a home where his children could grow up in peaceful surroundings, and he could watch their coming to maturity. Now it is decided that I go to Fremont and make a home in Spiegei Grove...With 35.

me, the best part of the house is the veranda. But I would enlarge it. I want a veranda with a house attached.102 More than bringing the family to Fremont, Hayes felt a tremendous personal satisfaction in the move. He quickly" recalled the year 1549 when he left Fremont, as he saw it, a failure. Finally, he returned to his town a war hero, a successful lawyer, an ex-Congressman, and ex-Governor. His return was triumphant. In 1574, there came what seemed to be an about face for Rutherford B. Hayes. He was nominated, and ran, for an un­ precedented third term as Governor. Coming out of private life, Hayes won re-election in 1575.^^-^ Many Republicans ' saw this campaign for Governor as a testing ground for a Presidential candidate in 1576; a belief that would later prove true. I am as nearly indifferent, on personal grounds to the results of this day (election day) as it is possible to be. I prefer success, but I anticipate fail­ ure with very great equanimity. If victorious, I am likely to be pushed for the Republican nomination for President... If nominated, the stir would last until November a year from now. Defeat in the next Presidential election is almost a certainty.104 Hewwas wrong. The campaign for the Presidency began with the opening of the Republican National Convention on June 14, 1576.105 The convention proved to be a model for the upcoming 39

campaign. For if the Presidential campaign of IB76 was not the dirtiest, most marked by undercover chicanery, and discreet or exposed treachery, fraud and violence in the national history up to then, it was certainly the most clearly and thoroughly revealed in that character.196 Rutherford B. Hayes emerged from the convention as a compromise candidate. He did not receive the endorsement until the seventh ballot. On June 30, 1S?6, Samuel J. Tilden; Governor of New York, was nominated as the Democratic candidate.197

From the close of the conventions both Hayes and Tilden became the victims of opposition slander. Tilden was accused of being a railroad wrecker, a rebel sympathizer, one who defrauded his income tax, one who charged outrageous legal fees to the poor, and a drunk. Probably the most vicious attack was that his smashing of the ’’Tweed Ring" was merely a show, cleverly worked out between Tilden and Tweed, to further his political ambitions.19^ The

Republican papers were avid in their denunciation of the opposition. ...the general cussedness of all Democrats, their moral degradation, liking for liquor, antipathy to good men, and fondness for brawling, fighting, and general deviltry...199 Tilden, an outspoken politician, chose to meet each charge head on during his tours. Thus, his campaign was 40.

little more than a series of refutations of the charges leveled against him. Rutherford B. Hayes was not exempt from the political attacks. As a man whose life was devoted to the Union, and a man of unimpeachable honesty and political fairness, Hayes was shocked at many of the charges against him. Among these charges were the accusations that he took money off the body of a dead Union soldier during the Civil War, that he was a salary grabber, and a member of a secret anti-foreigner league. These accusations undoubtedly hurt Hayes at the polls. The Republican machine, realizing the need for a counter-attack, launched into a new series of charges against Tilden. The circular pattern of charge, defense, and counter-charge continued throughout the campaign. The Republican leaders were quite aware that their party’s record was not one with which it would be safe to go before the people. Practically, their only hope of securing a new lease of power lay in creating a still greater distrust of Democrats than was entertained by them.110 Early in the campaign, Hayes identified the position he would take in regard to the attacks against him. Essentially it was a position of non-involvement. Hayes, having a great amount of trust in the nature of man, firmly believed that the people would realize that the charges were false and act accordingly. ...the foregoing letters show the sort 41

of falsehoods with which the partisan press gathers up, or fabricates. They are not believed, however, and do not worry me much.Hl Actually, the attacks did bother him, but he refused to make public comment on them. Hayes believed that to do so would only aggravate the issues, and create new scandals. His approach was to make as few speeches during the campaign as possible. Hayes believed that political campaigning was designed to aid in the re-election to office, not simply the immediate election. This retreating by Hayes was a turn­ about from his earlier position, while Governor, on vigorous political campaigning. For all purposes, Hayes relinquished the 1676 campaign strategy to the machine, since he believed that he should prepare himself and his integrity for the office he might hold. Hayes was nothing more than a symbol of the powers behind him. These were steered by the practiced party leaders ...Hayes was happy in his ignorance of the campaign management. 12 This is, in part, correct. Hayes* personal philosophy on honesty and trust could not have been pre-empted by the campaign. Thus, it seems unlikely that Hayes would have patterned a similar strategy had he been in control. Still, he did despair when the attacks focused on his character. ...it (the charge) concerns my character for common honesty in ordinary life, and I confess that I am interested more in that than in that which touches my prospects of political advancement. 13 42

To a certain degree, the charge that Hayes took little part in the charges and counter-charges is correct. Still, he did publicly react when his honor or integrity was attacked. At one point in the campaign, he became so fur­ ious that he called public attention to himself to denounce a charge. The indictment was over his conduct as Commander of the Twenty-Third Ohio Voluntary. Having been contacted by the Cincinnati Enquirer, Hayes responded positively to their request for an interview. I do not intend to discuss oolitical questions during my candidacy; at least that is my present purpose about it, and I would decline to be interviewed on public affairs, but this charge, aimed at my integrity as a soldier is of such a nature that 1 am glad to have an opportunity to respond to it publicly.'. 114 The interview, published in the Cincinnati oaoer, resulted in Hayes’ popular vindication of the charge. The result was so successful that he was encouraged to continue making public statements. Hayes, however, refused to alter his campaign strategy, and declined any further comment for the remainder of the campaign. As election day came to a close, it appeared that Tilden had been victorious. The back and forth struggle for the results and confirmation by the electoral college, became subject to more bribery and partisan politics than had the original campaign. On election night, Hayes privately ad­ 43

mitted that victory was not his. The returns received from the rural districts did not warrant the belief that they would overcome such a large city majority. From that time, I never supposed there was a chance for Repub­ lican success.115 When the electoral college reported that Hayes was the victor by one vote (185-184), the Democrats in Congress were in an uproar, and, at the insistence of the Tilden machine and the Democratic party, launched an extensive investigation of election practices and possible fraud. On December 14, 1876, the House decided to establish a committee to recommend how they should proceed to settle the question of a contested election. On January 18, 1877, this committee recommended the creation of an ’’electoral commis­ sion. ’’116 The charge of this commission was to determine the validity of the Electoral Colleg’s decision by investi­ gating possible fraud during the election. Under careful scrutiny were the results of three southern states, Louisiana, South Carolina, and Florida. With the report of the committee on the House floor, the ensuing debate focused on the issues of constitutionality of the commission, evidence to support charges of fraud and corruption, and what effect the creation of a special com- mision would have on future elections. The debate lasted until January 25, 1877, and the House adopted the measure on January 26, 1877, by a vote of 191 to 86.3-3-7 44

The investigation by the commission failed to provide the definitive answer on the contested states. Davidson, in his excellent account of the politics of the day, explains some of the political maneuvering. To gain support for Hayes* claim to the presidency over Tilden, the South was promised aid for internal improvements; a subsidy for the Texas and Pacific Railway to connect the South with the West Coast; a cabinet seat; and a voice in the distribution of federal patronage in the South. In return, the South offered to abstain from a Democratic fillibuster aimed at slowing the electoral count and thus defeating its purpose and gave assurances that enough southern Democrats would absent themselves at the opening session of the new Congress to allow the Republicans to organize the House and elect a Hayes spokesman, James A. Garfield, as Speaker,H® On March 2, 1677, the commission returned its findings. They reported that the results of the Electoral College were valid, and that Hayes should be placed in office. On March 4, 1677, two days after the commission handed down this verdict, Rutherford Birchard Hayes was sworn in as the nineteenth President of the United States.H9 Throughout his administration the Democratic faction let no opportunity slip by to argue that Hayes stole the election. Their efforts were, however, to no avail. He would serve his term as President with no serious threat or contest. Once it was clear that he would be seated, Hayes com- 45.

mitted his administration to certain principles. ...first, that for the protection and welfare of the colored people, the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth amendments shall be sacredly observed and faithfully enforced according to their true intent and meaning. Second, we all see that the tremendous revolu­ tion which passed over the Southern people has left them impoverished and prostrate, and we are all deeply solici­ tous to what may constitutionally be done to make them again prosperous and happy ...We do not want a United North nor a United South, but a United country.120 The term of office of Rutherford B. Kayes was marked by a strong philosophy of southern reconstruction, and educa-^' tional and social reform throughout the nation.121 One of his first actions was to have all federal troops removed from those states still subject to military control. Troops were withdrawn from Louisiana and South Carolina, the last of the states. Hayes hoped that the removal of the troops would increase popular support for the Republican administration. However, the newly legitimized state governments kept their old Democratic ties. The political decision by the south was a blow to Hayes, but the fact that these states were back in the union body, and functioning with full state status, was the real goal of the President. Hayes did not want to aggravate the partisanship in Congress by political cabinet appointments. It was his belief that the best man for the job, be he Democrat or 46

Republican, should be appointed. This policy also extended to the question of race. A bitter debate erupted when Hayes appointed the well-known black, Fredrick Douglas, as Marshal of the District of Columbia. ...the bar of this District (of Columbia) are in a state of mind because Fred Douglas, the most distinguished and able colored man in the nation, has been nominated Marshal for the District. If a liberal policy towards late rebels is adopted, the ultra-Republicans are - opposed to it; if the colored people are honored, the extremists of the other wing cry out against it. I suspect I am right in both cases.3-22 Other actions by Hayes were to increase the power of the Navy to protect western shores, using federal troops to reinforce the Mexican border against mercenary attacks, and to establish a fund by which states could borrow money for the purpose of establishing state universities. Many of his non-oolitical mannerisms made him a popular President. His temperance attitudes, aided by the first lady, Lucy, gave the country four years of a "dry administra tion," It was not long before the name "Lemonade Lucy" was given as a humorous nickname to Mrs. Hayes.3-23 On only one occasion was wine served. The incident was the visitation of a foreign Ambassador, and Hayes felt that since wine was the customary drink of the visiting nation, that it would be an affront not to have some present. 47

Final Years

Rutherford B. Hayes left the White House with the inauguration of James A. Garfield in March, l66l,l2^ He was glad to return to the serenity of Spiegel Grove, and honed to travel with Lucy to places far away. With us time passes swiftly and pleasant­ ly. The escape from bondage into freedom is grateful indeed to my feelings. The equanimity of temoer which had enabled me to bear without discomposure the vexations and anxieties that every day brought with it during my term of office, no doubt relieved me from a great part of the strain upon the facilities which has broken down so many of my predeces­ sors...I am glad to be a freedman.125 Unfortunately, the peaceful coexistence with Lucy lasted only eight years. Lucy Hayes died of a stroke on June 25, l669.n6 Naturally, the death of his wife caused

Rutherford to lapse into a period of depression, and his family feared for his own health. The period of public mourning vanished in a short time, but the private torment and loneliness would be with him until his own death, Lucy died without pain this morning at 6:30. All were present, I held her hand and gazed upon her fine face to the last; when, kissing her goodbye as she left the earth, I joined the dear daughter and the other children on the porch in the bracing air of the lovely morning.127 With Lucy’s death, Rutherford B. Hayes continued the work he had been involved with since his Presidency, which included: member of the Board of Trustees at the Ohio State 4$

University, member of the Board of Trustees of the Peabody Educational Fund, President of the John F. Slater Fund, President of the National Prison Association, Trustee of Western Reserve University, Trustee of Ohio Wesleyan University, and Commander-in-Chief of the Loyal Legion of the United States. Rutherford Birchard Hayes remained active in his affairs until his death on January 17, lS93.^^^

Tuesday night near eleven o’clock his noble spirit oassed peacefully into the eternal world of the Unseen, Mr. Hayes’ last recorded words were: "I know I am going where Lucy is.”129 49.

FOOTNOTES

3- Barnard, Harry. Rutherford B. Haves: and his America (New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company," 1944), P. 737 ^Echenrode, H.J. Rutherford B. Hayes: Statesman of Reunion (New York: Dodd, Mead, ancF Company, Pub.',' 193^3", pp. 3-4. 3Barnard, p. 77. 4- Ibid.. p. 79. 5lbid. ¿Ibid.. P. 73. 7Williams, Charles R. Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes: Nineteenth President of the United States, Five Volumes (Columbus, Ohio: The Ohio State Archaeological and' ~Historical Society, Pub., 1924), Vol. 1, p. 5. Note: The five volume collection contains all the personal letters and diary entries of Hayes which were available in 1924. Hereafter, referred to as Diary... 8lbid.. Vol. 1, p.9. 9Barnard, p. 90. lOlbid. Hlbid., p. 91. l^Echenrode, p. 5. 13Diary, Vol. I, o. 13. 14lbid., p. 14. 15Barnard, p. 100. l6piary, Vol. I, p. 15. 17Williams, Charles Richard. The Life of Rutherford Birchard Hayes (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company^ 1914)", Two Volumes; Vol. I, p. 18. Note: These two volumes should not be confused with the original five volume collection edited by Charles Williams, Hereafter, referred to as: Williams... 50

l^Barnard, p. 101.

19Echenrode, p. 7. 20lbid. 2lBarnard, p. 10$. 22ibid. 23Diary, Vol. I, p. 27. 24-Barnard, p. 111. 25lbid.. p. 113. 26ibid.. p. 115. 27williams, Vol. I, p. 22. 2$Barnard, p. 170. 29parker, Wyman W. ’’Rutherford B. Hayes as a Student of Speech at Kenyon College,” Quarterly Journal of Speech, (1954), Vol. 39, p. 292. 3°Barnard, p. 125. 31lbid.

32ibid.. p. 131. 33Echenrode, p. 19. 34ibid. 35pjary, Vol. I, p. 119. 36Diary, Vol. I, p. 120. 3?Barnard, p. 13$. 3$Echenrode, p. 17. 39garnard, p. 142. 40lbid., p. 145. 4lEchenrode, p. 19. 51.

^•2Piary. Vol. I, p. 272. ^•3Barnard, p. 147. ^Ibid.. p. 155. 45Piary. Vol. I, op. 192-193. 46sarnard, o. 157. 47lbid., p. 156. 46pjary, Vol. I, o. 206. 49Barnard, o. 156. 50lbid.. p. 162. 5lEchenrode, p. 26. 52Williams. Vol. I, p. 57. 53Echenrode, p. 27. 5A-Note: Mrs. Herron would become an associate of Rutherford B. Hayes during their involvement in the ' Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle. This relation­ ship will be discussed at length in subsequent chapters of this dissertation, ^^Barnard, p, 167. 56piary, Vol. I, o. 279. 57williams. Vol. I, o. 60. 5^Barnard, o. 170. 59lbid. 60lbid., p. 173. 6llbid., p. 160. 62Piary, Vol. I, p. 391. ^Barnard, p. 176. 6/>Ibid.. p. 179. 52.

^^Echenrode, p. 47. 66Ibid. 67Barnard, p. 1$$, 6gPiary, Vol. I, p. 503. 69ibid.. Vol. I, p. 499-500. 7°Ibid.. Vol. I, p. 453. 9^-Barnard, p. 197. 72Ibid.. p. 204. ?3Diary, Vol. I, p. 536. 7^Barnard, p. 211.

75Diary, Vol. II, o. 2. ^Barnard, o. 213.

77pjary, Vol. II, p. 10. lliams, Vol. I, p. 125. Apiary, Vol. II, o. 126-127. ^Barnard, o. 219. ^Diary, Vol. II, p. 25. g2Ibid., Vol. II, p. 52$. ^Barnard, p. 226. ^Note: It becomes beyond the scope or intent of this dissertation to detail the political life of Rutherford B. Hayes. However, it is necessary to briefly sketch his polit­ ical activities in order to facilitate the totality of this biographical essay. ^Echenrode, p. $3. ^Diary, Vol. Ill, p. 15. ^Echenrode, p. $1. 53

88ßarnard, p. 235. g9Ibid.. p. 236.

90Echenrode, p. 82. 93-ibid.. p. 83. 92Barnard, p. 241. 93Echenrode, p. 87. 94ßarnard, p. 245. 95ibid., p. 247. 96piary, Voi. IV, p. 352. 9?Ibid.. Voi. V, p. 203. 9gIbid., "ibid.. Voi. III, o. 183. 3-OOlbid.. Voi. III, p. 190. 101Barnard, P. 254. 102Diary, Voi. Ill, p. 227. 103ßarnard, p. 270. l04Piary, Voi. III, o. 295.

3-05Haworth, Paul L. The Hayes-Tilden Election (Indianapolis, Indiana: The 'ö'obbs-Merrill" 'Comöany, 1906), p. 19. 3-O6ßarnard, p. 301. Wlbid. , p. 299. 3-08ßchenrode, p. 142-143. 3-09(Anonymous) Nation Magazine, Voi. XXIII, 1876, pp. 115-116. 3-lOßaworth, p. 40. 3-3-lpiary, Voi. III, p. 337. 54.

ll^Echenrode, p. 139. 113Diary, Vol. Ill, p. 354.

H^Ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 346.

H5ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 375. H^Miller, Marion Mills (ed.). Great Debates in American History (New York, Current Literature Publishing Company, 9 vols.), Vol. IX, p. 105. H7lbid. H^Davidson, Kenneth E. The Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes (Westport, Conn.: Glenwood "Press, Tnc., 1972), p. £?. ll^Barnard, p. 404. HOPiary, Vol. Ill, p. 421. Hlßarnard, p. 407. 122Piary, Vol. Ill, o. 427. l23Davidson, p. 75. l2^Barnard, o. 500. l25pjary, Vol. IV, p. 5-6. l26ßarnard, p. 510. l27piary, Vol. IV, p. 1,11,. 12^Ibid.. Vol. V, p. 145. 129lbid. 5^

CHAPTER II

CHAUTAUQUA: A HISTORY

Foundation and Growth

Although it was a special retreat for Sunday school teachers, the Chautauqua rose to become, as President Theodore Roosevelt said, ’’the most American place in America.”! It was not so much the physical layout that created the identity of Chautauqua, nor was it the large crowds or lecturers who graced its grounds, but rather its identity lay in the philosophy it advocated. Chautauqua existed as a world all to itself, voiding its visitors of the stresses from the outside world. Its place in American history is clear. The Chautauqua Movement served America well, and when its time was over, it withdrew quietly to its place of origin, where it continues to leaven the lives of many. Its contribution to our continuing American Revolution was timely and considerable.2 The name Chautauqua was applied to three different, yet interwoven phases, 1) the original camp at Lake Chautauqua, Fair Point, New York, 2) subsequent branches of the Chautau­ qua camp throughout the world, and 3) the traveling circuit tents which existed from 1904 to 1926. Beyond its physical nature, however, Chautauqua was an idea, a way of life, 56

advocating a philosophy of socio-religious purism. Its ultimate goal was the cultural, educational, and religious advancement of the people. The following is an attempt to explicate the physical and philosophical evolutionoof the Chautauqua. It is not intended as a definitive essay on the movement, but rather as a guide, an insight, into one of the most profound cultural movements in America. The Chautauqua, founded in 1$74, grew to become a national movement which thrived until the early 193O’s. With the depression of the thirties, the movement faded. However, the original Chautauqua still flourishes at Fair Point. The Chautauqua Institution is located on the shores of Lake Chautauqua, New York, on State Route J-17, between Mayville and Jamestown.3 The lake was virtually unknown to Europeans as late as 1750.^ The first name, derived from the Iroquois pronunciation, was "Tchadakoiu”, later spellings were ’’Chatacoiu" and "Chatakouia."5 It undervzent numerous, changes, ’’until 1$59 it was spelled Chautauque, then it was changed by a resolution...to the County of Chautauqua. There are two popular accounts of the origin of the word ’’Chautauqua.” The first encompasses the beautiful isolation which the area identifies. An Indian party had camped on the shore of the lake. A young maiden of the party having eaten of a certain root growing on its banks, which created a great thirst, 57

stooped to drink from its clear waters, when she disappeared forever. Hence the name, which signifies "the place of easy death" or "where one vanishes away.”7 The second account deals more closely with the basic Indian tradition of naming an object based on its most peculiar qualities. Independent of the tradition connected with it, the elements of this Indian name would indicate that it meant the place where fish are taken out, or "fish lake,” an appropriate designation in view of the peculiar excellence and great numbers of fish inhabiting it.® Soon, however, the name Chautauqua would carry an entirely different meaning to the hundreds of thousands of people around the world who came in contact with its in­ fluence. Beyond the location of the encampment, Chautauqua represented a state of mind for those who took part in its activities. Its founders, Lewis Miller and John Heyl Vincent, had visions of Chautauqua’s purpose when they first visited the site. Miller wrote, concerning its uni­ versal scope, It was the purpose that scientist and statesman, the artisan and the tradesman, should bring their best and latest to this altar of consecration and praise; that the tourist and pleasure-seeker should stop here and find their best place for reveries; when thus strength­ ened, to return to their respective fields, and there, through the year, weave into the fiber of the homework the newly gathered inspiration and strength.9 58

Concerning its overall religious philosophy, John Heyl Vincent wrote, The theory of Chautauqua is that life is one, and that religion belongs everywhere. Our people, young and old, should consider educational advantages as so many religious opportunities...The cable of divine motive should stretch through seven days, touching with its sanctifying power every hour of every day.10 Greater than the specific intent of that first summer in 1874, was an ultimate goal of cultural, scientific, and religious growth which combined the logic of the mind, and the passions of the heart. Vincent saw the Chautauqua as the mechanism for the end. A plan of this kind, simple in its pro­ visions, limited in its requirements, accepted by adults, prosecuted with firm purpose, appealing to the imagination and to the conscience, must work miracles, intellectual, social, and religious in household, neighborhood, and nation. And this is the "Chautauqua Idea" and the idea in active operation is the CHAUTAUQUA of which I write.11 To understand the scope of Chautauqua’s influence, it is necessary to understand the two men who founded it, Vincent and Miller. John Heyl Vincent was born on February 23, 1832.By the time he was seventeen, he had become a minister in the Methodist Episcopal Church, and a rider of the ministerial circuit.13 Throughout his active period in the ministry, he continually showed a strong drive toward the religious 59

education of the young. He moved to Galena, Illinois, and during the period of l$60-l$6l his congregation included Ulysses S. Grant.Following the Civil War he took a pastorate at the Trinity Church, in Chicago. His stay in Chicago marked the beginning of his in­ fluence in the Methodist organization, and catapulted him into a leadership role in the mid-west. In 1$65, he began the Sunday School Quarterly (later changed to the Sunday School Teacher) which established guidelines for instruction!^ He subsequently transferred to Plainfield, New York, where he continued to expand the concept of teacher education and specific instructional guides for classes. It is not beyond probability that Chautauqua had its beginning with these relatively small courses. Vincent hoped for a large gather­ ing of Sunday school teachers where each could exchange ideas with others. In 1$6$, Vincent met Lewis Miller, who became co­ founder of the Chautauqua.!6 Miller received a regular schooling of the 3-R’s, and was a teacher himself by the age of seventeen. Of his partner, Vincent wrote, It was therefore a privilege, and a rare opportunity, on the part of the author of this volume, with such a man of breadth, inventiveness, administrative and finan­ cial ability, to go into the grove at Chautauqua where our combined and long cherished educational, ecclesiastical, and catholic schemes might be fully developed. ' 60.

Miller began his professional endeavors first as a school teacher, then as a plasterer, a farmer, and, even­ tually, a partner in the firm of Aultman, Ball, and Co., Akron, Ohio.^ While with this company, and concerned over the modernization of farm machinery, Lewis Miller invented the Buckeye Mower and Reaper. The invention placed him in financial security for the rest of his life. ^-9 His life in Akron also had a profound influence on his religious train­ ing. Though he had previously been a member of the Methodist Church, and a Sunday school teacher, he now began to make a conscious effort to further his religious edu­ cation. He also became a member of the Akron Board of Education, and served as the group’s President for several periods.2(3 Miller took control of the construction of a large hall for Sunday school education. The building was designed so as to allow students of equal age to meet in one room, while those of another age met alone as well. Miller was against the "one room schoolhouse" idea, and believed that the ability of students to appreciate the Bible was related to their age. The older students should question, and the younger ones should explore. Believing that in order to have a successful Sunday school one needed trained instructors, Miller began to hold teacher training sessions on Saturday evenings. By this 61

time, Miller and Vincent had become well acquainted with each other’s work, and decided to meet to discuss the pos­ sibility of a nationwide encampment of Sunday school teachers. They did, and Chautauqua was born. The efforts of Miller and Vincent were successful, in part due to the fact that their backgrounds tended to com­ plement each other so well. Vincent was thoroughly a cleric of his church, Miller was a layman, a highly successful inventor and a man of business, Vincent had natural platform presence and eloquence and used it extensively. Miller would not be teased to the plat­ form, and remained self-effacingly in the background as custodian of practical affairs, benefactor, and manager.22 While the two men provided their individual abilities to the co-ordination of Chautauqua, at no time was there any conflict for control of the organization. Each man res­ pected the role of the other, and passed a resolution declaring that any controversy surrounding status should be silenced. The question of personal pre-eminence or priority as to the original elements and plans for Chautauqua is forever dismissed. The two claim joint ownership and fellow­ ship; and no recognition of the one shall by our permission be acknowledged ¿without the recognition of the other.2> During the early period of planning for the encampment, Miller had attended, joined, and eventually was made a governing officer at a Methodist Camp meeting at Fair Point, 62.

New York, on the shores of Lake Chautauqua.2^ Miller was

pleased with the surroundings and suggested to Vincent that the two should explore the possibility of holding their meeting at the Fair Point camp. Afther theys.attended the Erie Conference Camp Meeting of 1673, the men decided to try to build their project on the shores of Lake Chautauqua. The Methodist camp was finan­ cially bankrupt, and the few buildings and tent sites could easily be purchased by Miller, Taking their proposal to the Board of the Sunday School Union, in October of 1673, they succeeded in having the following resolution passed. Resolved: That we approve the project of a Sunday school teacher’s assembly in August, 1674, on the Chautauqua Lake camp­ ground, and that we refer the whole matter, with full power to order and arrange, to the committee of this board in charge of the normal department.23 The committee for planning, which met on October 22, 1673, consisted of John Heyl Vincent, superintendent of instruction, Rev. H.M. Simpson, secretary, Rev. J.C. Thomas, J. Bentley, and A.G. Newman.2^ Spending the majority of their time on discussion of the goals of the Chautauqua camp, the committee created the first governing body of the Fair Point meeting. Adopting the formal name of ’’The Sunday-school Teachers’ Assembly," the officers consisted of Lewis Miller, president, Dr. J.H. Vincent, superintendent of 63

instruction, and Rev. Henry M. Simpson, secretary.27 With the approval of the governing body, and blessings for a successful venture, the Chautauqua became official. Its foundation was based on the unbending belief that culture, education, and religion are concomitant virtues toward which every man, woman, and child should strive. If there is a philosophy, or a "Chautauqua Idea", then its evolution is derived from the basic belief of John Heyl Vincent. His ideals are listed in his work, The Chautauqua Movement. 1. The whole of life is a school, with educating agencies and influences all the while at work, from the earliest moment to the day of death. 2. The true basis of education is reli­ gious. The recognition of the divine existence...; the unity and brother­ hood of the race...; harmony with the divine character...,and the pursuit and use of all science in personal culture... 3. All knowledge, religious or secular, is sacred to him who reverently surrenders himself to God...This law applies to the poor and lowly, as well as to the rich...It gives lofty ideals to lowly life, and transforms humble homes into places of aspiration and blessedness. 4. In mature life, beyond the limits of the usual school period, the intellect is at its best for purposes of reading, reflec­ tion and production...Between the ages of twenty and eighty lie a person’s best intellectual and educational opportuni­ ties. 5. Early lack of culture, felt by full- grown people, begets a certain exalta­ tion of its value and desirability and craving for its possession. 64

6. The necessity for wise direction, assistance, and encouragement of this mature intellectual power and desire is as great as in the period of youth­ ful and school life. 7. Where a mature mind desires to use its energies and opportunities to the maximum of its possibilities, and to do thorough intellectual work of the most exacting sort, the influence of the best teachers may be brought to bear on him by frequent correspondence, including questions, answers, praxes, theses, and finally, written examinations of the most exhaus­ tive and crucial character. 8. The advantage of mental attrition by personal recitation and conversation is a large factor in the schools.2° The high aspirations, and the planting of the seeds of Chautauqua, destined its growth to be one of international influence. Miller and Vincent, driven by the ambition of organizing an educational system for the people, began the planning for the first Sunday-school Teachers’ Assembly, The session was planned for August, 1874. On August 4, 1874, the Sunday-school Teachers’ Assembly formally began with the singing of "Nearer, My God to Thee.” This song would constitute the opening ceremony for all future meetings of a Chautauqua.^9 Using his facilities in Akron, Lewis Miller sent 142 letters of invitation to Sunday-school teachers from around the world, including Canada, Ireland, Scotland, and India and "to every corner of the Methodist world and its mission fields.”30 He also advertised the meeting in. his own newsletter, the Sunday School Journal, "Sunday School Journal for Teachers and 65

Young People: CHAUTAUQUA EXTRA; August 4-16, 1674."31

Since the Sunday School Journal had a circulation of over ten thousand, it "added its weight to announcements in the religious and secular press generally."32 The highest

priority of both Miller and Vincent for that first meeting was to distinguish between a "camp meeting" and a "revival." Their aim was not to bring in the sinner, and save him, but rather to call the learned faithful to exchange impressions^ beliefs, and teaching methods of Sunday school instruction. While Methodist in orientation, it requested attendance by all denominations. People coming to Chautauqua are not ex­ pected to abandon their church relations. They come, without compromising convic- tion^ to join in a broad movement for the increase of power in every branch of the Church and throughout American society. True denominationalism is catholic, and he who loves his own wisely^ is likely to love others generously. 3 The first meeting of the Chautauqua, which met from August 4 through mid-day on August 16, 1674, surpassed the expectations of the founders. Miller and Vincent had expected a large crowd for that opening meeting, but were not prepared for the 10,000 to 15,000 people who entered the gates. The massive influx of humanity made life unbearable for most of the people. A fortunate few were able to secure lodging, while the rest were forced to sleep in temporary tents constructed on the grounds. 66

It rained a lot those first fourteen days, but people just put up their umbrellas and stayed on, wading through the muck after each lecture to dripping tents, where they lodged and ate, or creaking away in wagons to the little towns around.34 The First Assembly successfully met the hopes of Miller and Vincent. Primary among their satisfactions was the manner in which the Assembly had been conducted. They had succeeded in creating an intellectual atmosphere, rather than generating a religious revival. Vincent was perhaps the more hesitant in this respect, and cautiously entered the large tents where he conducted classes on the history and geography of the Holy Land. He was not in sympathy with the type of religious life manifested and promoted at these gatherings (revivals). The fact that they dwelt too deeply in the realm of emotion and excitement, that they stirred the feelings to the neglect of reasoning and thinking facilities... all these repelled Dr. Vincent from the camp meeting.35 While many of the visitors to the original meeting desired to hear the lectures of Vincent, and the orations of T. DeWitt Talmage, many others were strictly involved in the process of increasing their abilities as Sunday school teachers. Their days were spertt in instruction, and they were tested on their learning at the end of the period. The examination was one which did not merely request factual information, but rather one that forced them to respond 67

specifically to questions their students might someday raise. Among the questions in that first final examination were, 1. Suppose you were asked by a pupil why you believed in the Bible to be the word of God, what answer would you give? 2. Name the minor prophets. ' 3. Describe the spirit in which the Sunday School Teachers should study the word of God. 4. What is the relation of the Sunday school to the Church? 5. Give FIVE short rules for a teacher in the preparation of his Sunday school lesson. 6. What do you understand by TACT in teaching? 7. State your rules for getting your class interested in the lesson.36 The teacher at that first Chautauqua did more than merely reinforce his own religious convictions; he also studied the psychological and social significance of edu­ cational method. He learned first the most successful means by which a person approaches the classroom, be it secular or religious. Complimenting the overall philosophy of Chautauqua, the teacher learned ways to motivate the mind so that learning became a drive, not a labor to be shunned. Given that Chautauqua was conceived with the intent of allowing any person or group to congregate and discuss ways of improving the social climate of the day, it is no wonder that many national movements found their beginnings there. A prominent example is the Women’s Christian Temperance 6$

Union. 37 While the fire of the crusade was still burning, a number of women held meetings at Chautauqua during the Assembly (1$74), and took counsel together concerning the best measures to promote the temperance reform. They united in a call...for a convention of women to be held in Cleveland, Ohio, November 17, 1$74. At this convention sixteen states were represented, and the national Women’s Christian Temperance Union was organized... It may not be generally known that this mighty movement began at the first Chautauqua Assembly.3° The success of the first Chautauqua camp exceeded the best hopes of the founders. Immediately following the meeting’s close on August 1$, Miller and Vincent began to plan for another session in the summer of 1$75. The first concern was financial. Despite the large number of people who passed through the gates, there still remained debts to be paid for initial expenses. Miller, who was still receiving a handsome sum of money from his inven­ tions, picked up the remaining debts. This allowed Chautauqua to be indebted to no outsider or organization for its support. Convinced that the Chautauqua assembly could be a successful enterprise, Miller and Vincent moved their famii lies into homes they had built on the grounds prior to the opening of the 1$75 season. Preparations for the second encampment focused on improving living conditions and increasing the capacity of the great auditorium. They com­ 69

pletely rebuilt the speaker’s platform, constructed a Jewish tabernacle, built an Oriental House to hold Asian artifacts, installed calcium lighting to provide night vision, and added benches and other furniture to the grounds. The curriculum was also expanded to include lessons on map drawing and blackboard sketching, Hebrew language and customs, Sunday school for kindergarten, and the use of song to teach the Bible. Predicting the probability of increased attendance, Miller and Vincent decided that the Assembly should be three weeks long for 1675. ...we reported fifty normal class sessions, five praise services, twenty- two general Sunday school addresses, eleven lectures on miscellaneous topics, four sermons, three children’s meetings, two blackboard meetings, three illustrated lectures on Oriental customs, twelve stereoptic exhibitions, and two lake concerts.^ One of the most notable changes that took place at the Chautauqua meeting of 1675 was the use of a well known, non-religious oriented, speaker to bring both people and national recognition to the Fair Point effort. Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States and former parishioner of John Heyl Vincent, arrived at Chautauqua on August 14, 1675.H Grant "sailed down Chautauqua Lake in a floating palace steamboat and set his seal of approval on the venture."^2 Since then, 70

Chautauqua likes to recall that seven United States Presidents or Presidents- to-be have been its guests; U.S. Grant, James A. Garfield, Rutherford B. Hayes, William McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft, Franklin D. Roosevelt, together with other men of sound political aspirations.2*^ During the 1875 season, 190 students enrolled in the Sunday school course and took the competitive examination following their instruction. Of these, only 130 students were able to submit completed tests. Still, 123 passed and their names were placed in the roster of the Chautauqua Normal Alumni. The 1876 season marked the greatest expansion year in the Chautauqua’s early history. Financially secure, Miller and Vincent sought to increase the secular contributions to the assembly, as well as to departmentalize the regular attractions. Chautauqua’s third year was an even greater test of its ability to draw persons from a distance by appealing to the vacation resort aspect of Fair Point. Celebrating its first centennial, the United States had planned a huge fair in Philadelphia. Chautauqua was to be tested on the basis of whether people could be lured 500 miles from Philadelphia to the shores of the lake. Boldly, Miller and Vincent planned the program with that in mind, The program was expanded three weeks, July 26 to August 18. The Sunday school Assembly ran from the first through the fifteenth, and was followed on the sixteenth to 71

the eighteenth by the Church Congress.However, prior to the opening of the Sunday School Assembly, the camp, in conjunction with the directors, held two conferences; one was called the Scientific Congress from July 26 to 29, the other, the Temperance Congress from July 29 to 30. The Chautauqua philosophy of the complementary nature between science and religion was evident. The first meeting was the Scientific Congress, July 26 to 26, aiming both to present science from the Christian point of view, and Christianity from the scien­ tific point of view, showing the essential harmony between them, without either sub­ jecting conclusions of science to church authority, or cutting up the Bible at the behest of the scientist. During the conference, a Dr. Doremus was giving a de­ monstration on some of the newly discovered uses of elec­ tricity. He entertained his audience with a demonstration of an electric light. Cautioning his listeners not to look too closely, he turned on the light which glowed momentarily, then went black. Saying that its use would never "be of any practical value,he passed the experiment off as a magician’s marvel. However, three years after the demon­ stration, Thomas Edison introduced the first incandescent light. Irony would play still another trick on Dr. Doremus. In the audience for the demonstration was Miss Mina Miller, daughter of the co-founder Lewis Miller, Mina Miller married Thomas Edison a few years later. 72

When the scientist turns prophet he be­ comes as fallible as the preacher who assumes to prescribe limitations to scientific discovery. We live in an age of harmony and mutual helpfulness between science and religion; and Chautauqua has wrought mightily in bringing to pass the new day.^9

While science and religion faced each other that first week, women faced liquor the following week. The conven­ tion of the Women’s Christian Temperance Union held its congress on July 29 and 30. Frances Elizabeth Willard, the nationally known advocate, became the first woman orator to speak at Chautauqua. More than just a series of orations, Frances Willard called for ’’workshops" to follow each day so the members could discuss ways to implement their temperance positions. The workshops were well attended and success­ fully conducted.50

Dr. Vincent knew Frances E. Willard, ad­ mired her, believed honestly that she was one of the very small number of women called to speak in public... From the hour of her first appearance there was never after any doubt as to her enthusiastic welcome at Chautauqua. No orator drew larger audiences or bound them under a stronger spell by eloquent words than did Frances Elizabeth Willard. August 5, 1$76, was set aside as Centennial Day. After an early morning series of lectures, a special "Children’s Centennial" metting was held. The evening saw an "illumin­ ated fleet of vessels...decorated with lanterns,...and a grand display of fireworks..., close out the day’s 13.

observations."52 The first publication of the Chautauqua Daily Herald, a stenographic record of lectures, speeches, and sermons delivered at Chautauqua appeared. Its purpose was to recount the previous day’s activities and to adver­ tise the programs of the day. In later years, the paper became, simply, The Chautauqua Daily.53 As Chautauqua continued to expand both in size and programming, Vincent and Miller became concerned over for­ malizing the name. Their concern stemmed from two causes: 1) much of the mail addressed to Fair Point vzas mixed with another New York locality, Fairport, and 2) since the assembly had given the name ’’Chautauqua” such a worldwide recognition that it "should have the honor and advantage of the name itself.”54 The Board of Directors made its case before the proper United States authorities, and the name was changed. The assembly of 1877 proved that the institution’s foundations were firm. Miller and Vincent had expanded the program into a four week period. It incorporated the Temperance and Scientific Conferences which, though held on the grounds, had previously occurred before Chautauqua’s formal opening. Such an expansion placed greater financial risk on the venture, and a national railroad strike could have had serious consequences. A few will remember...that in 1877, there took place one of the most extensive 74.

railway strikes in the annals of the nation. The large station of the Pennsylvania Railroad in Pittsburgh was burned by a mob, and for weeks at a time, no trains ran either into or out of many important centers. Fortunately the strike was adjusted and called off before the Assembly opened, and on that first day four thousand people entered the gates, a far greater number than at any former opening,55 An even greater threat was the opening of a Baptist encampment of the opposite shore of the lake. Although it protested that it was not intended to rival the Chautauqua Assembly, its construction and organization so closely mirrored its predecessor that it was seen in such a manner. The Baptist center constructed a large hotel to compete with Chautauqua’s cottages, it encouraged Sunday traffic, while Chautauqua held to its policy of "closed gates" on the Sabbath, and it built a lecture hall to rival its competitor. While Miller and Vincent had grounds to worry, their fears eventually proved groundless. The Baptist camp held only one session, then, because of huge debts, closed. The expansion of programs over the next few years was best reflected in the program of 1667. The Assembly had become so complex that the Chautauqua was forced to depart­ mentalize, and to appoint departmental heads. This session saw the creation of the Council of Reform, which discussed Prison Reform, Temperance, Cruelty to Animals; the Church Congress, which dealt with the preacher, pastor, the Y.M.C.A., 75

and related fields; Biblical, which offered readings, lec­ tures, and histories; Sabbath school work, which dealt with religious drills, lectures, and meetings; Normal Work, the actual course application complete with examinations and graduation; Scientific, conversations about science and man; and, finally, Recreative, which included concerts, sports, and general relaxation for all.56 As the Chautauqua grew to an even greater position of prominence, toher communities began to plan and construct encampments of their own. By 1$$5, just eleven years after the first Sunday school Assembly, there were almost forty communities attempting to copy the Chautauqua plan. Their locations suggested the influence that the original camp had on the country. Action Park, Assembly, Indiana, 1$$4. Arkansas Chautauqua Assembly, Siloan Springs, Arkansas, 1$$5. Bay View, Petosky, Michigan. Canby Camp-Ground, Canby, Oregon, 1$$5. Chautauqua Assembly of Southern Calif­ ornia, Long Beach, California, 1$$4. Clear-Lake Assembly, Clear Lake, Iowa, 1$76. Florida Chautauqua, DeFuniak Springs, Florida, 1$$5. Genesee-County Assembly, Long Lake, Mich­ igan, 1$$5. Interstate Assembly, Ottowa, Kansas, l$$0. Island Park Assembly, Rome City, Indiana, >1879. Kansas Methodist-Episcopal Assembly, Lawrence, Kansas, 1$$5. Key East Assembly, Key East, New Jersey, 1$$3. Lake Bluff Assembly, Lake Bluff, Illinios. Lakeside Encampment, Lakeside, Ohio, 1$$7. 76

Lakeview Assembly, Cazenovia, New York, Loveland Encampment, Loveland, Ohio, 1878. Mahtomedi Assembly, Majtomedi, Minnesota, 1883. Maine Chautauqua Assembly, Fryeburg, Maine, 1884. Maplewood Park Assembly, Waseca, Minnesota, 1883. Monona-Lake Assembly, Madison, Wisconsin, 1882. Monteagle Assembly, Monteagle, Tennessee, 1882. Mountain Grove, Berwick, Pennsylvania, 1885. Mountain-Lake-Park Assembly, Mountain- Lake-Park, Maryland, 1882. Nebraska Sunday school Assembly, Crete, Nebraska, 1882. New England Sunday school Assembly, South Framingham, Massachusets, 1880. North-western Chautauqua, Lake Minnetonka, Minnesota, 1879. Ocean Grove, Ocean Grove, New Jersey, 1885. Pacific Grove, Monterey, California, 1879. Piasa-Bluffs Assembly, Illinois, 1885. Pine Tree CLSC, Maranocook, Maine, 1885. Point Chautauqua Baptist Union, Point Chautauqua, New York, 1878. South Africa Chautauqua Assembly, Cape Colony, South Africa, 1885. Sunday school Parliament, Thousand Islands, New York. Tawawa Theological, Scientific, and Literary Association, Wilberforce, Ohio, 1885. Texas Chautauqua, San Marcos, Texas, 1885. Washington Court-House Assembly, (near) Washington Court-House, Ohio, 1885. Yosemite Assembly, Yosemite Valley, California, (held only one session in) 1879.57 The list continued to grow until the first quarter of the twentieth century. Its early growth shows a need in the country for some form of escape from life’s drudgery, and into an enviroment where culture and education were pursued 77

for their own sake.

The Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle

The season of 1676 saw the launching of, perhaps, the greatest and most far reaching program of education and culture ever undertaken by the Chautauqua; The Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle (CLSC). This new organization aims to promote habits of reading and study in nature, art, science, and in secular and sacred literature in connection with the rou­ tine of daily life—especially among those whose educational advantages have been limited—so as to secure them the college student’s general outlook upon the world and life, and to develop the habit of close, connected, persistent thinking.56

John Heyl Vincent’s concept of the C.L.S.C. grew from his own lack of a college education. He continually saw to it that the patterns and materials of the university were incorporated into the aims of Chautauqua. Thus, the paral­ lels between a popular university, and the C.L.S.C. were obvious. Both took four years to complete; both had progressive class levels; each demanded strict adherence to the curriculum; and each culminated in the pomp and circum­ stance of a graduation ceremony. A major difference, how­ ever, was that while the universit}'- huddled its students inside protective "ivory tower" buildings, the C.L.S.C. conducted its business in the home. Another difference was 78.

that the C.L.S.C. accepted members regardless of their age, race, sex, or political or social status. Vincent often recounted that his idea of "Chautauqua” was more accurately reflected in the C.L.S.C. than in the Chautauqua encampment itself. Just as the Chautauqua camp was founded on certain principles, those of the C.L.S.C. were equally certain. The right of every man and woman to all the education they have the capacity, will and opportunity to obtain; the edu­ cational possibilities of mind at its maturity; the disciplinary value of everyday life, domestic and commercial, promoting as these occupations do the habits of application and concentration, tending to the education of the various faculties, and needing only to be sup­ plemented by direction and inspiration in order to open a wider range of thought than is usually enjoyed by busy people; the importance of utiliz­ ing spare minutes in the literary endeavor; the comprehensiveness of the preparatory and college curricula, affording as these do a glance at the varied world of literature, science, and art.59 The C.L.S.C. formally began with a meeting in the Chautauqua pavilion on August 10, 1878, mid-way through the 1878 session.60 Dr. Vincent presided over the assembly and lectured the audience on the goals of the "circle." Privately, Vincent had conceded that if only ten people registered for the first class he would be pleased§3-

Following his detailed account of the goals and requirements of the C.L.S.C., seven hundred people had enrolled in the 79

first class which became known as the ’’Pioneers.”^2

While the C.L.S.C. was open to individuals, it encour­ aged its members to meet in groups in the homes or hall of the community. Vincent believed that discussion was the catalyst for inquiry. Also, group participation was be­ lieved to have a greater motivating force than individual effort. Thus, all around the United States, and in foreign countries, small circles of members met to discuss such subjects as history, astronomy, literature in such surround­ ings as otherwise might not have been available to them. Previous education had little influence on members. The farmer looked to the college graduate in the group for supplementary information oh the evening’s topic, and the graduate looked to the farmer for insight on the practical application of the reading. By the time of the turn of the century, more than 200,000 people had registered to take part in the C.L.S.C. (its high point, in 1940, had been three quarters of a million, ten per cent of whom graduated).63 The C.L.S.C., more than any other venture of the Chautauqua, brought it the fullest recognition. The expansion of the Chautauqua work is not to be fully estimated without taking into our thought the wide reach of the C.L.S.C., the local circles and private members of which report to the central office at Plainfield, N.J., from the Dominion of Canada, from the island of Japan, where there are a thousand mem- 60.

bers, from mission stations in China, India, Bulgaria, Syria, Mexico, and Central America; from Persia, Russia, France, England, Scotland, Ireland, and the Sandwich Islands. Thus, into all lands have the lines extended. The Chautauqua idea is emphatically "a touch of Nature that makes the whole world kin.”64

The reading for each circle came from special books which could be ordered through the Chautauqua Book Store. Later, the Chautauquan, the magazine of the C.L.S.C., contained the majority of readings, plus examination ques­ tions, announcements of Chautauqua activities, and reports of progress from other home circles. That first class of 1676- read about general astronomy, human psychology, and Bible history, among other subjects.^3

The course took four years to complete, but the mater­ ial rarely repeated itself. For example, a person joining the C.L.S.C. in 1660, would begin study with the material for the third year of the class of 1676. Vincent hoped that this would keep the circle from becoming stagnant in its offerings. One could supplement his or her required read­ ings during his or her tenure in the C.L.S.C. with more advanced books on the subjects. Successful completion of these special readings resulted in a gold seal on the dip­ loma. By accumulating a number of these seals, a person increased his ranking in the class. The readers of these seal-courses become members of various "orders" of different 81.

rank. Those whose diplomas show four seals belong to the "Order of the White Seal," those who have seven seals, to the "League of the Round Table," and if they have fourteen seals or more, the "Guild of the Seven Seals."66 Each class had its own name, motto, flag, emblem, and flower. These were chosen by the members because of their special significance. Thus, the Class of 1892 was known as "Columbia" in recognition of the "discovery of American four hundred years before..."67 Graduation from the C.L.S.C. was an event which its members held in the highest regard. The members of that year’s graduating class would travel to Chautauqua Assembly, New York, for an elaborate ceremony. The year 1882 saw the first "Recognition Day." The entire day, held during the summer assembly, was spent honoring those who completed the program, and allowed the members the opportunity to meet, for the first time, their colleagues from other circles. Ceremony, for the Chautauqua, was always held in high esteem. The parades of graduates, led into the hall by as many as sixty young women strewing flowers in their path, was not beyond Chautauqua’s scope. An incident, not directly related to the C.L.S.C., but one which reveals the importance of ceremony and sentiment, occurred in 1887. ...a deaf mute, S.L. Greene, occupied the platform and using sign language and pant­ omime, presented Bible stories so vivdly 82.

that they were said to be completely intel­ ligible to his spectators. Vincent reminded them that Greene could not hear their ap­ plause, and suggested that they wave their handkerchiefs to show their appreciation. So began the "Chautauqua Salute," which persisted as a form of special tribute on occasions...,though only when called for by the head of Chautauqua in person.68 It is at this point that another name should be added to the list of noted Chautauqua leaders, Kate F. Kimball. She arrived at Chautauqua in 1878, fresh out of high school, and was employed as an aid to Dr. Vincent in the operations of the C.L.S.C. Up to this point, the C.L.S.C. was admini­ stratively in a shambles. Its records were sketchy, and correspondence was far behind schedule. Ms. Kimball soon had the entire C.L.S.C. operating as a system. Her genius in administration did as much toward the success of the > C.L.S.C. as did the educational incentives of Vincent. From her arrival in 1878, she perfected the entire operation of the circle and continued in this work until her death, forty years later, on June 17, 1917.^9 At the peak of her career she was organizing hundreds of circles and answering up to 50,000 pieces of correspondence in one year. The C.L.S.C. created such a tremendous expansion of interest in the Chautauqua that the Board of Directors de­ cided that the organization should apply for the status of a university. So much of Chautauqua was patterned after the college system, that the State of New York, in 1883, gave it 63.

a charter as Chautauqua University with full degree granting powers.70 This status lasted only seven years. There were three primary reasons for its downfall: (1) Chautauqua did not have the facilities to operate year round; (2) Its correspondence nature did not lend itself well to actual university demands; (3) Other universities had the ability to carry on the research.necessary for investigation of new ideas and theories. 71 Realizing that the aim of Chautauqua was not to be a degree granting institution, the charter was dropped in 1690. The preachers and doctors and school teachers who came to Chautauqua already had degrees, and everybody else who came had worked for a lifetime without one. They wanted Chautauqua’s "culture and re­ finement" because they were starved for it, not because it carried a degree... Chautauqua offered culture as a status symbol and as a vaguely transcendental means of salvation to an America that was ready for it on both counts.72 Chautauqua continued to flourish and expand throughout the remainder of the l600’s. New summer conferences were held to honor such organizations as the Grand Army of the Republic, the Grange, Prison Reform Congress, and others. The Women’s Christian Temperance Union held annual gather­ ings at Chautauqua. In 1663, William Rainey Harper, a Baptist minister, was employed by Vincent to teach Hebrexv language and history at Chautauqua. Vincent believed that Harper could be of

BOWLING GREEN STATE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 84.

tremendous value to the institution because of his high regard in the Baptist Church. Harper’s rise in the Chautauqua organization was rapid. Twenty-seven years old when he received the instructorship, Harper, by successive steps, became the administrative mainstay of the entire Chautauqua educational ef­ fort. In 1887 he was made Principal of the Chautauqua College of Liberal Arts...'* Harper would probably have remained at Chautauqua had it not been for the re-birth of the University of Chicago. The large amounts of money contributed by John D, Rockefeller made the revitalization of the Chicago campus possible. Impressed with the work of Harper at Chautauqua, the Board of Trustees nominated him for President of the University of Chicago.74 Harper’s leadership in Chicago helped pioneer some changes in the basic structure of American universities. He began the quarter system, insti­ tuted summer courses, and devised a method of correspondence courses throughout the University. Many of these innovations were extensions of the ideas that he, through Vincent and Miller, had carried on at Chautauqua. Harper continued to supervise his administrative duties at Chautauqua, whaleehe served at the University of Chicago, until his death in 1906.75 The assembly of 1899, unlike those before, opened on a sad note. Lewis Miller, co-founder of Chautauqua, had died on February 17, 1899.76 85

But for Lewis Miller there would have been no Chautauqua, though there might have been an Assembly under some other name. He had chosen the place, had urged the location, and in its inception had aided in its plans, had supervised its business interests, and had con­ tributed generously to its needs. At the opening of the ’’Old First Night’’ service in August 1899, the white lillies bloomed in his honor, but instead of being waved, were held in solemn stillness for a full minute and then slowly lowered.77 As Chautauqua entered the twentieth century, its growth continued for a short time, it found a rival in a series of traveling tent Chautauqua’s, observed the decay of other encampments, fought for its own economic livelihood, and eventually remained,as it began, the sole heir to the name, ’’Chautauqua. ”

Chautauqua Since 1900

Principal Fairbairn of Oxford opened the summer assem­ bly of 1900 predicting that the scientific, political, and philosophical progress of the twentieth century would out­ strip any of man’s achievements up till then.7^ Vincent, who soon delegated most of his duties to his son, George Edgar Vincent, continued to advocate openness as the only way in which men would move forward. The assembly was successful in attracting well known visitors to the grounds. The season of 1902 featured Senator Mark Hanna of Ohio, who was considered as having been part of the ’’power behind the 66.

throne” of his fellow statesman, President McKinley.79 The Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle held its twenty-fifth anniversary during the 1903 assembly. The cel­ ebration was highlighted by the laying of the cornerstone for the new Hall of Philosophy, which was designed to replace the older wooden structure.^0

In 1905, President Theodore Roosevelt made his fourth of many visits to the Chautauqua. Scarcely five months after his inauguration, Roosevelt chose the Chautauqua platform to announce his policies and principles as the nation’s head. No words can express the jam of people in and around the Amphitheater and the breath­ less interest with which all listened to the President’s address, which came like a revelation, with its outspoken utterances upon subjects hitherto held as State secrets. He talked about our relations with nations abroad, and our problems at home, the trusts, questions of capital and labor, and, indeed, every subject under discussion at that time.&L Fitting with the tradition of ceremony, the entire stay of Roosevelt was marked by parades, appearances, and con­ certs to welcome America’s leader.

Tent Chautauqua

Chautauqua had grown both in size and reputation throughout the country. While the original encampment had given birth to hundreds of imitations across the land, it 87.

vzas not prepared to deal with an even greater offshoot, the traveling, or tent, Chautauqua.^2

Ironically, Chautauqua is not popularly remembered for its trememdous contribution to the American character, but instead for the traveling tents that roamed the country during the first quarter of the twentieth century. The Chautauqua movement is best remembered, instead, for the fairly gawdy era of the tent circuits—a period roughly synonymous with that of the Model T Ford. At the peak of its popularity, one or another of the circuits pitched its big brown tent in each of more than eighty thousand United States communities, stayed for five to seven days, and presented a fantastic variety of offerings subsumed under the general rubric, "Culture."«3 The tent Chautauqua evolved from the older Lyceum movement founded in 1826, at Millbury,, Massachusetts, by Josiah Holbrook.$4 These early societies heard many elo­ quent spokesmen for any given cause expound their philoso­ phies, thus, generating discussion as well as audiences. The early group soon spread across the nation, and, in 1831, held a National Convention of the Lyceum. Like its later counterpart, the Chautauqua, it advocated the education of I the people. The Civil War interrupted the growth, and it faded quickly during the war years. Following the war, the Lyceum became a well organized network of speaker’s bureaus which contracted with the individual for a fee. In 1867, James 88.

Redpath decided that the time was again ripe to expand a venture of this type. During the next thirty years the name of Redpath would be a household word. He had known many of the greats and near­ greats because of his experience as a newspaperman, and his Boston Lyceum, later the Redpath Lyceum, became the chief booking office for such names as Mark Twain, Josh Billings, Wendell Philips, William Lloyd Garrison, Julia Ward Howe, and many others.°5 By 1904, the name ’’Chautauqua" rather than "Lyceum" had become synonymous with culture and education. Thus, when Keith Vawter, a partner in the Redpath Lyceum, launched his traveling tents, he placed them under the name "Chautauqua." Miller and Vincent had never made any effort to copyright the name, and Vawter seized the opportunity for instant publicity. 1904 saw the birth of the tent Chautauqua. At no time did the Chautauqua Institute either praise or crit­ icize the effort; it did however, acknowledge its effect. The old mother Chautauqua by the lake^ would not like to be held responsible for all the utterances under the tents of her ten thousand daughters...But she must recognize that her daughters have wielded a mighty power in forming the political and moral convictions of the ' nation.°° I The tent Chautauquas operated under two systems. One was the "contract." Here the community that wanted a Chautauqua guaranteed to the Bureau that it would supply the site, necessities such as water and sanitation, and, most 69.

certainly, that a set number of tickets would be sold. This method guaranteed a profit for the bureau. The other was known as ’’tight booking.” Here the bureau would work out a tightly organized schedule of towns. Individual performers and workers would move from place to place. Thus, the talent which opened a Chautauqua in a given community would then immediately move on to the next town for its opening. Salary and popularity determined the day a person or group performed: the most important or climac^

tic act would be scheduled for the last day. 67' A crowd was virtually assured for final day talents \ since their fame preceded them. Two of the most popular final day acts of the tent Chautauqua were William Jennings Bryan reciting his ’’Cross of Gold" speech, and Russell Conwell, with his "Acres of Diamonds. The start of the tent Chautauqua brought on an out­ pouring of support from, primarily, the mid-western states. By 1921, there existed over one hundred circuits, reaching well over 9,000 communities, and attended by over 40 million people.^9 Politicians found the Chautauqua circuit

to be one of the most influential means of gaining national attention for a candidate or an issue. " At the onset, the organizers of the tent circuits envisioned a cultural revolution as a result of their efforts. During the first few years, these circuits pre­ 90.

sented lectures on history, health, languages, and travel. Social issues such as Temperance, Prison Reform, and educa­ tion were presented by noted scholars in their respective fields. They had been organized by people who had no financial axes to grind. Their common purpose was to provide in their areas a program, long or short, that would copy in content, if not in quality, the orig­ inal at Chautauqua Lake.90 From 1904 to 1925, the circuits continued to expand their programs, and, in turn, reaped substantial financial reward. However, financial duress, and technical advances saw the season of 1926 as the downfall of the tent? Chautauqua. One of the reasons for the collapse of the circuit Chautauqua was the deterioration of the quality of talent. It is not clear what started the cycle of deterioration, but the effect on the tent Chautauquas was disasterous. As the circuits continued to grow, their expenses increased as well. During the earlier days the university professor was able to satisfy the audience’s curiosity. However, as the financial pressure to increase audience size took over, the degree of sensationalism increased equally. As the twenties went on, serious lectures and informed discussion gave way increas­ ingly to entertainment...The tent Chautauquas were being more and more rec­ ognized as primarily agents for entertain­ ment at the"very time when the quality of their entertainment was being diluted by 91.

the competition that their own success had brought on them, a competition that inevitably debased the standard of talent.91 Though 1925 was the most successful season, 1926 saw only financial disaster. Keith Vawter sensed a shift in the mood of the people and sold his share of tent circuits just prior to the opening in 1926. Financially ruined, the Chautauqua tents struggled until 1933, when the last cir­ cuit rolled up its tent. Along with the deteriorating quality of performance, other factors contributed to the circuit’s downfall. A change was taking place in America’s character. The iso­ lation of the plains states v/as. quickly vanishing with the invention and distribution of radio, moving pictures, mass produced automobiles, and better roads. It was easier to be entertained at home than to travel to Chautauqua. With the depression engulfing the people, this became an even more critical factor. It perpetuated the cycle. When people began to stay at home, the revenues of the circuits began to dwindle. This, in turn, forced the managers to find cheaper talent, and sensationalism was now the mode. The cycle continued to expand until the Chautauqua had almost nothing to offer the people in either culture, enter­ tainment, or education. Joseph E. Gould, in his book, The Chautauqua Movement, suggests that, while these problems did indeed account for the circuits’ downfall, there was an even greater reason. 92

Tent Chautauqua’s demise was due to the inability of circuit managers to recon­ cile two fundamentally opposite goals; they wanted to bring culture to the hinterland, and they wanted to make money. They thought the answer' lay in expansion, in more towns on the circuit, a longer season, bigger names. Their once proud boast that no serious issue was ever barred from a Chautauqua plat­ form was forgotten, and they concen­ trated on hiring crowd pleasing talent. They were influential in their judgment by our common American propensity for equating bigness with excellence, and so they failed.92 The disappearance of the tent Chautauqua was coupled with the financial ruin of many of the permanent Chautauqua camps around the country. However, the original Chautauqua at Fair Point continued to expand and prosper. Expansion marked the years of 1914-1916 at Chautauqua. Although it became a quasi-military training camp for men and women during the years of World War I, it continued to offer programs along the same paths Miller and Vincent est­ ablished in 1674. A new sewage system, running water, expanded buildings, electric lights, and new roads were the major improvements at Chautauqua. Along with the thousands of people who contributed to the relief of Chautauqua’s past debts, John D. Rockefeller pledged to pay one fifth of the total amount up to half a million dollars.93 The season of 1919 was the most successful in Chautauqua’s history. Jesse Lyman Hurlbut, who was associated with Chautauqua since 1676, wrote of the season of 1919. 93

Of all the forty-six years of Chautauqua up to 1919, this was the most successful in its history. The attendance shown by receipts at the two gates...were far beyond that of any other year...Every hotel and boarding house inside the fence was full, and pleas were made to cottages to open their doors to incoming guests.92* The Chautauqua of 1920 opened, for the first time in its history, without the presence of Bishop John Heyl Vincent. He had died on May 9, 1920.95 The opening was the first time that neither of the two founders was alive to christen the gates. Ceremony and sadness were the rule at Chautauqua in honor of Miller and Vincent. Since the early 1920’s, Chautauqua has remained much the same. The programs continue to reflect the current issues throughout the world, and it remains committed to those ideals with which it began. Chautauqua no longer serves as the focal point of dissemination. With the ad­ vent of television and instantaneous worl-wide communication, Chautauqua no longer exists as the center of importance that it once afforded. However, from weekly programs on the implications of the atomic bomb following Hiroshima, to lectures on the reconstruction of American society after Vietnam, the Chautauqua still exists as a vibrant source of educational, cultural and religious experience. Chautauqua, from the first camp meeting in 1874, through the expansion of the 1900’s, viewing the rise and fall of its permanent and traveling daughters, has come its full 94

evolutionary cycle. It remains today, in 1975, much the ss. same as it did in 1875: a place vzhere peace of mind and cultural experience governs those who visit.

Postscript

This author wishes to acknowledge the fact that Chautauqua was not without its critics. While Miller and Vincent never conceived that their brainchild might do more harm than good, Mary Austin claimed that the Chautauqua "idea” had a greater potential to stagnate the mind than it did to excite it. Austin realized the differences in the permanent versus tent Chautauqua, but suggested the philosophies were closely linked. By the beginning of the present century the pleasant air diffused by lectures and superficial predigested study courses and the presence on platforms of distinguished personalities politely stepping down the results of their labor to the comprehen­ sion of unlaboring audiences, had produced in those audiences the still more pleasing illusion of actually having what they had only heard about.96 Austin suggests that Chautauqua’s popularity was due, in part, to the fact that there existed no social phenomenon which could counteract Chautauqua’s illusion. Reason enough can be found in the fact that no single circumstance in American life is calculated to undeceive the Chautauqua-minded as to the quality of that ’’culture" which has been doled out to them...There can be no doubt that a vast majority of Americans, particularly 95

American women, sincerely believe that "culture” is generated in "courses" and proceeds as by nature from the lecture platform.97 Criticisms of Chautauqua extends to the camo itself. The illusion of tranquility and peace created by the founders actually irked some of the visitors. One of the constant problems of the Chautauqua management was the way in which the young adults would sneak off the grounds in theT evenings to "carry-on" in neighboring communities. William James, psychiatrist and brother of the well-known novelist, Henry James, wrote to a friend of the relief he experienced upon leaving the Assembly. I went in curiosity for a day. I stayed a week spell bound by the charm and ease of everything, by the middle-class paradise, without a sin, without a victim, without a blot, without a tear. And yet what was my own astonishment, on emerging into the dark and wicked world again..."Ouf, what a relief!" Now for something primordial and savage, even though it were as bad as an Armenian massacre, to set the balance straight again.96 Even with the criticism accounted for, Chautauqua provided to the people an opportunity to expand their own knowledge and curiosity in a manner not afforded otherwise to the general population. Society had not provided a mechanism whereby the isolated sector could avail themselves of these opportunities. Chautauqua never claimed that it was the hub of education, it never looked down on the person who had not passed through its gates. Rather, it fulfilled 96.

a social need by providing a sense of stability and growth at a time when it vzas most needed. It expanded through many channels when expansion was demanded, and vzithdrew to its origin when it was no longer needed. 97.

FOOTNOTES

^Simpson, Jeffery. "Utopia By the Lake," American Heritage, Vol. 23, August, 1972, p. 86. 2Gould, Joseph E. The Chautauqua Movement (New York: State University of New York Press, 1961p. 09. ^Morrison, Theodore. Chautauqua (Chicago:?The University of Chicago Press, 1974) , "p. 3. ^"The Origin and History of the Word ’Chautuaqua*,’’ The Chautauquan. Vol. 2, No. 1, October, 1881, p. 39. 5lbid., p. 40. 6lbid., p. 41. 7Ibid. ^Ibid. ^Vincent, John Heyl. The Chautauqua Movement (Boston: Chautauqua Press, 1886,, p. vi. 10Ibid., p. 5. iilbid., p. 7. ^2Hurlbut, Jesse Lyman. The Story of Chautauqua (Boston: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1921), p. 12. ^Ibid., p. 12. ■^Ibid. , pp. 14-15. -l^ibid.. p. 15. -^Morrison, p. 21. •^7Vincent, p. 20. l^Hurlbut, p. 18. ^Ibid. , pp. 18-19. 29Morrison, p. 25. 2lIbid., p. 27. 98.

22Morrison, p. 26. 23lbid.. p. 28. 22*Hurlbut, p. 23. 25vincent, p. 23. 26Ibid., p. 24.

2?Ibid. 28 Ibid. , op. 12-15. Note: It is doubtful that Vincent neant to use the word ’’attrition.” It would seem that ’’nutrition” is the more apnropriate given the context of the paragraph. However, ’’attrition’’ is the word used in the actual text, and thus, the author has chosen to include it in the citation. 29Sc-impson, p. 78. 30Ibid. 33-Gould, p. 50a. 32Morrison, p. 32. 33vincent, p. 25. 34simpson, p. 78. ^^Hurlbut, p. 23. 36Gould, p. 50c.

37Morrison, p. 43. -^Hurlbut, p. 62. 39vincent, pp. 267-268. 4°Ibid., p. 269. 41lbid., p. 272. ¿^Simpson, p. 78. ^Richmond, Rebecca. An Invitation to Chautauqua (New York: Duell, Sloan, and Pearce, Inc., 1943), P« 34. 99

^Vincent, p. 269. ^Hurlbut, p. 72. ^Vincent, p. 272. ^Hurlbut, p. 73. 4gIbid., p. 75.

49Ibid. 5°Vincent, p. 273. ^Hurlbut, p. 77, 52 Vincent, p. 275. ^Richmond, p. 173. ^Vincent, p. 277. 33Hurlbut, pp. 93-94. 56vincent, p. 277. 5?Ibid.. pp. 41-42.

3 ^Popular Education: The Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle (Chautauqua. “New York:' The Chautauqua Printing Co., 1667), P. 7. 59 Vincent, p. 76. 69Hurlbut, p. 124.

^Morrison, p. 56. 62Hurlbut, p. 135. ^3Morrison, p. 69. ^Vincent, pp. 42-43. ^Hurlbut, p. 150. 66Ibid., pp. 153-154. 67Ibid., p. 155. 100

6^Morrison, p. 58. 69Hurlbut, p. 149. 79Morrison, p. 49. 73-ibid. , p. 50.

72Simpson, p. 84. ^Morrison, p. 76. 74Ibid.. p. 77. 7^Ibid., p. 78. ^Hurlbut, p. 275. 77 Ibid. , 7^Ibid.. p. 279.

79Ibid.. pp. 286-287., Tbid. , p. 288. glIbid.. p. 279. do -Note: Though it is not the intent of this work to go into a detailed account of the tent Chautauqua, this author included the sketch for three reasons: 1) it was the name ’’Chautauqua” that provided the best publicity for the venture; 2) the circuit Chautauqua began based on the philosophy of the Assembly; and 3) its subsequent deterioration in 1926 was due, in part, to a failure to adhere to the principles upon which the original Chautauqua qas founded. ^Gould, p. 72. g4Ibid. . p. 73. g5Ibid.. p. 75. ^Hurlbut, p. 391. 87 'Note: For an excellent description of the traveling Chautauqua see: Horner, Charles F. Strike the Tents (Philadelphia: Dorrance and Company, 19'54) • 88 Morrson, p. 186. 101.

^^Morrison, p. l8l. 9°Gould, p. 76. 91 Morrison, p. 190. Oo ¿Gould, p, 86. 9^Hurlbut, p. 352. 94Ibid. 95ibid.. p. 356. 96 Austin, Mary. "The Town that Didn’t Want a Chautauqua," The New Republic, July, 1926, p. 195. 97Ibid. 9^Simpson, p. 86. /ô4

CHAPTER II

RUTHERFORD B. HAYES AND THE CHAUTAUQUA CORRESPONDENCE

Introduction

Rutherford B. Hayes delivered his first speech at a Chautauqua at the Lakeside, Ohio, encampment in July, 1667. Yet he had continually been sought as a guest at one of the permanent Chautauquas as early as 1679. It is crucial to understand why Hayes was such a popular guest at Chautauqua assemblies in order to appreciate the relationship which developed. This chapter is intended as a guide through' the extant correspondence between Hayes and various Chautauqua organizations. While the letters written by the ex-President have been lost or collected by various persons, there do remain a sufficient number of letters sent to him to give an understandable picture. It is the intent of the author to offer additional insight to the Chautauqua’s organ­ izational framework as evidenced by references to the corres­ pondence. Naturally, Rutherford B. Hayes had captured the atten­ tion of the Chautauqua organization simply because of the fact that he was a President of the United States. Chautauqua, as has been demonstrated in previous chapters of 103.

this dissertation, prided itself in having no fewer than seven Presidents speak at the main Assembly. In fact, Hayes was contacted on numerous occasions to speak during his tenure of office.3- However, the fact that he was an ex- President merely brought him into the public eye. A pri­ mary factor as to why Hayes was pursued so vehemently to get him to appear was that his image both public and private, reflected the popular mind of the Chautauqua audience. Their belief in tranquility, honesty, and forthrightness was commonly attached to Hayes. Burgess, in The Administration of President Hayes, fittingly characterized Hayes in the same light as the Chautauqua audience saw him. Clear; sparkling, intelligence, sound judgment, spotless character, and charm are a rare combination, but fifteen min­ utes with Mr. and Mrs. Hayes constituted an ample period in which to discover that one stood face to face with such a com­ bination. . .2 His popularity as a President, along with his work in the area of social reform, made Hayes an honored Chautauqua guest. Chautauqua audiences saw him in a light which re­ flected these positive qualities. Educational philosophies provide an interesting line of comparison. One of the first principles of Chautauqua’s educational effort, as proposed by Vincent, was "...the utter neglect of intellectual capa­ city is criminal, whether be it by menial or millionaire.”3 Such a confirmed belief in the need and value of education 104

was also emphasized by Hayes. We must educate the people. Find a higher level. Law as a result, not a cause or a means. The cart cannot go before the horse. Education--discussion, general and intelligent is the conserving force and at the same time the progres­ sive force.* Such a complementary nature clearly identified Hayes as a "natural” speaker for the Chautauqua audience. This concept will become clearer-as the chapter progresses.

Chautauqua Assembly Lake Chautauqua. New York, 1692

The most intense effort by a Chautauqua to have Rutherford B. Hayes address its audience was made by the original encampment at Lake Chautauqua, New York. In 1679, five years following the first session of the assembly, John Heyl Vincent was in contact with Hayes proposing that he visit Chautauqua. Writing to A.H. Cole, an assistant to the President, Vincent noted: Chautauqua, N.Y. July 19. Dear Mr. Cole: The "School of Languages," "Teachers Re­ treat" and "Chautauqua Cooking Club" opened on Thursday. The attendance was much larger than I expected. Prospects for the Assembly are brilliant. You suggested the probability of a visit at Chautauqua from his excellency President Hayes, and his worthy wife. Now I wish that this great honor and pleasure may be ours. We would give Mr. Hayes the royal welcome he deserves. Write to him 105

and urge him to come. Ever yours J.H. Vincent^ Hayes rejected Vincent’s offer because of prior com­ mitments as President of the United States. However, re­ search suggests that it is doubtful that he would have ac­ cepted anyway. Rutherford Hayes was sensitive to mixing politics and pleasure, and refused to break the tradition. Support for this conclusion is provided by Hayes in a letter to his aunt, Mrs. E.G. Davis. Writing from Fremont, Ohio, he applauded the Chautauqua (Lakeside, Ohio) effort, but refused on the same premise. ✓ Fremont, Ohio July 31, 1883 My Dear Aunty: We are happy to know that you are happy at the resort. We would come to you if we could. Vie are sorry we can’t. To come now would suit me, but other engage­ ments and duties are in the way...I believe in Chautauqua and Dr. Vincent. It is a wise and good work that he is doing. Success to it. He ought to be grateful to me that I left his work well alone until I am rid of the ill odor of political associations. Be happy. With love of all at Spiegel Grove to you and Dr. Davis and Jack Herron to boot. Sincerely, R.B. Hayes6 John Heyl Vincent accepted Hayes’ rejection gracefully and suggested another time. Correspondence between the two was negligible for eight years until Vincent again tele­ graphed Hayes requesting his presence at Chautauqua. One of 106.

the changes which occurred at Chautauqua during its thir­ teen year history was the instigation of special recogni­ tion days for certain national groups. Among these was the Grand Army of the Republic (G.A.R.) day held every year during the Assembly. Vincent was aware of Hayes’ Civil War exploits, and chose the occasion of a veteran’s reunion to invite once again the now ex-President. Received at: FREMONT, OHIO...Aug. 9, 1887 Dated: CHAUTAUQUA, NEW YORK To: EX. PRES. R.B. HAYES We are exceedingly anxious to have you address Chautauqua on Grand Army day, Aug. twenty. Can you make it—answer here, Dead Head. J.H. Vincent7 It was uncharacteristic of Chautauqua organizations to request a visit so late in the summer. Vincent later re­ organized the system, with the help of Kate Kimball (see Chapter II), so that invitations for the summer assembly would begin in January of the same year. The previous letter by Vincent reveals some interesting characteristics of the relationship that had developed between Vincent and Hayes. The reference to "Dead Head” is one of the more obvious. During the 1880’s, the term was commonly used to identify the fact that the recipient was entitled to a ’’free pass,” or as used today ’’all expenses paid. ”8 Still, the term was only used between people who knew each other well enough to break from traditional style. Although Vincent and Hayes had never met, their 107.

correspondence had made them close. Except for the fact that Hayes was preparing to give a eulogy for Chief Justice Waite, he probably would have ac­ cepted the invitation. Hayes was busy scratching out a draft of the eulogy when the telegram arrived. On the back of the paper he was using, Hayes quickly jotted down his response to Vincent which he telegraphed the next day. Fremont, Ohio 10 August, 1667 With great regrets, I am compelled by engagements to decline your invitation to speak on Grand Army Day at Chautauqua. R.B. Hayes Fremont, Ohio^ By 1692, the organization and size of Chautauqua had grown beyond the control of Lewis Miller and John Heyl Vincent, the founders. Young George Edgar Vincent, son of the founder, had assumed the position of Vice-Principal and Chancellor’s Assistant, and reinstituted the pleas to Rutherford B, Hayes. Hayes had accepted invitations to speak at other Chautauquas, and George Vincent felt that he finally could be persuaded to appear at the Lake Chautauqua Assembly. Having been in contact with the ex-President earlier in the year, Vincent confirmed Hayes’ attendance at Chautauqua in June, 1692. As was typical of Chautauquas around the country, correspondence for the summer was usually conducted from an office in the town of the Director. It was not until 108.

the late 1890’s that the entire year-round operation of the New York Assembly was moved to the grounds at Lake Chautauqua. 455 Franklin St. Buffalo, N.Y. June 3, 1892 My dear Mr. Hayes: Your letter of May 28th gives us the hope that you can be at Chautauqua. I think that it would be better to an­ nounce that you will preside at one of the Grange meetings, and not announce you for an address at all. The day next to Grange Day, Saturday, August 20th, is Grand Army Day, and in the evening of Friday, August 19th, there will be a campfire to the Chautauqua County Veteran Union. Now will you simply preside at the Grange Day exercises Friday afternoon, making a little speech at the campfire, and also preside on Saturday at the Grand Army Day meeting? You can then perhaps make an address of ten or fifteen minutes to the soldiers. We will not announce you for any set or­ ation, or anything of the sort, but we are very anxious to have you, and can assure you the heartiest of welcomes. Please let me know whether we may expect to announce you. Yours Sincerely, George E. Vincent^-O Apparently, Hayes had made up his mind to attend the Chautauqua on Vincent’s invitation, because he commented in his diary for the next day, June 4, 1892, ’’...Agreed to be at Chautauqua to preside on Granger’s Day, and on G.A.R. Day, August 19 and 20...”3-1 Shortly thereafter, Hayes confirmed his approval to Vincent’s request that he visit Chautauqua. Preparations were quickly made for the ex-President’s appearance. 109.

Vincent’s reply to Hayes on August 11, 1392, reveals the welcome, in addition to Chautauqua formalities. On the official stationery, the Buffalo address had been removed, and ’’Chautauqua" inserted; thus signifying the shift of headquarters to the summer offices. In addition, the letter also reveals its (Chautauqua’s) policy of admission by ticket only, even though the bearer was an ex-President of the United States. Chautauqua, N.Y. Aug. 11, 1392 My dear General Hayes: Your note of August 9th is at hand. You are expected here on the morning of August 19th, and will be welcome as much earlier as you can come. From Cleveland you can take two routes, either by the N.Y. Penna and Ohio to Lakewood, and thence to Chautauqua by steamer, or by the Lake Shore to Brocton, thence by the W.N.Y. and P. to Mayville, three miles by steamer from Chautauqua. The name of your destination is Chautauqua, and the hotel is the Hotel Athenaeum. Enclosed please find a card of admission to the Chautauqua enclosure. Anticipa­ ting much pleasure from your coming, I am, Very Sincerely Yours, George E. Vincent^2 As was typical of Hayes, he examined the occasions upon which he would speak, and began development of his comments. It was a quirk of fate that Hayes spoke to two different Chautauquas within a few weeks. July 10, Sunday:...I have finished my correspondence and must now prepare two speeches—one a soldier talk for the Chautauqua at South Framingham, July 25th, 110.

and one for Chautauqua Lake to the Grangers, August 19th. The first will be easy. The next will be to show to farmers the value of "higher education and of manual training."13 It is important to re-emphasize the identification 'r which surrounded the Hayes-Chautauqua relationship. Hayes knew that his audience would be there to hear the praise of education, since that was their purpose in attending Chautauqua in the first place. Thus, a month before de­ livering the address he was carefully deciding his approach along this"line.13 Rutherford B. Hayes arrived at Lake Chautauqua on Thursday, August 16, 1Ô92. In addition to his own reactions recorded in his diary, we have the views of the Chautauqua Assembly Herald, the daily newspaper of the grounds, which welcomed him in a manner fitting the image that Chautauqua audiences had of Rutherford B. Hayes. The following edit­ orial welcomed Hayes upon his arrival at Chautauqua. Ex-President R. B. Hayes-—Chautauqua will welcome today one of the most eminent men of the day, General R. B. Hayes, of Ohio. For four years he was Chief Magistrate of this great nation; today he is a moderate, quiet citizen, doing like any other, a citizen’s work. It has fallen on the lot of but few men to assume the duties of the Presidency under such trying circumstances, surrounded by so many perplexities, and disarrangements, and to still fewer to discharge those duties with such rare fidelity and success as to command the approval of men of all parties and classes. His administration was characterized by the maintenance of peace with honor at Ill

home and abroad. Every issue presented to it was courageously met. It was characterized also by integrity, and a scrupulous regard for the rights of all classes, and ushered in an era of general prosperity and good will which has not yet, let us all hope, reached its end. The respect of the whole people followed him to his well-earned retirement and rest. Chautauqua should give him a gracious and hearty welcome today and to­ morrow. 15 Hayes made two speeches while at Chautauqua; one dealt with the history of the Civil War, and another was a call for investment in education. (Both of these speeches will be developed in Chapter IV). After his return he devoted three full pages of his diary to his recollections of his stay at Chautauqua. That entry is as follows: August 23: The diary in my absence is in brief as follows:—Monday 15th, to Columbus where I spent the night. Reached Cleveland Tuesday afternoon. Thursday to Chautauqua with Colonel J. H. Brigham, Worthy Master of the Grange, or Patrons of Husbandry. Reached Chautauqua about dark; not a favorable way to get a first impression. Evening was introduced to the Assembly—a musicale. Received "Chautauqua Salute”; waving of handker­ chiefs. An immense congregation of ladies mainly. Friday, I presided over the New York State Grange and made my talk on the "Higher education for all," which went off well;-- reply to the Grange resolutions for a separate agricultural and mechanical school. Saturday, a magnificent G.A.R. occasion. My sneech was a good deal more than well received. All sorts of good words about it from all sorts of people. A great audience, capital singing led by Mr. Excell, of Chicago. 112

Sunday, with Mr. Pliny H. Hayes of Buffalo, and his wife to church in the amohitheatre (280 feet by 150), said to seat seven thousand: excellently fitted for its pur­ pose. We heard Mr. Gunsulus of Chicago, an orator. "King of Kings." Dined with Dr. Flood in his pleasant cottage facing the Lake. He is a candidate for Congress in the Erie District against a man of coarse ways (Sibley), the nominee of Pro­ hibition, People’s Party, and the Demo­ crats. 16 The Chautauqua Assembly Herald headlined the issue for Saturday, August 20, 1892, with and editor’s account of his impressions upon meeting Hayes. Again, the article, focused primarily on the ex-President’s image, his involvement with Chautauqua, and the philanthropic activities of the honored guest. I walked under the same umbrella with ex- President Hayes from the Amphitheatre of­ fice to the Hotel. He comes directly from the New England Chautauqua at Framingham, Mass., where he spoke to the veterans. From here he expects to go to .the Lakeside Assembly to attend a reunion of his own regiment. His work is now along philanthropic lines, for which he will not accept remuneration. He is connected officially with various philanthropic and charitable organizations. He travels a great deal. His favorite field is the Freedman’s work in the south. He speaks encouragingly of the educational uplift of the negro.17 As Hayes prepared to leave Chautauqua, George Vincent penciled him a note requesting a list of expenses. Sunday Evening My Dear Sir: Have just received word that you are 113

going to leave early in the morning. Will you kindly leave word what your expenses have been so that we may send you a check. Your visit has been highly appreciated Yours Respectfully, G. E. Vincenti® As was typical with Rutherford B. Hayes, he rarely charged any fee for his speaking engagements, Hayes had made successful investments in real estate, and had become financially secure for the rest of his life. As a result, on those occasions when he spoke to favored audiences (i.e. soldiers, educators, and social groups) he felt the organ­ ization would do better by putting its money to work in ways other than in payment to him. This philosophy was communicated to George Vincent, and he responded in the following manner; Chancellor’s Office Chautauqua N.Y. August 23, 1692 My Dear President Hayes, The enclosed sum seems pitifully small but we must be permitted to pay it. We are under lasting obligation to you for your visit. Yours with great respect. George E. Vincentis

Rutherford B. Hayes and the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle

Prior to his departure from Lake Chautauqua, Rutherford B. Hayes joined the Class of 1696 of the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle. His continued zeal for educational advancement made him a natural candidate for the Circle. 114.

The opportunity for him to join the class presented itself when he was preparing to leave the Assembly. Though he had expressed to George Vincent his wish not to be paid for his appearance, Vincent, as the previous correspondence in­ dicates, did pay a token amount. Rather than embarrass his host by refusing the money, Hayes used the payment to enroll in the C.L.S.C. Two days following Hayes’ departure, Vincent wrote, and acknowledged his enrollment. Chautauqua, N.Y. Aug. 26, 1892 My dear Sir: Your letter of August 24th gives us great pleasure. We welcome you most heartily into the ranks of the C.L.S.C. We take great pleasure in sending you, with our compliments, the CHAUTAUQUAN, and a set of the C.L.S.C. books. Please accept these with our best wishes and great respect. Very Sincerely Yours George E. Vincent29 Although Hayes did not join the C.L.S.C. until 1892, he was no stranger to its operation. The C.L.S.C. had grown tremendously throughout the country, and he was often involved in discussions with local members in Fremont. Mrs. H.C. Herron, wife of his former Cincinnati law partner, was deeply involved in the C.L.S.C. effort, and had urged Rutherford to become a member. In a rather lengthy letter to her, Kayes accepts her invitation to participate, and offers his views on study. Portions of the letter reveal strongly his feelings of uselessness since the death of Lucy 115.

four months earlier. Spiegel, Oct. 29, *89 Dear Mrs. Herron: The suggestion in your welcome letter is a good one. We can have a little Chautauqua circle of our own for reading and study. Why read? If for no other, it is reason enough that we like to do it, for enjoyment to pass the time. Again mental improvement for information, to keep the facilities alert and alive. More still. We must be ready for the inevitable; be content at least for the time and in view of the future. In short, read and study to develop and establish character. These, if not the first three, are among the things which lead us to books, or should do so. Perhaps the most essential of these is character—to be really fit for the present and ready for the future. So I begin with my ancient favorite, Emerson. He deals, as I think wisely, with the deep questions—with God, the soul, our present and our future well being. Let us select. We have read "Immortality’' together. But all things are worth reading often. We may read it again. But we do well to read, pen in hand, or better pencil in hand, to mark passages either notable or doubtful, or obscure, or for comment on any account. ...But I have claims on my thoughts and time, or I imagine I have. An old goose probably knows in a dim way that she is an old goose, but she probably merely suspects that she is passee and on the shelf. This old goose sees it that way. So I go on fancying myself engaged in duties. Hence the neglect of the Chautauqua duties... With all regards, sincerely Rutherford B. Hayes?! Hayes’ reference to the ’’three things that lead us to books" is an extension of his private thoughts of a day 116

before, recorded in his diary, on why man should read and study. Oct. 26, Saturday—...I finished reading the last volume of Tolstoy’s War and Peace. The epilogue discusses grave questions... Oct. 28, Monday—Read, wrote letters, walked...Meditated on Mrs. Herron’s sug­ gested of a little Chautauqua reading or study between us. Why not? Vie read or study—why? 1. Intellectual improvement— for information and the like, 2. For entertainment—to pass time. 3. To prepare for the inevitable, for charac­ ter for the future and the present. The last is most important—to be be­ gun first. But why not carry on all these lines of study and pleasure at the same time? For character, to prepare for the inevitable. I recommend selections from Emerson. His writings have done for me far more than all other reading.22 Hayes’ interest in continued study was motivated, for the most part, by the desire for continued self-improvement, since his college days made him above average in terms of educational accomplishment. His enrollment in the C.L.S.C. was done with high hopes, yet he privately conceded that he would not live long enough to graduate with his class. September 4, 1892: ...At the close of my seventieth year, I join the Chautauqua class of 1896—not at all confident that I shall live to com­ plete it, but with two notions in my thinking about it. It may be useful as an example to others. Let education con­ tinue to the end of life. I find I gain by practice in writing the remarks and speeches I am constantly making.2> On October 2, 1892, only three months before his death 117

on January 17, 1693, Rutherford B. Hayes inked his final diary entry concerning the Chautauqua and the value of education. I have begun to read the Chautauqua course for 1692-6. Will I keep it up? Doubtful, but I begin. "The Prussian needle-gun did not conquer France. It was the German schoolmasters.” But the higher education turns out the school­ master, The higher education is not like money or land, or other property. It cannot be monopolized where free schools exist. It is like pure air? good pavements in the streets, or electric lights. It benefits all who are near to it. Elementary education, all are agreed that the state should provide for, and probably most people agree that it should be in compulsory schools. Then higher education must be—colleges, universities, and schools of specialties.2^ Although Rutherford B. Hayes failed to see the class of 1696 graduate, he was often remembered by Chautauquans. In 1693 the Assembly held a special reading of his will to a capacity audience in the Amphitheatre, and his name was placed at the head of the class on Recognition Day in 1696.23

Lakeside, Ohio--I666

The Chautauqua Assembly at Lakeside, Ohio, was the second oldest of the permanent Chautauquas in existence. For Rutherford and Lucy Hayes, the Lakeside encampment was familiar ground. Located only a short distance from Spiegel Grove, Lakeside was often frequented, if not by the Hayes’, then by close friends and relatives. However, research 118.

indicates that there were only two occasions when Hayes was invited to be the featured guest, and the extant letters remain only for one of these. They are from the visit of 1888, Since the Hayes influence was strong in the local community and surrounding population, the ex-President was one of the most popular visitors to the Lakeside Chautauqua. Jensen, in his 1970 dissertation on the history of Lakeside, reflects on how Hayes was a "model" for the Lakeside audience. Perhaps the most famous person to address a Lakeside audience prior to 1900 vzas the - former President of the United States, Rutherford B. Hayes. Hayes and his wife were visitors at Lakeside numerous times after his retirement from politics in l88O. Both the former President and his wife could be considered model members of the Lakeside audience...^o B.T. Vincent, brother of the Chautauqua Institute’s founder, was the Chancellor at Lakeside from 1879 to 1896.27

Prior to his arrival, the Lakeside establishment, while operational, had not begun to expand the way the original had at Lake Chautauqua. Both B.T. Vincent and John Heyl Vincent applied themselves strenuously to expand the pro­ gram. Their efforts soon produced financial and social stability for the future. B.T. Vincent was a minister at the First Methodist- Episcopal Church in Akron, Ohio. It was from that office, which served as the winter headquarters of the Lakeside 119.

encampment, that he first contacted Rutherford B. Hayes. Because B.T. Vincent was located in Akron, the winter home of Lewis Miller, the two Chautauqua camps mirrored each other in organization and purpose. In early January, 1888, B.T. Vincent made his initial contact. Parsonage First M.E. Church 1/7/88 Dear Sir: We hold a Sunday School Encampment in the general interest of Church work at Lakeside, Ohio from July 17th to the 30th, embracing in our course all themes that relate to the culture and upbuilding of the people. Your many friends are very anxious to have you here with us this summer. Will it be possible for you to so favor us at any time during the ses­ sion? If so, what would be the required remuneration. Hoping to hear from you soon, and favorably, I am Yours Sincerely, B.T. Vincent2» Upon receipt of Vincent’s letter, and with the encouragement of Lucy, Rutherford Hayes wired the.Superintendent in Akron to acknowledge his consent. He left the subject of his talk open, thus prompting Vincent to reply less than two weeks later offering suggestions. Parsonage First M.E. Church Akron, Ohio 1/25/88 My Dear Sir: We are very grateful for your kind con­ sent to aid us at our Sunday School Encampment at Lakeside, Ohio in July. Vie promise you a large and enthusiastic 120

gathering. It has been asked that you favor us with an address on Manual or Industrial Education. This will certainly be an acceptable theme. May I ask whether you can give a choice of dates be­ tween July 16th and 29th, if we can decide very soon? Looking forward with great pleasure to both meeting and hearing you at Lakeside and hoping that your good wife may be able to be with you, I am Yours sincerely, B.T. Vincent2^ Since Hayes already had made arrangements to visit with friends in Boston throughout the early part of July, he indicated to Vincent that an appearance around the twenty-fifth would be acceptable. All arrangements were made and the trip was planned. However, in early May, 1666, Vincent realized that July 25 was a Sunday, and all Sundays were reserved for religious ceremony. Vincent penned a letter to Hayes suggesting the twenty-fourth as the day of the visit. May 16, 1666 Hon. R.B. Hayes Fremont, Ohio My Dear Sir: Is there any reason why July 24 at 11 o’clock would not be a suitable time for the lecture you have kindly consented to give us at Lakeside S.S. Encampment? An early reply will greatly oblige. Yours Truly, B.T. Vincent™ Hayes made it clear to Vincent that it was his policy not to accept sums of money for speaking at such occasions, Notations on Hayes’ admission slip to the Lakeside 121.

Chautauqua grounds acknowledge this generosity, but, like Chautauqua, N.Y,, Vincent insisted on paying a small stipend. Akron, Ohio June 8, 1888 To: Hon. R.B. Hayes Dear Sir: According to arrangements made with you by correspondence we will expect you at the Lakeside S.S. Encampment. July 24, 1888 for the following service, Lecture: 11:00 o’clock On the presentation of this paper to Mr. B.H. Jacobs, Treasurer, at his office in Lakeside, you will receive for compensa­ tion as agreed: All Expenses (It ought to be more, and would be but for your generosity) Looking forward with great pleasure to the fellowship with you, I am Yours Sincerely, B.T. Vincent Superintendent31 Rutherford B. Hayes, as an examination of his personal diary reveals, often made a series of entries, or one ex­ tended entry, into his diary following such occasions. However, only one short reference is made to the Lakeside visit. This can probably be attributed to two factors: (l) His trip east could have tired him so that he only scratched a quick note, or (2) while pleasant, the visit to Lakeside Chautauqua was done-.as a matter of courtesy rather than desire. Probably the first option was correct. It was customary for Hayes to spend a considerable length of time preparing for such appearances. The three week vaca­ 122

tion in New England prohibited the preparation for the Lakeside speech. Thus, his diary entry reveals satisfaction with the occasion, but little else. July 24—To Lakeside, Spoke to a fair audience in the auditorium. General Leggett, Dr. Buckley, and others in the intelligent audience. Offhand and satisfactory.32

Beatrice, Nebraska—1891

The visit of Rutherford B. Hayes to the Beatrice Chautauqua Assembly, in 1891, was co-ordinated along the established pattern set down by the Chautauqua headquarters. Arrangements were begun early in the year, so that the program could be established and advertised to the people. For the most part, independent Chautauqua assemblies adver­ tised their summer program in the Chautauquan, the magazine of the C.L.S.C. (see Chapter II). However, those encamp­ ments which had achieved a relatively stable financial position usually took the initiative to have special prog­ rams printed and distributed. It was common practice for the Superintendent of Instruction of a particular Assembly to include the document at the point of initial contact with a possible guest. Since that person was in charge of recruiting the speakers, the brochure often aided in secur­ ing a particular individual. In the case of Rutherford B. Hayes’ journey to the 123

Beatrice Chautauqua Assembly, the Superintendent, W.L. Davidson, made a special effort to secure Hayes early in the year. By doing so he was able to include a quick announce­ ment in the summer calendar. With the confirmation by Hayes that he would attend, and the blessing of the Beatrice Chautauqua’s President, Bishop J.P. Newman, the following comments were made in the summer circular for 1891. Ex-President Rutherford B. Hayes, an honored' Chief Magistrate whose admin­ istration was as clean as any this country has ever enjoyed, has promised to be pre­ sent July 4. What a welcome we will give him. But two ex-Presidents are alive. We are fortunate in securing one of them for the national holiday. What a treat it will be to look at his honest face and take him by the hand. His speech will be a memorable one. Few men can talk better than he. Ex-President Hayes is the Commander-in-Chief for the mili­ tary order of the Loyal Legion of the U.S., and will be the guest of the Nebraska Cpmraandery of the order during his visit.33 One of the most interesting aspects of the manner which Davidson used to announce the appearance of Hayes was the way he characterized the ’’honesty and cleanliness” of the man. This is consistent with earlier observations that in Chautauqua circles Rutherford Hayes had created for himself (or it was created for him), a personal and professional image that closely resembled the "ideal" of Chautauqua members. When not at the Beatrice Assembly, Davidson conducted 124.

business from his office in Cincinnati, Ohio. In fact, with the exception of the days when he was in attendance at Beatrice, Davidson conducted all his business from Cincinnati. No evidence exists to suggest that he moved his office during the summer as was customary at most Chautauquas. W.L. Davidson first proposed a visit to two different Chautauquas to Hayes in February, 1891. Cincinnati, 0. February 1»91 Ex-President R.B. Hayes Fremont, Ohio Dear Sir; You have always been ready to lend your influences to Educational and Reform movements. If your duties will permit, I should be glad to plan two trips for you to Chautauqua, next summer, where your presence would be a delight, and an inspiration. The one is at Beatrice, Neb. in late June—the other at Mountain Lake Park, Md., August 18. I should like you on the day of our Grand Army Reunion at the Nebraska Assembly— this is a great occasion—Nebraska and Kansas are filled with old soldiers. Your coming would attract them by the thousands—We would lay every plan to give you a royal welcome, and make the occasion a memorable one. Nebraska would be glad to do you nonor. The other trip to the breezy summits of the Allegheny Mountains in mid-August I know you would enjoy. I am embarrassed when I come to speak of the matter of compensation. The treasury of a Chautauqua Assembly never contains much. The work is a labor of love—in behalf of the education of the masses. I cannot begin to promise you what such a service would be worth on the ordinary Lyceum market—but I do promise this— 125

if you will undertake the trips, preside on the occasion of our Grand Army reunions —and make a brief talk to the ’’boys”, I shall see that every penny of your ex­ penses is met—that you have royal enter­ tainment, and will besides give you any amount you think just under the circum­ stances. If you have any other calls that take you first—you ..may fix any date from June 23 to July 6 that will best suit your convenience, as your date at Beatrice, and we will make that our Grand Army Day. Trusting that I may have a favorable and early reply, I am Yours, most sincerely W.L. Davidson34 Besides the fact that Hayes was invited to two Chautauquas at the same time, there is additional signifi­ cance to the invitation to the Mountain Lake Park Assembly in Maryland.35 W,L. Davidson had been involved in the Mountain Lake Park prior to his moving to Cincinnati. As was the case with John Heyl Vincent assisting his brother, B.T. Vincent, with the operation of Chautauqua at Lakeside, Ohio, Davidson served in a similar capacity. His value to both Beatrice and Mountain Lake Park was so great that he continued to serve both of them. Hayes replied to Davidson that the possibility was good that he might attend the Beatrice Assembly that summer. He communicated that the Fourth of July might be an appro­ priate day to gather with old soldiers. Agreeing, Davidson responded in March, and offered additional incentive. 126.

Cincinnati, 0. March 14, 1891 Ex-President R.B. Hayes Fremont, Ohio Dear Sir: I have yours of February 28th, containing partial promise to be present at Beatrice Chautauqua Assembly. I hone your next letter will contain positive promise. Arrange to be with us July 4; we shall have 20,000 people present. We will give you a welcome that will please you. Senator Paddock will be please to enter­ tain you. Very truly yours, W.L. Davidson P.S. The might of your influence on the side of this great Chautauqua Movement in the interest of the education of the masses will be a great help for us. None of these assemblies are making money—nor do they aim to do it, but their work will tell on the future of this nation.36 Upon receipt of Davidson’s letter, Hayes, on March 16, 1891, confirmed his desire to be at the Beatrice Chautauqua on July 4» As was consistent with Chautauqua organizations, an immediate confirmation of dates, indication of transpor­ tation, and salutory greetings was sent. Cincinnati, 0. 3/24/91 Ex-President Rutherford B. Hayes Dear Sir: I have yours of March 16, giving me the glad intelligence that you have placed orryour docket: "July 4, Chautauqua Assembly, Beatrice, Nebraska." We shall make the day one long to be remembered, and shall make your stay as pleasant as possible. I thank you very much for your accept­ ance. 127.

I will notify you later regarding every­ thing, and hope to be able to furnish you some railroad transportation. Senator Paddock and others, of Beatrice, will, in all probability, write to you. Yours very sincerely, W.L. Davidson37

Again, tradition demanded that all those who entered the gates of Chautauqua must do so with either a paid ticket or a complimentary pass. Davidson took care of this in his next letter, and gave an indication of the scope of the Beatrice audience. Cincinnati, 0. May 14, 1891 Ex-President R.B. Hayes Fremont, Ohio Dear Sir: I enclose your complimentary ticket to the Beatrice Chautauqua Assembly; also the preliminary folder, forty thousand copies of which we have issued and cir­ culated in every direction. The people seem enthusiastic over your coming, and we shall give you a royal welcome—The illustrated program book is now in the printer’s hands, as it comes from the press I shall take the pleasure in mail­ ing you a copy—I may succeed in getting some special railroad transportation, if I do, will give you timely notice. Promising again to do all in my power to make your visit a delightful one, I am, Yours very sincerely, W.L. Davidson P.S. How long a time will you care to . speak the afternoon of July 4? 38 In late May, Hayes contacted Davidson and informed him that he had been ill, and was unable to dedicate sufficient time to prepare a lengthy address. Davidson offered his 128.

regrets, and suggested that a short talk would satisfy their needs.39

Cincinnati, 0. June 2, 1891 My dear Mr. Hayes— I have yours of the 22nd of May. I hope the grippe will soon lift its heavy hand from you. I see from the papers that you are out of ______and I take it from that—you are much better. I hope so. Spend no time in getting up anything special for Beatrice. A thirty minute informal talk on some war theme which you may have given ______so many times before will be just what we want. Under another cover I send you some of our program books. In it you will find a shockingly poor picture of yourself—it is the best I could find on short notice—Hope to have some railroad transportation for you in a few days. Yours sincerely, V/. L. Davids on2*0 On June 20, 1891, W.L. Davidson made final contact with Hayes, and provided additional specifics for the trip. Hayes had inked a letter to Davidson on June 15, to confirm the plans that were made. Cincinnati, 0. June 20, 1891 My Dear Mr. Hayes/: : Yours of June 15th from Delaware is at hand. All right as to Beatrice. I shall plan to have July 4th at the Assembly a ’’Soldiers Day,” and shall notify by cir­ cular all G.A.R. Posts in that region. The Loyal Legion are planning to give you a fine reception in Beatrice. I shall, on Monday, from Chicago send you orders for special rates from Chicago to Omaha, or Beatrice if possible. The Inter-State Commerce Train seems to stand in the way 129

of getting passes which I hope to get. We shall carefully look after your expenses. Try to reach us as you suggested in a former letter on July 3rd. Wishing you a safe and pleasant journey, and an enjoy­ able time while with us, I am Yours sincerely W.L. Davidson^l Hayes began to prepare his talk for the Beatrice Chautauqua on July 1, 1891. Accompanied by his son, Rutherford Jr., he composed the text while enroute to Beatrice, via Chicago. His diary recounts his anticipation of the visit. July 1, 1891—With Rutherford, I go to­ morrow to speak at a Chautauqua Assembly (Fourth of July) at Beatrice, Nebraska. Also expecting to accept an invitation received from Omaha Companions of the Loyal Legion. I will make an old- fashioned war talk, with a push for education as the remedy for wealth and poverty.*2 Rutherford B. Hayes did not make entries in his diary when he was away from home. However, upon his return to Fremont he diligently sat down and recounted his travels. Thus the diary entry of July 8, 1891, provides Hayes* impressions of his Beatrice adventure. July 8th, Wednesday— ...Found friends at Beatrice, a fine town of about fifteen thousand...The Fourth, Saturday...at 11 a.m. went to the Chautauqua grounds and tabernacle. Heard a good Fourth of July talk. On the re­ quest of Rev. Dr. Davidson I spoke for ten minutes on manual training; told my chestnuts—"the difference between a hobby and a horse”—acceptably. At about 3 p.m. to a great audience, spoke on the results of the war...43 130

Hayes left the Chautauqua and headed for Omaha to an assembly of the Loyal Legion. He returned to Fremont four days later. While these letters have dealt with those correspon­ dences with Chautauqua from which he accepted invitations, Rutherford B. Hayes often received invitations to speak at a Chautauqua elsewhere. As the Chautauqua Assembly Herald pointed out earlier, Hayes was well known at Chautauqua(s), The following three sections identify those Chautauquas which expressed interest (and the letters remain) in having Hayes as a special guest.

Lake Madison Chautauqua Association South Dakota

Rev. C.E. Hager, Superintendent of the Lake Madison Chautauqua Assembly, wrote only one letter concerning a visit by Rutherford B. Hayes. While Hayes eventually re­ jected the offer, its inclusion in this chapter is designed to emphasize the obvious difference in tone, Hager broke the pattern by failing to begin a series of letters with an expression of admiration toward the ex-President. The entire letter appears too businesslike, with little of the tact of some of the other Chautauquas. Madison, S.D. March 8, 1892 Hon. R.B. Hayes: Dear Sir and Brother— 131.

Our Lake Madison Assembly is at this date one of the leading Chautauqua Assemblies in the United States. I send you this with an advance circular for ’92. Many’ of the leading men of our state, from the Governor on down, are members of this as­ sociation, and our success from every stand point has been phenomenal. We want you on our program this year, and shall feel greatly honored by your coming. Our Assembly opens July 1st, and closes July 21st. The R.R.C. is waiting to hear from you, and would be pleased to have you telegraph a date on receipt of this. We shall have thousands present and am sure you will enjoy meeting with our Dakota people. Very Respectfully Yours C.E. Hager, Supt.45 Since this was the only letter from Hager to Hayes, there is not enough information to discern why the tone of the letter shifted dramatically from the others. However, an examination of the Circular, of which Hager wrote, tends to confirm the strong business orientation of the Lake Madison Assembly. Unlike brochures of other Chautauquas, the Lake Madison circular carries a large section devoted to the financial aspects. The Lake Madison Chautauqua Association is a joint stock company, incorporated under the laws of the state of South Dakota, with a capital of $25,000.... Shares of stock are sold at $100.00 each, and each stockholder receives a 99year lease, transferrable, on a lot on the Assembly grounds that has a market value at least equal to the price of his stock.46 132.

Mountain Lake Park Assembly Maryland

W. L. Davidson, who served as Superintendent of the Beatrice, Nebraska Chautauqua, also served in the same capacity for the Mountain Lake Park Assembly, in Maryland. In 1890, the year before Hayes* visit to Beatrice, Davidson first contacted him proposing a visit to the Maryland en­ campment. Only one letter was sent, and Hayes* diary shows he did not attend. Writing from his Cincinnati office, Davidson requested the visit in the hope that Hayes would not attend the G.A.R. encampment at the same time, in Massachusetts. Cincinnati, 0. May 13, 1890 Ex-President R. B. Hayes Fremont, Ohio My Dear Sir: I fancy that you are to be present at the annual encampment of the G.A.R. in Boston, August the 12th. If I am mistaken about it I have a plan to propose which I hope may meet with your approval. August the 12th is the day we observe at Mountain Lake Park Assembly, in Maryland, as G.A.R. Day. We expect a large compnay of old soldiers and a good time. The com­ pany is doing a needed and valuable ser­ vice for Maryland, Virginia, and West Virginia, and I think is deserving of the help of our best men. I should be glad to have you come and stay with us for two or three days; we have a good hotel and could furnish you with good accomodations and, I think you would enjoy a rest at that season of the year on the bracing summits of the Alleghenies. I can furnish you transportation from your home to Mountain Lake Park over the 133

B&O Road and return. I would like for you to come and talk on Grand Army Day, other speakers will be present. Kindly let me know by return mail, if you can be with us, I am sure you would enjoy it. Yours Very Sincerely, W.L. Davidson47 It is unknown whether Hayes responded to Davidson on this request, but his diary reveals that he planned to spend the 12th of August visiting his son, Webb C. Hayes, a member of the Cleveland Troop, in Huron,:-Ohio.48 Almost two years later, Davidson again contacted Hayes about a visit to the Mountain Lake Park Assembly. The single letter is important because it was the first time that an invitation was also extended to his son, Rutherford Jr. It had been customary to extend an invitation to his wife, Lucy, before her death. Davidson was sensitive to Hayes* lonliness because he had met the son on the trip to Beatrice, Nebraska, a year earlier. Cincinnati, 0. March 15, 1892 Dear Mr. Hayes: I very greatly remember your kindness in coming to the Beatrice, Nebraska, Chautauqua Assembly last Fourth of July, and the royal service you rendered—I hope the trip was not entirely devoid of satisfac­ tion and pleasure to yourself. I wish you would consent to be present with us at the Mountain Chautauqua, at Mountain Lake Park, Maryland—during the present summer. Our G.A.R. Day is fixed for August 23rd, and there is no man in all the country we would rather have than yourself. The spot is a delightful 134

one, on the summit of the Allegheny Moun­ tains, 2,800 feet above sea level—close to the famous summer resorts—Oakland and Deer Park. The B&O R.R. passes our doors. I think a day or two visiting with the mountains would be an enjoyable time in hot August—we would do all in our power to make your stay a pleasant one—I shall be glad to furnish transportation for yourself and son, from your home to Mountain Lake Park, and return, paying all incidental expenses, and furnishing your entertainment while you are with us —Hoping that you will say yes, and by an early mail, I am, Yours Very Sincerely W.L. Davidson 49 Unfortunatly for Davidson, Hayes had already begun negotiations with George Vincent for the upcoming trip to Chautauqua, New York. Hayes could not be in Maryland on August 23rd, because he would be in attendance at Lake Chautauqua.

Connecticut Valley Sunday School and Chautauqua Assembly £aurel Park, Mass.

1892 was the year in which Hayes received the most invitations to visit a Chautauqua assembly. With the ex­ ception of the Beatrice, Nebraska trip, the majority of his visits were east of Ohio. At age 69, and shortly before his seventieth birthday, Hayes began tiring of the extensive travels he had undertaken. His duties kept him constantly moving, and 1892 was a very active year. In early January, 1892, Rev. George H. Clarke, Secretary for Western 135.

Massachusetts Chautauqua, being familiar with the Chautauqua visits of Hayes, extended an invitation to visit the Laurel Park Assembly. The advance circular, which by this time was customary with almost all Chautauquas, des­ cribes the grounds as follows; • Delightful scenery, pure spring water, good board at moderate prices, good society, a perfectly safe place for children, intellectual treats of no com­ mon order, religious opportunities, a quiet and restful place, lawn tennis, croquet, swings, drives to points of his­ toric interest, all of these combine to make Laurel Park and the approaching As­ sembly the place for everyone who ap­ preciates such advantages.50 The manner in which the Laurel Park Assembly describes its recreational aspects had become more and more popular during the l890*s. Miller and Vincent, founders of Chautauqua, were sensitive to the fact that the visits to Chautauqua were in conduction with family vacations. Thus, the Laurel Park circular for 1892 prdvided repeated referen­ ces to the ”camp-ground” atmosphere. Included in the copy of the cirular was a letter by Clarke requesting Hayes* presence. ChicoDee, Mass. Jan. 20, 1892 Hon. R.B. Hayes My Dear Sir and Bro. I am arranging programs for our Chautauqua Assembly at Laurel Park, Northamption, July 6-15, *92, and would like to include you among our speakers. Could you be secured for some date in that season? 136

The 7th, 8th, 13th, or 15th would be pre­ ferred. I desire to make one a National Day and would like to place you on that day if you prefer a national topic. What remuneration would you require? Am sorry that we are not able to pay large prices. Should be glad to hear from you as early as convienient. Yours Geo. H. Clarke 51 It was possible that Hayes might have consented to appear at Laurel Park, but he had already made a commitment to speak at South Framingham Chautauqua on July 25, 1892.52 One year later, Clarke again wrote Hayes suggesting a pos­ sible visit for the summer of 1893. Chicooee, Mass. Nov. 18, 1892 Hon. R.B. Hayes • My Dear Sir and Bro. Last year I wrote you concerning an ad­ dress at the Laurel Park summer assembly but found you previously engaged. This year the management are equally desirous of you presence. The next Assembly will be held on July 11-21, ’93. We wish to make one day a National Day and would be glad to secure you as one of the speakers—the talk you gave at Lakeview, South Framingham would be suitable. As the program is not very definately mapped out—any day that would accom­ modate you could be devoted to national topics. Can you favor us? What remuner­ ation would you require? Will you sug­ gest a day or two, or three days, one of which would be convienient for you? Awaiting your reply, I remain; Very Cordially Yours Geo. H. Clarke 53 Even if Hayes had responded positively to Clarke’s letter of Nov. 18, he would never have made it to the 137

Laurel Park Assembly. Suddenly stricken ill, Rutherford B. Hayes died on January 17, 1893. While Rutherford Brichard Hayes may not have been the most famous person to grace the Chautauqua grounds, he was one of the most loved. This discussion of the correspondence has revealed Hayes as a popular member of the Chautauqua community. This popularity was due in part to his position as an ex-President, but also to the fact that his fame and image were based on principles almost identical with the philosophical ideals of the Chautauqua. 138.

FOOTNOTES

3-J. H. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, July 21, 18?9. 2Burgess, John W. The Administration of President Hayes (New York: Charles''Serfbrier's Sons, 1/719), p. 2. ^Vincent, p. 2. 4piary, Vol. 4, p. 99. 5j. H. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, July 19, 1879.

6r. b. Hayes to Mrs. E. G. Davis, July 31, 1883.

7j. H. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, August 9, 1887. $Note: A supporting interpretation of the use of the words ’’Dead Head” can be found in: Webster’s New World Dictionary of the American Language, '2nd' "edition, 197(5.

9r. b. Hayes to J. H. Vincent, August 10, 1887. YOG. E. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, June 3, 1892. Hpiary. Vol. 5, p. 88. 3-2G. E. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, August 11, 1892. 3-3Diary, Vol. 5, p. 95. 3-4Note: Research failed to reveal any correspondence between Rutherford B. Hayes and the South Framingham Chautauqua. The diary entry of July 10, 1892, however, sub­ sequently uncovered a previously miscatalogued speech. This author, under the perview of the staff at the Hayes Memorial Library in Fremont, Ohio, offered proof that this was indeed a copy of the South Framingham speech. Watt P. Marchman, Director of the Hayes Library, confirmed this thesis and catalogued the speech accordingly. A text of the speech, along with appropriate commentary can be found in Chapter Four of this dissertation. 3-5"Editorial, ” Chautauqua Assembly Herald, No, 28, August 20, 1892, p. 1. 3-6pjary, Vol. 5, p. 100, 139.

17”Walks and Talks.” Chautauqua Assembly Herald. No. 28, August 20, 1892, p. 3.

1&G. E. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, August 22, 1892.

19g. E. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, August 23, 1892.

20q. E. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, August 26, 1892.

Hr. B. Hayes to Mrs. H. C. Herron, October 29, 1889- 22Piaryt Vol. 4, pp. 517-518. 23Ibid.. Vol. 5, p. 102. 2j*-Ibid.. Vol. 5, pp. 108-109. 23Harrison, p. 12. 26jenson, John R. A History of Chautauqua Activities at Lakeside. Ohio (Unpublished Doctoral Disse'rtation, Bowling Green’S'tate University, Bowling Green, Ohio 1971), p. 142. 27lbid.. p. 41. 2^B. T. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, January 7, 1888. 29B. T. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, January 25, 1888. 3<3B. T. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, May 18, 1888.

31b. T. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, June 8, 1888. 32pìary. Vol. 4, p. 400. 33”Summer Bulletin of the Beatrice Chautauqua Assembly for the Summer of 1891," enclosed in: W. L. Davidson, to R. B. Hayes, June 2, 1891. 34w. L. Davidson to R. B. Hayes, February 1891. 35Note: A section of this chapter will be devoted to select correspondence relating to the Mountain Lake Park, Maryland. The author included this brief discussion to clarify the position held by Mr. W. L. Davidson, and also to remove confusion that may surface from discussing concomi­ tant correspondence under one heading. 36w. L. Davidson to R. B. Hayes, March 14, 1891. 140

37W. L. Davidson to R. B. Hayes, March 24, 1891. 3^W. L. Davidson to R. B. Hayes, May 14, 1891.

39Note: The following correspondence was dictated by Davidson to a secretary. The handwritten letter is ex­ tremely difficult to read, and some words are unintelligible. Therefore, those words which could not be deciphered have been omitted, and a " ” has been inserted. There are only two such omissions and they do not detract greatly from the content. 40w. L. Davidson to R. B.H ayes, June 2, 1891. 41w. L. Davidson to R. B. Hayes, June 20, 1891. 42pjary. Vol. 5, pp. 12-13. 43Ibid.. Vol. 5, p. 13. 44fjote: It is critical, however, at this point to make the distinction between a ’’Chautauqua Speech,” and a ’’speech at a Chautauqua.” For the purpose of this disserta­ tion, a ’’Chautauqua Speech" was when the Chautauqua organi­ zation saw fit to have Hayes address some regular function during the Assembly. "A speech at a Chautauqua” however, is when Hayes spoke on Chautauqua grounds, but at a special meeting not a part of the summer assembly. This distinction becomes clearer if the reader understands that Chautauqua used to. rent its facilities to special groups (to raise money) when the actual assembly was not progressing. Thus, there do remain private letters from groups who used the Chautauqua grounds. These, however, were not included in this dissertation. 45c, E. Hager to R. B. Hayes, March 8, 1892. 46"Advance circular of the Second Annual Lake Madison Chautauqua Assembly," enclosed in: C. E. Hager to R. B. Hayes, March 8, 1892.

47W. l. Davidson to R. B. Hayes, May 13, 1890. 48piary. Vol. 4, p. 593. 49w, L. Davidson to R. B. Hayes, March 15, 1892. 50»Advance Circular of 1892 for the Connecticut Valley Sunday School and Chautauqua Assembly, Laurel Park, Mass.," enclosed in: G. H. Clarke to R. B. Hayes, January 20, 1892, 141

51g. H. Clarke to R. B. Hayes, January 20, 1892. 32Note: Although no extant correspondence exists con­ cerning the South Framingham Chautauqua visit, there does exist a text of the speech he delivered there. The speech will be developed in the fourth chapter of this dissertation.

53g. H. Clarke to R. B. Hayes, November 18, 1892. CHAPTER IV

CHAUTAUQUA SPEECHES OF RUTHERFORD B. HAYES

Introduction

The following chapter is intended as a descriptive account of the Chautauqua speaking of Rutherford B. Hayes. The majority of the text appears for each speech. While some repetitive sections have been omitted, this author attempted to include as much of the addresses as possible since the texts are not readily available for scholarly examination. What evolves from an examination of these speeches is an impression of Hayes as an informed historian and a care­ ful speech writer. The fact that the speeches, included in this chapter, are the only remaining copies of Hayes* Chautauqua orations hinders the accuracy of additional spec­ ulation. It is, however, apparent that Hayes spent consid­ erable time and effort authoring a massive address in which he expounds on the impact and lessons of the Civil War. The speech to the Lake Chautauqua reunion of the G.A.R., August 20, 1892, served as the core of Hayes* war speeches. He often chose to use selected sections of this speech as his 143.

address on other occasions. Thus, the two speeches at the South Framingham Chautauqua, July 25, 1892, are merely short­ ened versions of the longer oration. They have been includ­ ed in this chapter since they exist, by themselves, as Chautauqua speeches of Rutherford B. Hayes.

Speech To the Grand Army of the Republic. August 20, 1692, Lake Chautauqua, New York

Rutherford B. Hayes’ speech to the reunion of the Grand Army of the Republic, August 20, 1892, was the longest speech he delivered to a Chautauqua audience. The speech was more than a single talk to the soldiers. It was a syn­ thesis of his own philosophy on the results and implications of the Civil War. As was traditional with Chautauqua, the pomp and circumstance of the scene was played out in full measure. The Chautauqua Assembly Herald described the gathering. How fitting that a blue sky should greet the blue coats as they poured through our gates Saturday morning.. .The voice of artillery awoke the morning echoes and pealed at intervals during the entire day. From roofs and verandas streamed the stars and stripes and rich buntings of the national colors adorned the pil­ lars and platform of the Amphitheatre... The scar, the crutch, the empty sleeve were more eloquent reminders of the meed we owe them than the badges on their breasts. Promptly at 2 o’clock, at the call of the bugle, all mustered at Miller 144.

park for the grand parade. With the resounding music of array marches, the proces­ sion began the short journey to the Amphitheatre where the speakers would address the crowd. Rutherford Hayes sat in the carriage, behind the band, at the front of the parade. The march circled the Chautauqua grounds and eventually set­ tled at the Amphitheatre which had been properly decorated for the occasion. On the platform sat those who would speak to the assembly, and the audience became "a sea of blue coats..."2 On the platform, which was beautifully decorated with the stars and stripes, sat ex-President Hayes, Commander Polle, Hon. Wallace Bruce, Dr. T.L. Flood, Dr. W.A. Duncan, Chaplain Hyde, Mrs. Ellen Putman, of the Woman’s Relief Corps, and others.3 Dr. T.L. Flood made the opening remarks. He welcomed the soldiers, and spoke the praise of Chautauqua. His talk compared the growth of Chautauqua to the peace they had won. Part of his address included the following. ...Not quite as old is Chautauqua as is the peace we have had since the days when the drum ceased to beat at reveille. Not quite as old is Chautauqua as is the peace we have had since the last gun was fired, and we marched from the battle with our faces turned homeward. But, thank God, because we won that victory it has made it possible that not only this Chautauqua but more than sixty others like it could be founded in the United States, to educate the people in literature and in patriotism, for I find that wherever there is a Chautauqua in any state or territory, that somehow or other they are bound to give 145.

the Grand Army a day on the program (applause).4

Flood reserved the conclusion of his speech for the pur­ pose of introducing Rutherford B. Hayes. He began by citing Hayes’ war experience. Why, our ex-President himself knows how it was. A man that went up that South Mountain as he did, and he was there four­ teen days before I got there with my reg­ iment, when he got wounded there—(turning to Hayes), you had a horse shot from under you there, I believe? Gen. Hayes: No, not there. Dr. Flood: Well, you had four horses shot from under you in the war, anyway. (Great and continued applause). And he was wounded five times in that war before we made him President of the United States. (applause). I say to you veterans today, that the President of the day will be ex-President Hayes of the United States, who will now address you (applause).5 As Rutherford B. Hayes approached the podium he was greeted by a thunderous ovation from the G.A.R. assembly. His reputation of association with, and devotion to, the cause of the war had not only provided him with the Office of President, but gave him the image of a "super-patriot” to the old soldiers. Thus, he began his Chautauqua speech of August 20, 1892, with high praise for the nation. Ladies and Gentlemen: Matthew Arnold after his visit to America habitually wrote and spoke in a friendly spirit about out country. "No doubt, considered as a museum of relics of antiquity, America does not compare favorably with Egypt or China or other ancient nations. But taking a larger and juster view, America is the most 146.

interesting country in the world.” Indeed, our Republic is the most in teresting , nation that ever was in the world. It has been called the cradle of the future. But why speak of the future? What is America today? With more widely diffused intelli­ gence, with more wealth, more power, with greater prestige, with more justice and equality of rights and opportunity between man and man than ever before belonged to any people, and all of these elements of strength, influence, and growth augmenting at a rate beyond the wildest dreams of national ambition. It has the finest part of the best continent on the globe. Emerson hit the nail on the head'when he said, "Resources of America! Why, one thinks of St. Simon saying ’The Golden Age is not behind, but before you’. Here is man in the'Garden of Eden; here the Genesis and the Exodus.” It has the only foag which not a good man or woman born under it ever willingly leaves or ever wishes to exchange for another flag—an ensign to which for more than a century the young, the intelligent and the enterprising seek to improve their condition and that of their prosperity from all civilized lands have been coming, trusting in the sublime prediction of our patriotic scholar and poet that "our Republic and that of our fathers is destined one day to gather the whole continent under a flag that shall be the most august flag ever floated in any wind under the whole heavens.”6 Hayes decided to focus his remarks on the effect of the Civil War on both America and European nations. As part of his introductory remarks, Hayes placed the men and women, as well as the nation as a whole, on a pedestal to be emulated by all others. He believed that the Civil War had cemented the foundations upon which the country was built. The appropriate topics for the observance of Grand Army day are very familiar. 147.

Newspapers, magazines, and books without number have spread before us the inspiring narrative of the great war of 1861-1865 for Union and Liberty. A merely casual glance at this stream of patriotic intelligence will amply explain and justify the setting apart of a day in honor of the men who took part in the conflict. The work they did and the results of that work stated in the shortest and simplest terms answer every pertinent question with respect to the final (judgment) of impartial history on this most tremendous transaction of our day and generation. I will not detain you with a vain attempt to make even a catalogue of the amazing facts which belong to the four long and anxious years during which, not America alone, but the whole civilized world watched with abated and painful solicitude the issue of momentous struggle. The story of the war when told, however imperfectly, presents an example of expenditure of money, of destruction, and waste of property, of debt, of taxation«—of suffering, of sacri­ fice, and of bloodshed—of an uncounted multitude of battles, of marches, of sieges, and of daring, skillful and brilliant exploits of endurance, constancy, and devotion in the field, sustained and cheered by a patriotism, earnestness, and faith in the people—the men and women at home, upon whom the veterans in the ranks could always lean with absolute trust, which has no parallel in the history of the world, and which, taken altogether, proves incontestably that for the forma­ tion of a people’s character the best and highest education is afforded by free institutions founded on the equal rights of all men as taught in the Sermon on the Mount, and repeated by our Fathers in the Declaration of Independence.7 The heart of his presentation begins with Hayes asking a rhetorical question as to why the Civil War became such a bloody and costly conflict. 148.

And now, resolutely turning our faces away from the attractive pages which contain the fascinating story of the wonderful war for the stainless cause of nationality and freedom let me ask your attention to this question: The war for the Union—how did it come to be so great, so hard, so long continued, and so doubtful? There were many lions in the path to the final vic­ tory of the Union arms. These two I name: 1. The power of the Confederacy, with its brave and warlike people, having the almost impregnable advantage of acting on the defensive in the country of their own homes—and that country with vast extent, with great forests and extensive ranges of mountains, affording at almost every step strategic positions easily fortified against an invading army. 2. The intervention of European nations with powerful aid, comfort and support to the Confederacy.Q Ever since the election of Lincoln, which caused an anti- Republican backlash, and subsequently Hayes* removal as City Solicitor of Cincinnati, Ohio (see Chapter 1), Hayes had been a great admirer of the man. The image of Lincoln as a defender of the Union, and as a rallying point for the sol­ diers, provided Hayes with thoughts on Lincoln’s state of mind as he entered the White House. These obstacles to the preservation of the Union combined together devolved upon Lincoln and the people who stood by him so great a burden of responsibility, a task so difficult, a duty so hard that it is not strange he always spoke of it with deep reverent feeling, looking to heaven for that divine aid without which he sol­ emnly declared in bidding farewell to his friends and neighbors at Springfield, ’’without which I cannot succeed and with which I cannot fail.” The eminent his- 149

torian George Bancroft in his great oration on Lincoln quotes from the speeches of the President-elect as he traveled from his home in Illinois to the scene of his vast and matchless labor. At the capitol of Ohio, Lincoln said: "Without a name, with­ out a reason why I should have a name, there has fallen on me a task such as did not rest even upon the Fathers of this Country." At Albany, before the legislature of New York, he said: "While, I hold myself the humblest of all the individuals who have ever been elevated to the Presidency, I have a more difficult task to perforin than any of them. I bring a true heart to the work. I must rely upon the people of the whole country for support, and with their sustaining aid, even I, humble as I am, cannot fail to carry the ship of state safely through the storm.” In the old Independence Hall of Philadelphia he said: lfI have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments of the Declaration of Independence, which gave liberty not only to the people of this country, but to the world in all future time. If the country cannot he saved without giving up that principle, I would rather be assassinated on the spot than surrender it!" Mr. Lincoln was not mistaken. He did not overstate, he could not exaggerate the gravity of the situation that con­ fronted him. Deadly perils were assailing him and his country,9 After giving the impressions of President Lincoln as he entered into that critical period in American history, Hayes took a few minutes to identify the reactions and predictions of the English Parliament. Hayes expounded on the pro and con arguments being offered there by Gladstone, Bright, and others. As to the numbers and extent of the 150

dangers that imperilled the government and the Union nearly all the world not only agreed with him, but went far beyond him. In England, our condition and our peril were perhaps better understood than in any other foreign nation. The aristocracy —the governing class of Great Britain— could not repress their joy. The British Secretary of State made haste to sound through the palaces of Europe that the great Republic was in agony; that the Republic was no more; that a headstone was all that remained due by the law of the nations to the late Union. A leading member of Parliament de­ clared that "the attempt of the North to restore the Union by force was totally incapable of success;" that "the great powers of Europe would recognize the Southern Confederacy in less than six months," and warming with his subjects he proclaimed amidst the frantic cheers of the House of Commons the "bursting of the bubble republic." So universal and strong was the con­ viction of the utter hopelessness of the Union that even Mr. Gladstone lost his head and announced his conviction that "Jefferson Davis had established a new nation in America." A-:leader of the English press con­ fidently assured its readers: "No amount of Federal force which can be brought into the field against the South on its own ground will stand a chance of success." John Bright, the favorite representa­ tive of the untitled English people, was almost alone among distinguished European statesmen in his opinions and actions on the American question. His voice—the most eloquent voice in all England—was from first to last on the side of American union and American liberty. Replying to one of our bitterest foes in the House of Commons who prophesied evil to our cause, he said: "I see another and far brighter vision. I see a vast Confederacy of states reaching from the frozen north to the glowing south, from the stormy 151

billows of the Atlantic main to the calm waters of the Pacific sea, and everywhere I see one language, one law, one faith, one flag, the home of freedom and the refuge of the oppressed of every race and of every clime.” Forever enshrined in America will be the name and memory of John Bright.19

It was clear by this point that Hayes was well versed in the efforts of the European nations in relation to the . cause of the Union. The speech became more than a praise of the soldiers, it became a philosophical and moralistic thesis on what America had learned from the conflict. He continued to talk of how Lincoln saw things as he entered ttrbThite House, and turned his attention to the ability of the Union to face such an internal struggle. Now, in the face of this emergency what were the means, what the preparations which Mr. Lincoln found with which to meet the most formidable rebellion against good government which the world ever saw? He found a skeleton army, a navy of old and worn out ships scattered to the four winds, an empty treasury, a broken down credit, and a revenue deficient even for the limited expenditure of a time of pro­ found peace. But, on the other side, Mr. Lincoln saw much that inspired him with hope and with unfailing confidence. He had 'perfect faith in the perpetuity of the Union, he was in full sympathy with the people and trusted them to the end of the chapter. Above all he believed that in the affairs of nations the Lord God Omnipotent reigneth, and that He would not permit a government of the people, by the people, and for the people, to perish from the earth.H Following his observations of the conditions of the 152

Union prior to the war, Hayes came to the theme of his talk. That theme concerned itself with the lessons learned from the conflict. But what makes a war great, important, memorable? There had been great wars, con­ sidered merely as wars, before the contest for the Union, but that which determines the ultimate judgment of the world about war, is the same that determines the judg­ ment of history on every human effort. The question at last always is—and what came of it? What were the results? Did the country, did mankind receive blessings from the great conflict or was it a calam­ ity? The bloody wars of Napoleon, what did they bring to Napoleon--what to France— what to Europe? The designs and aims of the wonderful genius who led them, and of his deluded followers, at last only defeat and despair.12 To Rutherford B. Hayes there was no doubt that the Civil War ended in complete victory for the Union cause. He quickly dispersed any notions that the war was anything but a complete success. Touching our war for the Union I always insist upon these two single and preg­ nant statements, vzhich I have often made and which I believe are beyond all ques­ tion true. In no other war in all his­ tory have the victors so fully, so com­ pletely and so exactly accomplished all that they intended and hoped for as the result of their triumph. The other state­ ment is like unto the first. In no other war have the results of the victory so immeasurably surpassed and transcended the extremest hopes and the most sanguine anticipations of the men who fought for, and who achieved, the final triumph,3-3 Again, Hayes quickly shifted from his discussion of the 153.

results of the war in order to examine the corporate mind of the Union soldier. The soldier was depicted as totally loyal, patriotic, and ready to give his life to save the flag. What, then, let us ask, were the ideas and sentiments which filled all loyal minds and hearts in that burning hour when the whole land was startled, as by a fire- bell in the night, by the wild and tragic gun that was aimed at Fort Sumpter? And when the war ended, how stood the record on the vital principles at stake? The Union soldier, the loyal volunteer under Lincoln’s call, wanted and meant to do these four things: To save the Union; to uphold the authority of the National gov­ ernment; to destroy slavery; and to vin­ dicate the honor and glory of the old flag which symbolized to him all of those pat­ riotic and holy principles for which he was ready and willing to lay down his life.14 Hayes next turned his attention to the Confederacy and its role in the conflict. He spent a good deal of time countering the "States Rights" argument launched by the South, and made light of the "flag for every state" idea. He spent little time discussing slavery, but made his posi­ tion clear. The Confederacy held that slavery was of divine appointment—that it was the true relation between capital and labor, and that it ought to be extended and per­ petuated. When the war ended, all the world knew that never again would the constitution or the laws of any civilized country tolerate for one instant the "false and fatal fantasy that man can hold property on man."15 Throughout the speech Hayes argued that the Civil War actually did more to strengthen the Union than it did to 154.

weaken it. This is the record of the war and it amply shows that the soldiers of the Union army gained every issue for which they fought. But it contains only a part of the inspiring results of the war. That part which no man in those days of fearful trial thought of or even dreamed of is rapidly becoming the greater part. All men can now see plainly, that the vanquished combatants of our war gained more by their own defeat than ever ac­ crued to the victors in any other war. Our vanquished foemen gained for white men as well as for black men liberty- respect for labor and for laborers— education for all—and these are the three elements that secure to a people the best civilization and the prosperity and happiness which it implies. No catalogue has yet been made—none can even today be made—of the benefits and blessings conferred upon our country and mankind by the triumph of the Union.1° Hayes also gave notice of the more tangible benefits of the war. Citing the increase in military power, financial securities, and other benefits, he eventually concluded that America had become, as a result of the Union victory, a power in the world of nations. The astonishing progress of America during the war, and by reason of it during the last twenty-seven years, has carried us forward and upward until we have reached a rank among the nations so commanding that we ourselves can hardly realize the privileges that are ours or the respon­ sibilities and duties which those privil­ eges impose upon us. It is our privilege to be without extensive and costly fortifi­ cations because we do not need them. We have only a small navy because with our resources we are able, if the need comes, to subsidize the ships of almost all other nations except those of the power with 155

which we are at war. We have today the largest, the cheapest, the safest and most efficient and formidable army the world has ever seen. It consists of more than ten millions of educated men who are not merely self-sustaining, hut who, en­ gaged in the peaceful industries of civil life, are constantly adding to our wealth and power. To keep this army up to its maximum of numbers and strength we have more than a quarter of a million school houses under the old flag, every one of which is at once a fortress and a re­ cruiting station for the Army of the Republic.17

While the Union had gained immense power from the con­ flict, Hayes quickly added that with power comes certain obligations and responsibilities. With our privileges and national strength the conditions, appointed by. Providence for human existence, for all nations as well as individuals, require us to bear the burden of corresponding duties. The occasion permits me to call to your atten­ tion very briefly to some of the obliga­ tions devolved upon us. One relates to our dealings with foreign nations: others concern our citizens and our own immediate welfare. America can and ought to use the precious opportunity which her weight in the world has given her to keep the peace of the world. It is also fitting that this fortunate Republic should be the peace-maker of the world. Actions speak louder than words. Example prevails. We can better afford to suffer wrong than do wrong, especially in dealing with weaker nations. No other nation is so great that it will ever again seek to knock the chip off from our shoulders. We should of course always be just, but we can af­ ford also to be moderate, considerate, charitable, and magnanimous. Let our example, voice, and influence be consistently, sincerely, and firmly on the side of peace—in favor of arbitration 156

and against war. Let it be understood that America will engage in no war that is not absolutely forced upon her. We should adopt the familiar maxim of the great dramatist: "Beware, of entrance to a quarrel; but being in, bear it that the opposed may be aware of thee.”18 Part of the responsibilities of the Union was to main­ tain peace in the world. Hayes expressed his disapproval of America’s starting a conflict, and advocated compromise with the world of nations. However, he made it clear that no nation should make war with the Union, or its complete de­ struction would be quick and decisive. We ought indeed to advance both parts of Shakespeare’s advice. Large standing armies are fatal to liberty. War is the enemy of civilization and we ought to keep out of war until driven to the wall. But when compelled to act, let the ex­ ample of the old Romans be followed: "Cartage delenda est,"—let Carthage be destroyed." When America is driven into war let that war end only with the anni­ hilation of the power that caused it. Let it be understood that whoever makes war with America will never make war again. Our gospel is peace. If war must come its aim and end should be a peace that cannot be again broken by the same offender.3-9 The question of pensions for soldiers who fought in the war was a particular favorite of Hayes. The portion of the speech on the issue of pensions was used on various occa­ sions. It becomes clear that at times Hayes repeated ex­ actly word for word the same comments concerning pensions (see: Speech by RBH to G.A.R., South Framingham Chautauqua, 157

July 25, 1892). Two classes of debts were incurred during the war. Debts to men who risked their money, and debts to the men who risked their lives. Both had the plighted faith of the Nation. The money obligations have been redeemed to the uttermost farthing. Depreciated paper has been repaid dollar for dollar with gold—the intrinsic money of the world. The pledge to the soldiers was surely no less sacred. It came to him from the Pulpit, from the Press, from every organ of the government—it was in the platforms of all the parties—in a word, it came from every loyal pen and tongue, and heart, and the very conscience of the nation spoke when Lincoln declared again and again that we should above all, "care for him that hath borne the battle and for his widow and orphans."29 Hayes never directly referred to the problems or pro­ gress made during his term of office. He did, however, rec­ ognize that fraud and corruption often hampered efforts to make pensions effective, and condemned those who had a part in it. I do not need to be reminded of the frauds in the granting and payment of pensions. I understand very well that the men who make and execute the laws are not all of them trustworthy. But with information quite as full and accurate as that of the men who are loudest in denunciation of pensions, I have a firm conviction that no equal sum of money expended on account of the war has been more free from the taint of fraud than the pensions granted to the veterans who responded to the calls of Lincoln. The government spends vast sums for ships, for fortifications, for public buildings, for salaries of executive, legislative, and judicial officers, and for a host of other proper objects. Does anyone suppose that the 156.

government gets a full and honest equiv­ alent in return for every dollar so ex­ pended? I am fully persuaded that very few appropriations made by the Nation do more good and are more justly deserved than those which go to the men who in the great crisis saved their country from irretrievable disaster and ruin. And this was done at the sacrifice by the soldiers of their own best opportunity and fairest hope in life. They gave to their country the formative years when occupations are learned and when habits and character are fixed.2! The most direct indictment by Hayes focused on those who voiced objections to the payment of pensions. The list of our countrymen who have ac­ quired large fortunes since the war con­ tains hundreds and thousands of men. How few of those names are also found on the honored roll of the men who during four years upheld the flag in the divine war. The share of this country’s riches which would have accrued to the Union soldier if he had remained at home, has gone to other hands. His service made the United States bond as good as gold. Prosperity and wealth, national and individual, followed as the night the day the restoration of a sound financial condition by reason of the victory he achieved. Let it not be said that the men who have profited most by the salva­ tion of their country have turned their backs on the men who saved it. No man whose head is good and whose heart is right will ever point a veteran of the war to the wretched road that leads to the poor-house. He will rather urge with Lincoln: "Care for him that hath borne the battle and for his widow and for his orphans."22 Following the discussion of pensions, Hayes begins his concluding remarks. Focusing on education, Hayes’ personal 159

belief in the need to educate the people was transmitted into the issue of the war. He saw the nation as a child, ready to go to school, to learn how to deal with the tre­ mendous responsibilities that America was now facing. He saw a future for the United States as unparalleled In the history of nations, and that the Civil War had placed America on the right path. Another lesson inculcated by the war is for America still more important. All wars educate. Of our war it has been said, "Ideas were behind the cannon and pointed the musket." Abraham Lincoln was the very incarnation of those ideas, and they are at once the secret and the sure foundation of the enduring place which he holds in the affections of all good men and women. The sentiments which filled his soul and were the guide of his life were: Humanity —anxious solicitude for the welfare of his fellow men--Sympathy with the suffer­ ing and oppressed—Hatred of wrong to the humblest of human being, and our common brotherhood. The lesson of his wonderful life contains almost the whole future of our country. It is short and simple. Our America today is drawing near to the parting of the roads. Dazzled almost to blindness by contemplation of the un­ rivaled swiftness and splendor of her march to presrige, to power and to riches our country may be tempted to reject, or may neglect the message of Lincoln. That message was often repeated by him in words, and always exhibited in his life from his earliest to his latest days on earth. It can easily be given in a single sentence. His whole life, his every geing, seemed to say to his country; "See to it that every son and daughter of our Republic, so far as human laws and conduct avail, shall have an equal chance and a fair start in the race of life..." Knowledge is power and property is power. 160.

The Republic means opportunity--the equal opportunity to get knowledge which in the commands property. The practical meaning of Lincoln’s maxim is, therefore,•let all the children of the Republic have an equal opportunity for the best education which their natural facilities fit them to re­ ceive. Reject or neglect this and our government ceases to be republican except in name, and that doom which the Almighty has appointed for all shams is not far off. On the other hand, let the American people remain steadfastly true to the ideas for which they fought in the sacred war, and we shall thus do all that in us lies to link the destiny of our country to the stars and to entitle her institu­ tions to share in that immortality which, under the allotment of Providence in the affairs of nations, belongs always and ? only to eternal wisdom and eternal jus­ tice. 23 Hayes was, as the Chautauqua Daily Herald noted, inter­ rupted by frequent storms of applause during his address."24 Of the speech, the New York Tribune noted, ”(It was)...one of the most terse, cogent, and accurate resumes (of the Civil War) that has ever been spoken."25 Rutherford B. Hayes spent the remainder of his time at Chautauqua chatting with old acquaintances from the war days.

Speech to the Orange Delegation, Tugust ' l'9,' i'89’2, Lake Chautauqua7'Ne"w York

Before his address to the members of the G.A.R., Hayes had been the featured speaker at the Grange Day ceremonies. He spoke on education, and the need to establish productive 161

school systems for all children and adults. He began his speech with a comparison between a good crop and a good education. Ladies and Gentlemen: My information and training do not warrant me to read lec­ tures to farmers on the topics belonging to their special vocation. I am encour­ aged however by a shrewd saying of Mr. E.P. Roe, the novelist, to venture a few suggestions on a familiar subject of vital interest to all sorts and conditions of men who dwell under free institutions. We hear a great deal about the abundant and precious crops with which our country re­ wards the skill and industry of the farmer. Hay, corn, wheat, cotton and other crops are often mentioned in a boastful and some­ times in a grateful spirit. But the most important crop ever produced in the world is America’s girls and boys. How to make the most and best out of this crop is the highest and the hardest question in our catechism. If other crops fail the home and the hearthstone remain. If the children turn out badly, sorrow and grief and shame are around us.2® Hayes continued to expound on those ideas which identi­ fied him so closely with the entire Chautauqua movement. Hayes, like John Heyl Vincent, believed that education was the means by which an individual continued to expand his or her horizons throughout an entire lifetime. Hayes argued that everyone, regardless of race or sex, should have these educational opportunities available for the taking. Education begins at the cradle and con­ tinues while life lasts. It is the chief interest and the most indispensable duty of the parent during the first score years of his child’s life, and until the age of maturity. What shall be its scope--its 162

aim—its purpose? Plainly, it concerns the mind, the heart, the eyes, the hands, the health—before and above all the character. The child must be fitted for the place he is to fill in life. Here is the rub. What place shall the girl or boy fill? In the old world, society and individuals are governed by caste. Under this blind rule, an inexorable fate fixes for life the places of all born into the world. Children follow in the footsteps of their parents. They are in the pro­ fessions, they are idlers, they are farmers or mechanics, or laborers, accord­ ing to the pursuits of their progenitors for generations before them. The old world law of caste has one seeming ad­ vantage. It simplifies the parental duty of education. The blacksmith must send his boy only to such schools that are needed in that handicraft, and so of other occupations. But the new world gospel of education inculcates other principles. Here the place in life which the young are to hold is not fixed by the ancestral tree. In America the sons of mechanics, laborers, and farmers become scholars, philosophers, generals and the leaders and rulers of states and peoples. They fill the highest places for which their native talents and their training and character fits them. American education, therefore, should give to all the young of America an equal opportunity for the improvement of their natural facilities, and endowments. America can’t affort to chain her children to the past.27 Hayes referred to his childhood hero, Daniel Webster, to illustrate his remarks to the Grange members. Hayes argued that the ability to express oneself clearly, which should be taught to the young, benefits the farmer as well as the statesman. If upon the whole it is best for the son to adopt the calling of his father let it be so, but in our scheme of public 'r 163.

education—of education for all, let diversity of taste of intellect, and of gifts be amply provided for. A good, friend said to me, I want to send ray son to a school that will prepare him for the farm- why bother him with the dead languages? My reply was: "that depends—the dead languages are no fetich of mine—but suppose your boy is as awkward with a scythe as Daniel Webster is reported to have been—and suppose he gives signs of possessing the massive understanding and the mighty power of speech which made Webster the great statesman and orator of his time, wouldn’t you give him a chance for the career for which his gifts have fitted him? Rather let our education be so broad and liberal that it will furnish to all the sons and daughters In America the highest and best scholarship their talents enable them to receive. Scholar­ ship develops and trains the power of expression. Mr. Emerson says: "All the human race have agreed to value a man according to his power of expression.” Let this rare and select power be within the reach of every son and daughter of our land qualified by natural gifts to possess it. It is a reproach to any agricultural or mechanical college if it does not teach all mechanics and of farming that can be best taught in a college. We know that a large part of practical skill in farming can be taught at home and on the farm. It is no just ground of reproach to the agricultural and mechanical college, . but rather an added advantage, if while it holds practical farming, and practical in­ dustry in the shop due to honor, and of unquestioned worth, it also, in the wise words of Ezra Cornell, is "an institution where any person can find instruction in any study."28 After providing his justification for the need to be versed in the liberal arts, Hayes admonished his audience not to be chained to their past. He cautioned them not to 164

keep education away from children because they do not see its immediate and practical value. Hayes directed the Grange members to change poor systems where they existed. My earnest suggestion to this body of in­ telligent and practical men is: let there be no opposition to any scheme of educa­ tion merely because it furnishes a more liberal scholarship than you fancy you need for your children. No parent is so wise and far seeing as infallibly to know the powers, the possibilities, the destiny of his child. If education is weak where it ought to be strongest—if in this com­ mon sense age it makes no adequate pro­ vision for the wholesome avocations of every day life—if it turns the young out into the world unable to make a living by the skilled labor of their own hands— helpless victims of idleness and vice, reform it—reform it—reform it altogether. But remember, I beg you, it is no remedy for the evil you dread to separate your students from the scholars with whom they are to associate, and to compete, for the prizes of life. Caste will remain perhaps for ages in the old world. There are those who would give it a foothold on this side of the Atlantic. But it has no rightful place in a republic. Education should be fitted to the child—not governed by the calling of the parent. Labor is the cornerstone of all civilized society. Put labor therefore into the education of all our children. It should be taught at some period between childhood and maturity. No education is complete and in the true sense liberal which does not prepare the young to earn a livelihood, if need be, by the skill­ ful labor of their own hands. Gan it be done? The wise man has said: "Nothing is impracticle to this nation which it shall set itself to do."29 Rutherford B. Hayes concluded his remarks by urging his audience not to view too harshly the migration of the youth 165,

to the cities. He foresaw the day when the city would be the hub of the nation, and that the farm must supply its sons and daughters to this change. Another example of how Hayes prepared his speeches can be found in the last paragraph of'this speech. The original manuscript has a handwritten paragraph by Hayes in which he included those remarks that he made that were not written on the original manuscript. The original is continually edited throughout, indicating any diversions he made during the presentation. I would not say a word to strengthen the tendency, already too strong, which sends the young from the country to the city. But we cannot overlook it. It is a sali­ ent fact which confronts all parents who dwell in villages or in the country, "The city is recruited from the country." All our education must have this tendency in view. Gen. Grant was born on a farm and his childhood was in a tannery. Be­ fore he had gone geyond the maturity of manhood he made a progress around the globe, meeting the titled and the power­ ful of all the nations, but he looked in the face of no man whom he did not him­ self outrank. The aim of our American education should be not merely to train preachers, lawyers, farmers, mechanics; and scholars, but let its purpose be to rear our whole people up to the full stature of the best American manhood. (applause). Education and labor are the vital interests of our time. Let them be joined together. Let no man put them asunder. On these two hooks hand the perpetuity of free institutions.39 166.

Speech to the Grand Army of the Republic, July 25, 1692. South Framingham Chautauqua. Northampton, Massachusetts

The two speeches made by Rutherford B. Hayes to the G.A.R. reunion at South Framingham were shortened versions of the previously discussed address on August 20, at Lake Chautauqua. Since both speeches are taken almost word for word from the longer text, this author felt it unnecessary to include the entire text. The first speech was a message to the G.A.R. on the lessons of the Civil War. Its inclusion in this dissertation is to show how the local paper reported the speech. Unfor­ tunately, the copy was not dated or identified by Hayes, thus we do not know its source. However, the entire copy of the clipping is included below. (...Ex-President Rutherford B. Hayes was then introduced and was received with wild cheers by the men, led by Col. Evans, and by waving of handkerchiefs by the ladies. He made a magnificent ad­ dress. He said:) "Matthew Arnold, after his visit to America, habitually wrote and spoke in a very friendly spirit about our country and our people. But he said ’America is a very uninteresting country. 1 No doubt, considered as a museum of relics of anti­ quity, America does not compare favorably with Egypt or China or other Ancient na­ tions, But taking a larger view, America is the most interesting country- in the world. Indeed, our republic is the most interesting nation that ever was in the world.”31 167

Hayes then proceeded to the discussion of why the war was so great citing the advantages of the Confederacy and the intervention of European nations. The following excerpt, presented for the first time as part of the larger address, shows Hayes* feelings on the arguments advanced by the South. The speaker paid a warm tribute to Lincoln and the Union soldier, and then added: "It was a favorite notion of the Confed­ eracy that each State should have its own flag for its people to gaze upon, admire, and love—34 flags in l86l, 44 now, and at no distant day a hundred. Each would represent a separate army and a separate navy, and all would wave helplessly and miserably over States discordant, dissevered, belligerent. Their rabble of State flags would rep­ resent never ending petty wars between the wretched inhabitants of petty States. When the war ended it was established that the Stars and Stripes—the old flag of the father--the flag of Washington and Lincoln—the flag of the United States was destined to represent for all future time a great, prosperous, and happy people, whose heritage shall be, as long as they are guided by wisdom and justice, the enjoyment of unbroken har­ mony and perpetual peace throughout a continental republic."32 As the speech continued it becomes clear that Hayes was reading word for word the exact same speech he would deliver at Lake Chautauqua. There is not sufficient information to conclude absolutely that Hayes delivered the same basic speech at other Chautauquas, but the existing evidence cer­ tainly supports the probability that he did. 168

■ Hayes concluded this address in the same manner, "Another lesson inculcated by the war is for America still more important. Our America today is drawing near to the parting of the roads. Dazzled almost to blindness by contemplation of the unrivaled swiftness and splendor of her march to prestige, to power and riches, our country may be tempted to reject, or may neglect the message of Lincoln. That message was often repeated by him in words, and al­ ways exhibited in his life from his ear­ liest to his latest days on earth. It can easily be given in a single sentence. His whole life, his very being seemed to say to his country: ’See to it that every son and daughter of our republic so far as human laws and conduct avail shall have an equal chance and a fair start in the race of life.* Knowledge, is power and property is power. The republic means opportunity—the equal opportunity to get knowledge which in . the long run commands property. The practical meaning of Lincoln’s maxim is, therefore, let all the children of the republic have an equal opportunity for the best education which their natural faculties fit them to receive. Reject or neglect this and our Government ceases to be republican except in name, and the doom which the Almighty has appointed for shams is not far off. On the other hand, let the American people remain steadfast­ ly true to the ideas for which they fought in the sacred war and we shall thus do all that in us lies to—and en­ title her institutions to share in that immortality which, under the allotment of Providence in the affairs of nations, be­ longs always and only to eternal wisdom and eternal justice..,"33 The second speech at.the South Framingham Chautauqua consisted entirely of his remarks on the question of pen­ sions. Again, it seems as though Hayes simply "lifted" an 169

appropriate section of a much larger speech, and presented that section to a specific audience. (The opening and closing remarks have been included so as to enable the reader to understand the length and scope of the oration. By referring to the Speech of August 20, 1892, the reader can find the entire text.) Among the duties to our own citizens devolved upon the Nation by the war, one not to be overlooked is the welfare of those who made the chief sacrifices in the conflict. Those who have shared in the fullest measure the prosperity which has come to our country from the services of the men who stood with Lincoln and the good cause when all was at stake on the fields of the war, should be the last to hesitate, to haggle, or to condemn when the question of pensions is to be con­ sidered and decided...... Let it not be said that the men who have profited most by the salvation of their country have turned their backs on the men who saved it. No man whose head is good and whose heart is right will ever point a veteran of the war to the wretched road that leads to the poor- house. He will rather urge with Lincoln: "care for him that hath borne the battle and for his widow and for his orphans."34

Speech at Lakeside, Ohio, Chautauqua. July 31. l'89'l

The final speech to be included in this chapter breaks from those previously examined. The speech is an example of an occasion when Hayes was asked to speak on the Chautauqua grounds, but was not considered as a part of the regular 170.

Chautauqua Assembly. The speech was part of a program featuring William McKinley and Ohio Governor James E. Campbell. Hayes was called on to introduce McKinley. The political arena, previously prohibited from the grounds, had made its debut as a result of the wishes of the Lakeside Chautauqua management to "give the Prohibition Party a chance to address Lakeside audiences.”35 Jensen, in his 1970 doctoral dissertation, included part of the speech in the context of political speeches at Lakeside, Ohio.36

Its inclusion in this chapter is intended to show how Hayes became more "personal" in his speaking when not under formal Chautauqua invitation. Ladies and Gentlemen: In some of its important features this meeting seems to he a soldiers meeting. It is announced by Dr. Vincent that I am to preside this evening at a music festival to be don- ducted by Mr. Arthur. Many here, per­ haps, do not know that Mr. Arthur, as well as Major McKinley, was four years with me in the golden days of the divine war for the union, good government and liberty. (Loud applause) A friend wrote me a few days ago, in substance, that he used to think that as old age came on these faculties which are concerned in matters of friendship and of social enjoy­ ment grew dull, but he found, as I have found, that as the ties are sundered, as associations diminish, those that are left are dearer and dearer and are prized more and more. And of all the friendships among men perhaps the best in the com­ radeship of soldiers in a good cause. (Applause) Rather more than thirty years ago I first made the acquaintances of Major McKinley. He was then a boy, had just passed the 171

age of 17. He had before that taught school, and was coming from an academy to the camp. He with me entered upon a new, strange life—a soldier’s life—in the time of actual war. We were in a fortun­ ate regiment—its colonel was William S. Rosencrans—a graduate of West Point, a brave, a patriotic and a very able man, who afterwards came to command great armies and fight many famous battles. Its lieutenant colonel was Stanley Matthews—a scholar and an able lawyer, who, after his appointment to the supreme bench, the whole bar of the United States was soon convinced, was of unsurpassed ability and character for that high place. In this regiment Major McKinley came, the boy I have described, carrying his musket and knapsack. In every company of that regiment General Rosencrans and Colonel Matthews and myself soon found there were young men of exceptional character and promise. I need not go into detail of the military history of this young man I have described. At once it was found that he had unusual character for the mere busi­ ness of war. There is a quartermaster’s department, which is a very necessary and important department in every regiment, in every brigade, in every division, in every army. Young as he was, we soon found that in business, in executive ability, young McKinley was of rare capacity, of unusual and unsurpassed capacity, especially for a boy of his age. When battles were fought or service was to be performed in warlike things he always took his place. The night was never too dark; the weather was never too cold; there was no sleet, or storm, or hail, or snow, or rain, that was in the way of his prompt and efficient per­ formance of every duty. (Applause) When I came to be commander of the regi­ ment he soon came to be upon my staff, and he remained upon my staff for one or two years, so that I did literally, and in fact, know him like a book and loved him like a brother. (Loud Applause) From that time he naturally progressed, for his talents and capacity could not be 172

unknown to the staff of the commander of the army in West Virginia, George Crook, a favorite of the army he commanded. He wanted McKinley, and of course it was my duty to tell McKinley that he must leave me. The bloodiest day of the war, the day on which more men were killed or wounded than on any other day of the war—observe I don’t say than any other battle, stretching over many days, but any one day—was the 17th of September, 1862, in the battle of Antietam. The battle began at daylight. Before daylight men vzere in the ranks and preparing for it. Without breakfast, without coffee, they went into the fight and continued it until after the sun had set. Early in the afternoon, naturally enough, with the exertion re­ quired of the men, they were famished and thirsty and to some extent broken in spirit. The commissary department of that brigade was under Sergeant McKinley’s administra­ tion and personal supervision, From his hands every man in the regiment was served with hot coffee and warm meats, a thing that had never occurred under similar circumstances in any other army in the world. (Great Applause) He passed under fire and delivered, with his own hands, these things, so essential for the men for whom he was laboring. Coming to Ohio and recovering from wounds, I called upon Governor Todd and told him this incident. With the emphasis that distinguishes that great war governor, he said: "Let McKinley be promoted from sergeant to lieutenant," and that I might not forget he requested me to put it upon the roster of the regiment, which I did, and McKinley was promoted. As was the case, perhaps, with very many soldiers, I did not keep a diary regularly, from day to day, but I kept notes of what was transpiring. When I knew that I was to come here it occurred to me to open an,' old notebook of that period and see what it contained, and I found this entry: "Saturday, Dec. 13, 1862.—Our new second lieutenant, McKinley, returned today—an exceedingly bright, intelligent and gen- 173

tlemanly young officer. He promises to be one of the best.” (Great Applause). He has kept the promise in every sense of the word. (Renewed Applause).37 It is unfortunate that the speeches included in this chap­ ter are the only remaining addresses of Rutherford B. Hayes at Chautauqua. The overriding intent has been to compile and describe these speeches before they become lost or unavailable. It was with this in mind that this author> included, for the most part, the entire text of the speech(es). 174.

FOOTNOTES

IÇhautuauqa Assembly Herald, Monday, August 22, 1892, p. 3. 2lbld. 3Ibid. ¿►’’Speech by Dr. T. L. Hood: Saturday, August 20, 1892,” Chautauqua Assembly Herald, Monday, August 22, 1892. p. 3. 5lbid. ^’’Speech by Rutherford B. Hayes to a Reunion of the Grand Army of the Republic,” Chautauqua Assembly Herald, Monday, August 22, 1892, p. 4. 7lbid. *Ibid. 9lbid. 1QIbid. Hlbid. 12Ibid. 13Ibid. Hlbid. Hlbid. l6Ibid.

17lbid. le*Ibid.

19ibid. 29lbid. 21Ibid. 22Ibid. 175.

23Ibid. 24ibid.. p. 5. 25Harrison, John T. The White House and Chautauqua (Reprinted from: New York" historyJuly, 1946, p. 62'. 26nspeech by Rutherford B. Hayes to a Delegation at the Grange: August 19, 1392,’’ (Manuscript on file at the Hayes Memorial Library, Fremont, Ohio). 27Ibid. 28ibid.

29ibid. 39lbid. 31’’Speech by Rutherford B. Hayes to a Reunion of the Grand Army of the Republic, July 25, 1392,” (Manuscript on file at the Hayes Memorial Library, Fremont, Ohio). 32ibid. 33ibid. 34ibid. 35jensen, p. 140, 36Ibld. 37"Speech to Introduce William McKinley by Rutherford B. Hayes, July 31, 1891,” (Manuscript on file at the Hayes Memorial Library, Fremont, Ohio). CHAPTER V

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS .

It has been the intent of this dissertation to provide the initial compilation of the speeches by Rutherford B. Hayes which he delivered at Chautauqua. The career of Hayes had been examined from a number of varying perspectives, yet his speaking at Chautauqua had never been dealt with extensively. Born in 1822, Rutherford Birchard Hayes was commonly viewed as a concerned and honest man. These traits were assigned to him as early as his days at Kenyon College where he moderated at debates concerning issues such as slavery and secession. During the years of the Civil War, he gained a reputation as a courageous soldier and a Union defender. His political life began when he was elected to the U. S. House of Representatives. His popularity continued to grow during his three terms as Governor of Ohio, and culminated in his election as President of the United States. The Civil War had left the country torn between the liberal pleas for a conciliatory attitude towards the South, and the more radical approach from many northerners. Hayes’ administration was characterized by honesty, forthrightness, 177.

and a marked interest in reinstituting those basic rights of man regardless of race, creed, or sex. Following his single term as President, Hayes spent the remainder of his life engaged in a wide variety of philanthropic endeavors. These ranged from his involvement with The Ohio State University to his role as President of the National Prison Association. He remained active in these affairs until his death in 1893. The Chautauqua has been examined as a socio-religious movement, began in 1874 by John Heyl Vincent and Lewis Miller, Begun as a special retreat for Sunday school " teachers on the shores of Lake Chautauqua, New York, its • growth soon saw its influence felt throughout the United States and many foreign nations. Chautauqua offered the individual the opportunity to explore the essentials of Christian teachings from a divergent viewpoint. It openly encouraged its members to participate in the understanding of all cultures and religions. The primary goal of Chautauqua was the general upgrading of all the people. Part of this effort included the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle. The C. L. S. C. was in­ tended to provide the millions of people in rural areas with the opportunity to increase their exposure to other cultures in a manner which would otherwise not been afforded them. By the mid-l88O’s there were over forty of these encampments operating. 178.

The ’’tent” or ’’traveling” Chautauqua, which began in 1904, was an off-shoot of the original. These traveling Chautauquas moved from town to town in a carnival like fashion. During its early life, it offered speakers and lecturers on subjects ranging from personal hygene to world travel. Soon, the early effects of the depression, the growth of movies, radio, and automobiles, along with the deterioration in quality of talent, saw it fade from the American scene in 1926. By the mid-193O’s, only the original encampment at Lake Chautauqua remained active. As mentioned earlier, no work exists which attempts to tie the life of Rutherford B. Hayes with the Chautauqua movement. Through an examination of the personal diary and letters at the Hayes Memorial Library in Fremont, Ohio, and the Smith Library at Lake Chautauqua, New York, the scenario was developed. An examination of the extant correspondence between Hayes and the various Chautauquas, along with the manuscripts of the speeches he delivered there, revealed that Hayes made four visits to Chautauqua. One was to the original encamp­ ment at Lake Chautauqua, New York, others included the Chautauqua camps in Beatrice, Nebraska, South Framingham, Massachusetts, and Lakeside, Ohio. It was also discovered that he received invitations to speak from a number of other Chautauquas. Unfortunately, many of the letters had 179

been lost or collected by others, and it was impossible to provide a detailed account of each visit. However, sufficient documents remained to allow this author to compile the first specific account of Rutherford Birchard Hayes and the Chautauqua.

The Need for Further Study

The fact that the entire collection of correspondence, speeches, and personal artifacts of Rutherford B. Hayes sit idle at the Hayes Library in Fremont, Ohio, should be en­ couraging to historical-critical scholars. While the intent of this dissertation has been to develop the historical scenario, future critical essays on the speaking of Hayes are necessary, since, to this author’s knowledge, none exist. For the most part, all the information for such investigations exists in Fremont, Ohio, and it would be a significant loss if this information was not put to scholarly analysis. 180.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books

Barnard, Harry. Rutherford B. Hayes: and His America(New York: The B öb b s-Me rrilT Company, Inc., 1954). Bishop, Aurthur, ed. Rutherford B. Haves, 1622-1893: Chronology, Documents, Biographical Aids(Dobbs Ferry, New York: Oceana Publications, 1969). Burgess, John W. The Administration of President Hayes(New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, T9l6J". Case, Victoria. We Called It Culture(Garden City, New York: Doubleday Publishing Company, 1948). Davison, Kenneth E, The Presidency of Rutherford B. Haves (Westport, C onne c t i c"u t : “(? 1 e n’woocT Pr'e'ss, inc. 7 1972T7 Echenrode, H.J. Rutherford B. Hayes: Statesman of Reunion (New York: Dodd,' Mead, and Company, T9JÖT. Fox, Lorene K. Chautauqua Company: New York( New York: King’s Crown Company, 1948). ______. The Rural Community and Its School( New York: King’s Crown^Cömpariy,1948). Gladden, Washington. The Great Commoner of Ohio( Columbus, Ohio: Nitschke Bros. / "Ì893K Gould, Joseph E. The Chautauqua Movement( New York: State University of New York:, Pub., l%l). Harrison, Harry P. Culture Under Canvas( New York: Hastings House Publishing Co., 1958)'. Harrison, John T. The White House and Chautauqua( reprinted from: New York "History, "July, 194^K Haworth, Paul L. The Hayes-Tilden Election( Indianapolis, Indiana: The Bobbs-Merrilf Company, 1906). 181.

Horner, Charles F. Strike the Tents( Philadelphia: Dorrance Company, 1954). Howells, William Dean. Sketch of the Life and Character of Rutherford B. Hayes( Boston: TT.~O. IiougKton and Co.. 1876). Hurlbut, Jesse Lyman. The Story of Chautauqua( New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1921)'. Keene, Day and Vincent, Dwight. Chautauqua( London: Allen Company, 1961). MacLaren, Gay. Morally We Roll Along(Boston: Little Brown Company, 1938) • Miller, Marion Mills, ed. Great Debates in American History (New York: Current Literature Publishing Co., 9 Vols). Morrison, Theodore. Chautauqua( Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974). Noffsinger, John S. Correspondence Schools, Lyceums, Chautauquas( New York: T h e Ala"cml 1 lan Co7, 1926), Oliver, Robert T. A History of Public Speaking in America ( Boston: Allen and "Bacon, Inc., 1965). Scott, Marion G. Chautauqua Caravan/ New York: Appleton- Century Co., 1939) . Vincent, John Heyl. The Chautauqua Movement/ Boston: The Chautauqua Press, 18867, Warren, R.N. Chautauqua Sketches: Fair Point and the Sunday School Assembly(BuTfalo. "NewTork? H7H. Otis, Co., 1878). Williams, Harry T. (ed). Haves: The Diary of a President( New York: D. McKay Co., 1964)”. "" .Haves of the Twenty-Third{ New York: Knopf Co.. I965T. ' Williams, Charles R. The Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes: Nineteenth President of the" "united'"~States( The1 Öhio S täte" "A"r chae 1 ogi ca 1 andTis tori ca l Society, 1924). ______.The Life of Rutherford Birchard Hayes( Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1914). 182.

Periodicals

Cotner, Robert C. and Marchman, Watt P. ’’Correspondence of Guy M. Brian and Rutherford B. Hayes: Additional Letters,” Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, VoT. 63'. 1954. Davison, Kenneth E. ’’The Nomination of Rutherford B. Hayes for the Presidency,” Ohio History. Vol. 77, 1968. . ’’Travels of Rutherford B. Hayes,” Ohio History, VoT? 80, 1971. Garrison, Curtis W. ’’Rutherford B. Hayes and the Ohio State University,” Ohio State A rchaeo1ogi ca1 and Historical ...... Quarterly, Vol. 55, 1946. Geer, Emily A. "Lucy Webb Hayes and her Family,” Ohio History, Vol. 77, 1968. Hayes, Walter S. "Rutherford B. Hayes and the Ohio State University, Ohio History, Vol 77, 1968. Keeler, Lucy. "The Centenary Celebration of the Birth of Rutherford B. Hayes at Speigel Grove, Fremont, Ohio," Ohio Archaeological, and Historical Society, Vol. 32, 1923. Marchman, Watt P. and Rodabaugh, James H. "Collections of ■ the Rutherford B. Hayes State Memorial," Ohio History, Vol. 77, 1968. Marchman, Watt P. "Rutherford B. Hayes; Attorney at Law,” Ohio History. Vol. 77, 1968. Nichols, Jeannette,P. "Rutherford B. Hayes and John Sherman," Ohio History, Vol. 77, 1968. Parker, Wyman. "Rutherford B. Hayes as a Student of Speech at Kenyon College," Quarterly Journal of Speech, Vol. 39, 1953. ______"President Hayes’ Graduation Speeches,” Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, VoT.’ 63, 1954. Pennenen, Gary. "Public Opinion and the Chineese Question," Ohio History’ VoT. 77, 196’§7" 183.

Peskin, Allan. "Garfield and Hayes: Political Leaders of the Guilded Age," Ohio History. Vol. 77, 1968, Porter, Daniel R. "Governor Rutherford B. Hayes," Ohio History. Vol. 77, 1968. Sinkler, George. "Race: Principles and Policy of Rutherford B. Hayes," Ohio History. Vol. 77, 1968.

Unpublished Material

Graham, Donald L. Circuit Chautauqua : A Middle Western Institution. (Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, "liniv. of Iowa, 1953). Grillot, Mary L. A Literary Profile of Rutherford B. Hayes.- Unpublished Master’s Thesis/ Bowling 'Green State Univ., 1968. Hadley, Dorothy S. Oral Interpretation of the Chautauqua Institution and' the Chautauqua School of Expression. ,(Unpublished Doctoral- Dissertation, Northwestern Univ., 1956). Jensen, John R. A History of Chautauqua Activities at Lakeside, OhiôV ^Unpublished doctoral Dissertation, Bowling Green State Univ., 1971). Kunkler, Joel W. The Literary and Economic Influences on Rutherford Birchardf Hayes’' Social Attitude.(Unpublished Master ’s "Thesis, Bowling" "Green State 'University, 1970) •

Newspapers Magazines and Pamphlets

Austin, Mary. "The Town That Doesn’t Want a Chautauqua," The New Republic. July, 1926. "Advance Circular of 1892 for the Connecticut Valley Sunday School and Chautauqua Assembly, Laurel Park, Massachusetts,” enclosed in: G.H. Clarke to R.B. Hayes; January, 20, 1892. Chautauqua Assembly Herald. Monday, August 22, 1892. 184

Popular Education: The Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle, The Chautauqua Printing Company, 1887. ’’The Origin and History of the Word Chautauqua,’’ The Chautauquan, Vol. 2, October, 1881. Simpson, Jeffery. ’’Utopia By the Lake," American Heritage, Vol. 23, August, 1972. "Walks and Talks," Chautauqua Assembly Herald, August 20. 1892, "Summer Bulletin of the Beatrice Chautauqua Assembly for the Summer of 1891,” enclosed in W.L. Davidson to R.B. Hayes, June 2, 1891.

Correspondence

G. H. Clarke to R. B. Hayes, January 20, 1892. G. :H. Clarke to R. B. Hayes, November 18, 1892. W. L. Davidson to R. B. Hayes, May 13, 1890. W. L. Davidson to R. B. Hayes, March 14, 1891. W. L. Davidson to R. B. Hayes, March 24, 1891. W. L. Davidson to R. B. Hayes, May 14, 1891. W. L. Davidson to R. B. Hayes, June 2, 1891. W, L. Davidson to R. B. Hayes, June 20, 1891. W. L. Davidson to R. B. Hayes, March 15, 1892. C. E. Hager to R. B. Hayes, March 8, 1892. R. B. Hayes to Mrs. E. G. Davis, July 31, 1883. R. B. Hayes to J. H. Vincent, August 10, 1887. R. B. Hayes to Mrs. H. C. Herron, October 29, 1889. B. T. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, January 7, 1888. B. T. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, January 20, 1888. 155

B. T. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, May 15, 1555. B. T. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, June 5, 1555. G. E. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, June 3, 1592. G. E. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, August 11, 1592. G. E. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, August 22, 1592. G. E. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, August 23, 1592, G. E. Vincent to R. B, Hayes, August.26, 1592, J. H. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, July 19, 1579. J. H. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, July 21, 1579. J. H. Vincent to R. B. Hayes, August 9, 1557.