The Case of Hammarkullen, Sweden

Bulletin of Geography. Socio–economic Series / No. 40 (2018): 83–99 BULLETIN OF GEOGRAPHY. SOCIO–ECONOMIC SERIES DE journal homepages: http://www.bulletinofgeography.umk.pl/ http://wydawnictwoumk.pl/czasopisma/index.php/BGSS/index http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/bog ISSN 1732–4254 quarterly G

The role of trust in shaping urban planning in local communities: The case of Hammarkullen, Sweden

Stina HanssonCDFMR

University of Gothenburg, Faculty of Social Sciences – School of Global Studies, Konstepidemins väg 2, 405 30 Gothenburg, Swe- den; e-mail: [email protected]

How to cite: Hansson, S. (2018). The role of trust in shaping urban planning in local communities: The case of Hammarkullen, Sweden.Bul - letin of Geography. Socio-economic Series, 40(40), 83–99. DOI: http://doi.org/10.2478/bog-2018-0016

Abstract. Urban planning is increasingly focusing on the social aspect of sustain- Article details: ability. The 2014 report Differences in Living Conditions and Health in Gothen- Received: 11 December 2017 burg shows important and increasing inequalities between different parts of the Revised: 19 February 2018 city, a development seen in cities across the world. The city of Gothenburg has Accepted: 26 February 2018 set as its goal the decrease in inequalities by joining forces with civil society, the private sector, academia and people living in the city. Participation and inclusion become important tools in city planning processes for the authorities to understand local conditions, particularly to understand the living conditions of people in socio-economically marginalised areas, whose voices are rarely listened to, and to enable their active participation in shaping outcomes. In this article, we explore the role of trust in improving urban planning, and in shaping possibilities for participation that is positively experienced, in the sense that it increases people’s sense of control over their neighbourhoods. Based on empirical work in Hammarkullen, a socio-economically marginalised area in Gothenburg, the article shows how specific local configurations of trust have an impact on local development plans. It further shows how participatory practices coarticulate with the local social situation to shape outcomes in a certain way. Grounded in the empirical study, the paper argues for the importance of understanding the local conditions Key words: of trust and how they interact with planning processes in shaping outcomes and trust, future possibilities of cooperation. Further, the paper argues for the need to take participation, the local conditions of trust into account early in the planning phase. urban planning

Contents: 1. Introduction ...... 84 2. Hammarkullen and the role of participation in Gothenburg city planning ...... 85 3. Inequality, urban planning and trust ...... 87

4. Method ...... 89 5. Local conditions of trust and participation in city planning—the case of Hammarkullen . . . . 90 5.1. Narratives of distrust ...... 90 5.2. Development of the local centre ...... 91 5.3. Dialogue ...... 92 5.4. Renovation of an outdoor space ...... 93 6. Concluding discussion ...... 95 Notes ...... 96 References ...... 96

1. Introduction in the 2017 budget, and the programme for Equal Gothenburg constitutes the framework for focusing on social sustainability in urban planning. One of As in other major cities, inequalities in living con- the four target areas of the programme is to cre- ditions and health between districts in Gothenburg, ate conditions for participation, influence and trust Sweden’s second city, are important and increasing (Göteborgs Stad, 2017: 16). Participation, inclusion (Göteborgs Stad, 2017). As a basis for policies to and trust are considered determinants of health in overcome inequalities, Gothenburg will regular- their own right, but they are also emphasised be- ly publish data on inequalities in living conditions cause of their importance for better redistributive and health in the city. These entrenched inequali- policies. The purpose of participation is threefold: ties are a result of social norms and politics, as well to increase democratic decision-making, to improve as practices that over a long period of time have knowledge of local conditions and hence to better created an unjust division of power and resources adapt interventions, and to increase local ownership in the urban space (CSDH, 2008:10). In Gothen- and people’s control over their lives. burg, these resources are unevenly distributed be- Planning in general and planning for sustaina- tween districts and subdistricts, a fact that is most ble development have been criticised both for the clearly reflected in a nine-year difference in life -ex application of top-down instrumental rationalities pectancy between the richest and the poorest dis- based on the perspectives and interests of planners tricts, but also in different rates of participation in and for a weak adjustment to local conditions and elections and in the percentage of the population needs. Participation has been a response to several who experience social isolation and lack of trust in facets of critique, related to the rights-based agen- others. Sustainable urban planning has, as a conse- da, increasingly pluralistic societies, and the rise of quence of the growing awareness of the disrupting control and auditing in public management (Swain, effects of inequality (Wilkinson, Pickett, 2009), in- Tait, 2007). However, it has been established that creasingly come to involve social equity and social trust is a determinant of the effectiveness of partici- cohesion as a complement to environmental protec- patory planning processes (Senecah, 2004:20). Trust tion and economic development. is crucial to achieve cooperation between local au- Various efforts have been made in Gothenburg thorities and populations, as it constitutes a way to to strengthen the redistributive urban develop- deal with uncertainty and risk (Axelrod, 1984; Tom- ment policies through knowledge production, co- kins, 2001; Volery, Mansik, 1998). It makes partici- operation, citizen participation and systematisation pation and cooperation possible, as it allows people of local social experiences in planning processes to express their interests and needs and to invest (Tahvilzadeh, 2015a: 24). In 2016, the city coun- in joint planning processes. Trust is here defined cil made the resolution that “Gothenburg shall be as “the willingness to be vulnerable based on posi- an equal city” a budget goal, which was repeated Stina Hansson / Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series / 40 (2018): 83–99 85 tive expectations of the intentions and actions of the Hammarkullen, a socio-economically marginalised other” (Rousseau et al., 1998). area in a peri-urban district of Gothenburg, Swe- The participation and inclusion of groups who den. In early 2016, the chief executives of four mu- feel and have reason to feel distrust in authorities nicipal administrations and companies—the city and administrations as a result of segregation and district office, the local municipal housing company, inequality are not necessarily easily achieved. Dis- the park and nature management office (hereinafter: trust often leads people to choose not to partici- PoN), and GöteborgsLokaler—decided to cooperate pate in the shared concerns of the community, such to lower the thresholds between themselves in or- as democratic elections or other fora for influence. der to better address the needs of Hammarkullen. Distrust decreases the legitimacy of public institu- The initiative was picked up by a city-wide initia- tions, and people can also choose to turn against tive, Equal Gothenburg, and by one of its focus areas them (Uslaner, 2002). Of importance for people’s (1), to create sustainable and equal human habitats, willingness to participate in the shared concerns of as a pilot case to explore the effects when the whole the community is a positive expectation that their city joins forces to strengthen a part of a city dis- perspectives, interests, and needs will be taken into trict. The purpose of the initiative was to show re- consideration. There is a need for trust in public in- sults, increase the pace of positive development, stitutions and services. strengthen trust in the ‘city’ among inhabitants and The literature on trust in public institutions stakeholders and develop a new way of working, tends to distinguish between one actor who is sup- with increased cooperation within the municipality posed to trust (trustor), and another actor who is and more citizen participation. The study looks at supposed to be trusted (trustee). In general, the how planning processes and participatory practices population is supposed to trust the institution, and interact with local conditions of trust, shaping out- trust (in institutions as well as social trust gener- comes and future possibilities of cooperation, and ally) is achieved when the institution proves trust- how this needs to be taken into account early in worthy (Charron, Rothstein, 2014; Hardin, 2006). the planning phase. Hence, the problem to be solved is considered to In the following section, we will present the con- be the trustworthiness of public institutions, which text of Hammarkullen and introduce the initiative, is achieved through rule of law, equivalence in ser- before laying out the theoretical framework and vice provision, and fair and proper treatment (Roth- methodology of the study and thereafter present- stein, 2013). In the case of participative planning, ing our results. however, trustworthiness also requires a prepared- ness to change based on the perspective provided by the participating citizen, in order for participative 2. Hammarkullen and the role of partici- planning to be perceived as meaningful. Planning pation in Gothenburg city planning agencies cannot act based on what they perceive to be in the best interest of the population but must allow the population to define their interests them- In order to understand the basis for the local nar- selves. The agencies must also be prepared to let the rative of distrust presented in the next section we population shape planning in order to open a pos- need to present the context of Hammarkullen. sibility for change. This means that planning agen- Hammarkullen is an area in the city district of An- cies must show trust in the population by showing gered, in north-eastern Gothenburg, Sweden, with willingness to be vulnerable. If public services and 8,146 inhabitants (2014) (2). The area was built be- public servants distrust the population, individuals tween 1968 and 1970 and has come to represent or groups, they may choose to limit the involvement the epitome of the large-scale planning ideal of the and influence of the population in different forms era. Although Hammarkullen and Angered were a of decision-making, such as participative processes result of avant-garde planning at the time, critique (Yang, 2005, 2006). was expressed already at its inception, against the In this article, we explore the role of trust in a large-scale housing, the long distances from the high-profile case of sustainable urban planning in city centre and the deficient public services. The lo- 86 Stina Hansson / Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series / 40 (2018): 83–99 cal environment was considered the result of eco- University of Technology, of a Department for Ur- nomic and technical concerns rather than human ban Studies. Only five years later, that is in 2015, conditions, and the social administration in the the universities decided to withdraw their support city warned against segregation and the creation and the centre closed. However, the departments of of slums as a result of category housing (The City architecture and social work still hold courses in of Gothenburg’s Social Service department, official Hammarkullen, with a focus on community work statement 10/1-1969, Reg.no/100, in Zintchenko, and dialogue. An EU-funded project, Utveckling 1993: 39). A total of 80% of the apartments are rent- Nordost (Development North-East), has contribut- al and the rest are small houses (SCB and Göteborgs ed to local initiatives and cooperation between lo- Stad, 2016). The area is organised with eight-sto- cal actors in increasing opportunities for education ry buildings in the middle and lower houses at the and employment. edges. No traffic passes through the area but is di- In 2015, the chief executives of the city district rected outwards and around the area. This organisa- office in Angered, the local housing company, the tion creates little opportunity for meetings between Park and Nature Management Office (PoN), and socio-economic groups of the population, particu- GöteborgsLokaler initiated talks to improve cooper- larly since the central square lost its function as a ation in order to strengthen Hammarkullen, and in meeting place when many public services, includ- February 2016 they signed a declaration of intent to ing a supermarket, closed down. The composition join forces. As mentioned before, the purpose was of the population has changed over time, as differ- to show results, speed up the pace of a positive de- ent groups of migrants have moved in and others velopment, increase trust in ‘the city’ among inhab- have moved out after having established themselves itants and stakeholders and develop a new way of in the new country; 58.1% of the population are working that includes cooperation between admin- born outside of Sweden, compared to 25.2% in Go- istrations and citizen participation. Soon, the initia- thenburg overall (SCB and Göteborgs Stad, 2016). tive became a pilot case for Equal Gothenburg, focus The average income has decreased continuously area 4, with the target of creating sustainable and compared to the average income in Gothenburg in equal human habitats. The process owner of focus general. area 4 is the central city planning authority. The socio-economic situation in Hammarkullen Several of the activities that were included in the is difficult even compared to other areas in the -An initiative were already in the pipeline, such as the gered city district. Unemployment rates are high, renovation of the indoor swimming pool, the li- as is the level of economic support. Only 68.1% of brary and citizen office. The city district office, in the children who attend schools in the area leave partnership with a civil society organisation, opened elementary school with formal eligibility for high a centre for unaccompanied young refugees. They school. The city district is also classified by the -Po further started a supervised playground together lice as a particularly vulnerable area (3) in the sense with the PoN that also renovated the playground that it is characterised by parallel structures of au- in the park. The local housing company, Göteborg- thority and that public authorities do not have full sLokaler, and the PoN would all rehabilitate parts of control of the area (Khorramshahi, Hellberg, 2017). their grounds. Together the four actors were going In contrast, Hammarkullen has a long history of so- to open a dialogue office and a community house cial mobilisation and community work, including as well as a mini recycling centre. Finally, the mu- cultural activities. Civil society organisations, polit- nicipal housing company was planning renovations ical parties and local administration workers have of old properties and the construction of new hous- often rallied to protect services threatened by shut- es in the centre near the local square, which would down. require a new local plan to be prepared by the cen- Ever since it was built, Hammarkullen has been tral city planning authority. subject to initiatives and projects aimed at reinvig- All activities were going to be planned with the orating the area. The most visible initiative during participation of the inhabitants in Hammarkul- the last decade has been the establishment in 2010, len. When it comes to new housing, the central by the University of Gothenburg and Chalmers city planning office sets up the local plan as well as Stina Hansson / Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series / 40 (2018): 83–99 87 gives the building permit. Citizen participation in year in Eastern Bergsjön and SEK 412,256/year in the establishment of the local plan is regulated in Långedrag. These inequalities are also reflected the Planning and Building Act (PBL, 2010: chapter in a difference in life expectancy of 9.1 years be- 5, §11) in the form of a consultation after a draft tween the poorest and the richest area. While the plan has been finalised. The plan should be exhib- differences in living conditions and health have ited and people and actors who are affected by the been well known for a long time, they were clear- plan have the right to give their views and, finally, ly laid out in the report Differences in Living Condi- have the right of appeal. tions and Health in Gothenburg (2014) that resulted City planning should, according to the Social in the programme Equal Gothenburg (Göteborgs Services Act, also take into consideration the social Stad, 2014). The report was inspired by the glob- experiences of the social welfare board (Socialtjän- al report Closing the Gap in a Generation (CSDH, stlagen, 2001: chapter 3), which is the city district 2008). The Closing the Gap report established that board in the case of Gothenburg. In 2011, Gothen- the most important determinants of health are ac- burg merged 21 city districts into 10 due to lack of cess to housing, work and education, as well as a equivalence between districts as well as lack of effi- sense of belonging and control over one’s living sit- ciency. Another motive was to increase the capacity uation, the so-called ‘causes of the causes’ of health. of the districts to take an active role in city plan- These factors cover two aspects of social sustaina- ning and to develop democracy work (Tahvilzadeh bility that are often distinguished (Dempsey et al., 2015a). It was stated that the increasing distance be- 2011), i.e. social equity and social cohesion/sustain- tween inhabitants and politics and administration ability of community. required increasing participation by the inhabitants Constituting a core element of social sustainabil- and dialogue was emphasised as an important in- ity, social equity concerns “distributive justice, ‘fair strument to solve social and ethnic segregation apportionment of resources’, and equality of condi- (Göteborgs Stad, 2012). The new city districts ap- tion” (Burton, 2000:170). The purpose of continu- pointed administrators with responsibility for city ous reforms in Gothenburg (S2020, SIA, city district planning and citizen dialogue. The city district of- reform) has been to strengthen redistributive ur- fice should in particular influence the shaping of ban development policies through knowledge, col- new and older housing areas. Their systematisa- laboration, citizen participation and systematisation tion of social experiences should support structural of local social experiences in planning process- changes in city planning and neighbourhood work. es (Tahvilzadeh, 2015a: 24). While participation The new emphasis on participatory governance in does not directly address social equity in terms of Gothenburg policy indicated a major change in of- access to, for example, housing, work and educa- ficial policy, although dialogue had been practised tion, it is emphasised as crucial for urban planning since the 1970s (Tahvilzadeh, 2015b: 242). for two reasons: it better addresses local needs, as well as creates a sense of inclusion and social cohesion (Dempsey et al., 2011: 295). A sense of in- 3. Inequality, urban planning and trust clusion is in itself considered a determinant of health, and social cohesion is theoretically assumed to contribute to strong, fair and just societies (Lis- In Sweden in general, and Gothenburg in particu- ter, 2000). Hence, participation is considered cru- lar, urban segregation has been cemented as a result cial for achieving both social cohesion and social of urban planning since the 1970s and the large- equity. The focus on collaboration, citizen participa- scale modernising projects. While Sweden tradi- tion, and systematisation of local social experienc- tionally has small differences in income in a global es acknowledges the importance of local knowledge comparison, it has had one of the highest increas- and experiences in planning processes, as well as es in inequality of disposable income compared to the need for local ownership, in order to achieve other OECD countries since 2000 (Göteborgs Stad, sustainable change, particularly in a context of ce- 2017:81). In Gothenburg this is reflected in a dif- mented structures of social exclusion and inequity ference in disposable income between SEK 141,909/ manifested in the urban space. 88 Stina Hansson / Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series / 40 (2018): 83–99

Where citizen participation in organised activi- ical roots and political motives of policy-makers in ties and democratic processes is weak, it is consid- their embrace of participatory governance, in order ered particularly important for public institutions to understand their local configuration and poten- to actively encourage and enable participation. In tial effects (p. 241). policies and programmes, participation has there- Despite the extensive critical discussion of the fore become prioritised particularly in certain ‘de- politics of participation, in policies and programmes, prived’ areas, both to deal with current low levels participation and inclusion are often presented of social inclusion, trust and sense of control over as neutral tools. Arnstein’s ladder of participation one’s living conditions, and to address the admin- (1969) is used as a frame of reference for discus- istration’s lack of access to local social experiences. sions about participation in Gothenburg, as well as However, participatory governance has been crit- more generally in Sweden through the Swedish As- icised for failing to acknowledge how relations of sociation of Local Authorities and Regions (SAL- power shape inclusion, and for assuming an uncom- AR) (Fig 1). However, as others have noted (Castell, plicated desire among the population that can be 2013; Tahvilzadeh, 2015b), in the SALAR version communicated as demands to their rulers (Booth, the first two steps of the ladder, i.e. manipulation Cammack, 2015). Arnstein (1969) showed how and therapy (non-participation, according to Arn- participation often takes the form of tokenism or stein), have been omitted from the model. Further, non-participation, which functions mainly as ther- the ladder is often presented by SALAR as if the apy and dissemination of information. In a similar first two steps, information and consultation, were way, participation has been analysed as politics of equally valid forms of participation as the top three activation directed at marginalised populations, and steps: dialogue, influence and co-decision, depend- as such as a form of liberal rule, i.e. as a more effi- ing on the situation, and Arnstein’s classification of cient way of governing the population that produc- them as tokenism is omitted (SKL, 2013). An alter- es specific forms of legitimate agency and action, native model in the form of a clock has been sug- while at the same time unloading responsibility for gested, in order to explicitly avoid the perception of societal problems onto self-reliant communities and a hierarchy of participation. selves (Cruikshank, 1993; Raco, 2012; Blakely, 2010; Through this move, the question of power is ob- Taylor, 2007). Tahvilzadeh (2015b) emphasises the scured in discussions about participation in munic- need to investigate the specific policy content, polit- ipal planning processes, as if participation did not

Fig. 1. Arnstein’s ladder of participation and SALAR’s. The boxes in the SALAR ladder read as follow (left to right): information, consultation, dialogue, influence, co-decision. Source: Castell (2013: 37). Stina Hansson / Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series / 40 (2018): 83–99 89 involve the redistribution of power and resources, tions”. These are fears expressed by city officials in which is the very reason it is promoted as a tool to an inquiry initiated by the city executive board in advance equality in the first place. Participation and 2011 (Lydén, 2013, in: Tahvilzadeh, 2015b: 243). inclusion are thus presented as neutral tools, while As mentioned, trust is not just important for the their possibility to effect equality depends on the decision to participate, but also for making partic- openness in decision-making to a change of social ipatory activities a tool for equality, as the social norms, politics and practice based on the perspec- norms, politics and practices that have produced in- tives presented by marginalised groups. Trust is of equality are opened up for change. To achieve that, importance for people to engage in participatory ac- planners must be willing to be vulnerable in the tivities in the first place (4), but even more impor- sense that they take people’s perspectives seriously tantly trust is what enables the necessary openness and let them affect planning. If we relate this under- that will make participation successful. standing of trust to Arnstein’s ladder of participa- Trust is here defined as “the willingness to be tion, we see that the first three steps, manipulation, vulnerable based on positive expectations of the in- therapy and information, involve no vulnerability, tentions and actions of the other” (Rousseau et al., i.e. openness to the perspective of the other, nor 1998), adding that positive expectations also require do steps four and five, consultation and dialogue, the ability to take the other’s perspective into ac- unless the processes are allowed to influence plan- count, i.e. the cognitive activity of role-play (Mead, ning, i.e. step six and upwards. Laurian (2009) pre- 1934). This definition involves a relationship of -de sents a number of paradoxes of trust and, based on pendency and uncertainty (Fredriksen, 2014). It is Warren (1999) and Stein and Harper (2003), dis- relevant in the case of participative planning, since cusses the distinction between participatory and de- residents in a local community are dependent on liberative planning. In addition to the benefits of the planning process and the involved public ac- participation as a lubricant for cooperation, delib- tors for the development of their neighbourhood. erative processes ”emphasize ongoing communica- As Giddens has argued (1990), citizens have insuffi- tion, mutual learning and understanding of issues” cient knowledge of expert systems to base their de- (Laurian, 2009: 382), i.e. they improve the ability of cision to trust on, hence the uncertainty. The lack planners to understand residents’ perspectives, and of knowledge of the system makes face-to-face rela- they improve the ability of residents to understand tions between professionals embedded in those sys- the structures within which their influence is pos- tems and citizens crucial. Planners are therefore in sible. Deliberative planning thereby provides addi- a position to build public trust in planning process- tional tools for strengthening the possibility of trust es. By participating in planning, the residents take a over time. risk (Tilly, 2005:12) that the planning agencies will Finally, planning tends to involve a number of fail to meet their positive expectations by not tak- stakeholders who come to the table not only with ing the perspective of the residents into account and uneven powers and resources (Laurian, 2009: 374), adapting planning to their needs and interests. Their but with different missions to accomplish. The goal participation thereby relies on their positive expec- of social equity and cohesion is jointly formulat- tations of the intentions and actions of the plan- ed in central municipal administrations; however, ners over time. Moreover, the planner must enter municipal actors interpret those values differently the participative process open to the possibility of based on their specific mission. The study of the being influenced by the participating residents, i.e. Hammarkullen initiative shows that the way the the planner must be willing to be vulnerable based trust relationship plays out between residents and on positive expectations of the intents and actions administrations in planning processes is shaped by of the participating resident. The risk they face is the trust relationship within (different administra- that residents are unwilling to participate, that par- tive levels) and between municipal actors. Existing ticipation disrupts planning, and that the residents relations of trust between stakeholders, between in- are uncomprehending of the limitations and regu- stitutions as well as on an interpersonal level, shape lations of planning, i.e. that participation “results in the possibility of cooperation (Laurian, 2009:376). aggressive and distrustful tension, worsening rela- Hence, there is a need to open up public institutions 90 Stina Hansson / Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series / 40 (2018): 83–99 in order to look at how trust is built between civil press how they perceive the possibility of trust. Fur- servants at different levels of the administration, as thermore, the observations of how the relationship well as how different departments and agencies re- is practised in meetings and participative activities late to each other and the population. have been analysed in terms of how actors try to control processes and how they are practising the willingness to be vulnerable by exposing themselves 4. Method to the risk of participation through openness— openness with regard to including the perspective of the other as well as expressing their own needs This study is part of a larger research project that and interests. In so doing, it is possible to get a bet- looks at possibilities and obstacles for building trust ter understanding of the conditions of possibility for between the population and the local administra- performing trust in specific ways, with effects on tion in Angered. The project is a Flexit project, planning processes in practice. funded by the tercentenary fund, which means that the project is conducted in cooperation with the Angered city district office, but independently 5. Local conditions of trust and partici- funded. Between September 2016 and September pation in city planning—the case of 2017, the start-up phase of the initiative in Ham- markullen, the project has followed the process at Hammarkullen close range. The study is based on observations of the main part of the meetings where the initiative 5.1. Narratives of distrust has been developed, as well as of the main part of the meetings between residents and the adminis- In their interviews, the Hammarkullen residents ex- trations, and of the dialogue workshops held by express a rather unified account of how trust is cre- ternal consultants and meetings organised by local ated in the relationship between residents and the groups. Semi-structured interviews have been con- administration. They all, irrespective of background, ducted with 20 public servants who work or have emphasise the need to meet and to be listened to. worked in Hammarkullen, and with 35 inhabitants, This is particularly the case since civil servants in where a breadth of perspectives has been secured. Hammarkullen and Angered rarely live there them- The questions focused on Hammarkullen and its selves, and are regarded as representatives of the development, the relationship between inhabitants majority population of ethnic Swedes and therefore and the administration, as well as the ongoing ini- considered to know little of the local living condi- tiative. The questions have been fairly open so as to tions. “They have to place themselves in our shoes,” leave space for the respondents to define issues and one woman says. Sometimes the difference between reflect freely. Conversations have been continuously civil servants and residents is related to ethnicity in held with involved public servants. In January, parts the interviews, but more often it is related to so- of the results were presented to the steering group, cio-economic marginalisation. When residents do and the reflections from that occasion are includ- meet civil servants in connection with efforts to ed in the study. After September 2017 the research come to terms with local problems, they find that project has observed the initiative from a distance. civil servants hide behind laws, rules and resources, The material has been analysed in terms of how which prevents local problem-solving. Some resi- the respondents in the interviews represent them- dents give accounts of how the inability to listen, on selves and the other as well as in terms of their ex- both parts, creates a distrustful relationship. How- pectations of the intentions and actions of the other, ever, residents tend to make a distinction between and their willingness to be vulnerable based on front-line civil servants, whom they generally trust those expectations. The latter involves being open as “they know Hammarkullen”, and central-level ad- to the perspective of the other. The interviews are ministrators and politicians. thus treated as instances where the respondents ex- Stina Hansson / Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series / 40 (2018): 83–99 91

The civil servants present two different perspec- er voices in the neighbourhood. They also express tives on trust. A few of them say that trust is creat- a fear of causing disappointment when participative ed when you inform of your plans and then deliver. processes are perceived as promises that cannot be The civil servants who express this view are mainly fulfilled, and feel uncertain about what methods to responsible for delivering on certain goals urgent- use in order to better control dialogue processes. ly. The others give the same account of trust as the In this context of distrust, the Hammarkullen in- residents. However, front-line civil servants empha- itiative was to be implemented with the participa- sise that there is potential for trust locally, but that tion of the population. Both residents and local civil obstacles are created by initiatives taken by the cen- servants perceived the initiative as top-down. Rep- tral administration, initiatives which either prevent resentatives from the local tenant association said: front-line civil servants from building relations, or “It was strange because they said they were starting create local solidarity between them and the resi- this major dialogue with possibilities for tenants to dents in opposition to the central administration. have an influence, but they already had very con- A narrative of distrust emerged among the resi- crete plans for what was to be done.” Although peo- dents based on the feeling of being abandoned, on ple who distrust the system would be less inclined the social distance between Hammarkullen resi- to engage in participatory planning processes, dis- dents and the authorities, on dialogues and prom- trust may also constitute a motive to be vigilant ises that are not heeded or fulfilled, as well as the (Laurian, 2004). Still, for both residents who were experience of never being asked about their inter- active in the local community and those who were ests and needs. The feeling of being abandoned by less active expressed hope, although hesitantly, that the central city is based on a decline in services, change would be possible. In the following, we will lack of activities, deteriorating maintenance of out- look at what happened in two of the main activi- door areas, and the lacking quality of schools and ties of the Hammarkullen initiative, namely, the de- safety for children. Residents say it creates a sense velopment of the local centre and the restoration of of hopelessness and blunting. The distance between an outdoor space. residents and authorities has been mentioned above and it creates a sense of solidarity between front- line civil servants and residents in opposition to 5.2. Development of the local centre decision makers, or prevents front-line civil servants from building relations. Hammarkullen has Several individual activities were planned in rela- been the object of a long line of dialogues con- tion to the local centre, in particular by Göteborg- ducted as part of external projects, as well as by sLokaler, the municipal company managing local the locally placed students from the departments of squares and premises for business, but all four ac- social work and architecture, dialogues that have of- tors had ideas about the development of Ham- ten been perceived as promises that never materi- markullen Centrum. GöteborgsLokaler were to alise. At the same time, there is a perception that renovate the library and citizen office, and the veg- things happen very fast, and that the residents are etable shop. Thereafter, the outdoor premises were never consulted. The new supervised playground is to be renovated. Negotiations were underway to at- one example. While it is an appreciated addition to tract a superstore. The municipal housing company the park, it is questioned based on the lack of an- was planning new constructions next to the local choring of the plan in advance as it falls into a per- square, the building committee had approved new ceived pattern of top-down planning. housing and the city planning authority was work- Several civil servants express reluctance to en- ing on the local plan. There was some disagreement gage in dialogue initiatives in Hammarkullen. Some between the city district office and the housing refer to strong local organisations supported by a company regarding the need for a new preschool number of external actors, such as representatives of in the area and for floor space in the new buildings university departments, constituting local networks to be allocated to commercial use or other local ac- of trust (Häkli, Minca, 2009), as an obstacle to di- tivities. The preschool and floor space allocation for alogue since their presence prevents access to oth- alternative uses was part of the mission the build- 92 Stina Hansson / Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series / 40 (2018): 83–99 ing committee gave to the city planning authority. required a slower process due to its responsibility The point of departure for the municipal housing to guarantee citizen participation and to systematise company was to quickly build cheap housing using local social experiences in the planning process. The prefabricated buildings, in order to meet the goal need for each authority to control their own mis- of dealing with the housing crisis in the city, which sion and process prevented them from opening up leaves little room for other uses of floor space. As and communicating their different perspectives, and we will see in the following, trust played out in dif- how their respective public missions could contrib- ferent ways in relation to time and communication ute to a shared goal, and thereby prevented them and the performance of dialogue activities. from fully engaging in participatory activities. Municipal planning processes are slow and the While the dialogue workshop held by the con- effect of time on trust has proved important. In sultancy firm sparked interest in the planning pro- Sweden, citizen participation in local planning is cess, after the report by the consultant was presented regulated by the Planning and Building Act and is (with very limited participation by residents), there normally organised late in the process, after a com- was hardly any information provided to the pop- plete plan has been presented, in the form of a con- ulation for several months. The participation they sultation. Normally, no dialogue is held earlier in were promised at the outset of the initiative (5) was the planning process. Citizens who are affected by delayed and residents experienced a lack of com- the plan are also guaranteed the right of appeal. The munication and transparency. Front-line civil serv- possibility of engaging in the process has been ques- ants had no information they could communicate tioned, particularly in areas with low levels of partic- to the residents, which they felt created a new dis- ipation and language barriers, and a more proactive tance between them and the residents. In this vac- dialogue between residents, politicians and planners uum, residents started to act and demand that their has been recommended (SOU, 1996: 162; Bernts- voices be heard. In the absence of positive expecta- son, 1996; SOU, 2005: 77). The process is unknown tions of the intentions and actions of the adminis- to most residents in the study and the long period trations and companies, that was due to their lack of up to the consultation is perceived as a lack of com- openness, the result was local mobilisation in order munication and transparency. The time for the con- for the administrations not to be able to avoid hear- sultation was postponed several times and no new ing the interests expressed by the residents. The dis- date has been set at the time of writing this article. trust that emerged, or was reinforced, made them Hammarkullen residents who are aware of the pro- take up what Laurian calls ‘watchdog roles’ (2009: cess express distrust that the consultation will allow 382). A local resident presented his own plans at lo- for real influence and consider the plans that are be- cal meetings, sent it to civil servants and posted it at ing exhibited difficult to change at such a late stage. the tram station. Thereafter a local network of resi- In the communication vacuum of the planning dents, ‘Vårt Hammarkullen’ (‘Our Hammarkullen’), process, the municipal housing company engaged arranged their own dialogue workshop, and invited a consultancy firm to arrange a dialogue workshop civil servants to listen only. around their renovations and the development of the area. The consultant emphasised that the tempo had to be high since they wanted the information 5.3. Dialogue to feed into the local plan. Representatives from the city planning authority were invited and the result The two dialogue workshops that were held, one by was presented to the authority in a special meeting, a consultancy firm and the other by a local network which was a deviation from the normal procedure. of residents, represent very different articulations of A conflict between the local housing company, the trust, and contribute in very different ways to the city planning authority and the city district office sustainability of local planning. regarding the pace of the process, became apparent. Based on the awareness of existing dialogue fa- While the local housing company wanted to speed tigue and complaints about promises not fulfilled, up the process, the city planning authority stuck to the city district director did not want to arrange its slow processes, and the city district office also major dialogue events on the broader development Stina Hansson / Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series / 40 (2018): 83–99 93 of Hammarkullen. Instead, the director wanted spe- get a broader and richer idea of how the residents cific dialogues related to deliverables. As a result, reflect on their needs. There was hope that the civil the municipal housing company decided to hold servants would be affected by the personal contact their own dialogue with its tenants related to its and by listening to the residents. The willingness to own activities. However, it did include the broad- participate as listeners can be seen as a choice to er topic of the development of the local centre and trust the population, as it would become difficult new housing in the dialogue. It engaged a private to deny what they had heard during the workshop. consultancy firm to hold the dialogue event and The invitation can be seen as a demand that civil participated mainly as an observer, hence missing servants show such trust, since declining the invi- an opportunity to build relations with the residents tation would have had very negative effects on the through personal meetings. While the city district relationship. Some of the participating civil servants office and certain other departments in the city have also expressed discomfort at participating. in-house competence in holding dialogues, munic- A particularly interesting aspect is the individu- ipal companies rarely do and therefore tend to rely al character of the first workshop and the collective on private consultancy firms (6). In the workshop, character of the second. In the first case, informa- participants filled out individual forms and the re- tion is provided on individual preferences translat- sults were statistically summed up in a report. The ed into statistics. In this form, the “listeners” (the workshop thereby did not constitute a dialogue in municipal housing company) minimised their vul- the sense of deliberation, but rather involved the nerability, since this type of information can easily collection of information on resident opinions. The be discarded based on representativity. In the sec- form of an individual survey controlled what infor- ond case, that is the workshop that was of a more mation could be collected and was designed based collective character, where smaller groups through on the information the municipal housing compa- deliberation presented a shared view, it becomes dif- ny desired. The turnout—88 residents participated ficult for the listener to deny the voice of the resi- (there was an underrepresentation of participants dents, despite the fact that the participants represent of non-European background)—was considered sat- a small percentage of the total population. isfactory and the arrangement was appreciated by The deliberation that characterised the dialogue the participants. However, several participants ex- workshop arranged by ‘Vårt Hammarkullen’ im- pressed their scepticism that the workshop would proved the possibility both that the result of the result in actual change, thereby safeguarding against development of the local centre would respond to future disappointments with regard to the results of the needs of the residents, and that trust would be the workshop not being considered. The dialogue strengthened in the relationship between the ad- was arranged together with the local tenant asso- ministration and residents. It is important, however, ciation, to benefit from the trust the residents have to note that the initiative by ‘Vårt Hammarkullen’ in its representatives, but also because they have the was made possible by a strong civil society network local knowledge necessary to interpret the results. with the ability to mobilise participation as a result One hundred resident turned up at the second of local trust, which is not necessarily present in dialogue workshop, arranged by the local network other similar, marginalised urban areas. of residents, ‘Vårt Hammarkullen’, with a broader representation of people with different ethnic back- grounds. In contrast to the workshop arranged by 5.4. The renovation of an outdoor space the municipal housing company, this workshop provided an opportunity to exchange perspectives, The outdoor environments are central in the Ham- primarily between residents, with civil servants as markullen initiative, both with regard to the target listeners. The workshop was set up as group discus- of Equal Gothenburg, that is, to create sustainable sions around certain broad topics, and the results of and equal human habitats, and with regard to the the discussions were presented to the entire group purpose to lower the barriers between the admin- at the end of the workshop. This arrangement pro- istrations and companies. Several areas, owned by vided a possibility for the invited civil servants to different municipal actors, were to be renovated as 94 Stina Hansson / Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series / 40 (2018): 83–99 part of the initiative. Among them was a space out- It further filled the function of building trust that side a block of flats where the ground floor was to contributed positively to the implementation of the be developed into a community house, a mini re- plans. cycling centre, and a dialogue space. The municipal However, to some extent the meeting represent- housing company owns the building and outdoor ed a conventional approach to planning. A consult- space, while the city district office rents most of the ant who had been assigned to design the outdoor ground floor for its activities, including an open space presented the plans. The main plan was to preschool and an activity centre for young newly construct concrete benches and the residents would arrived refugees. The community house and the di- be invited to choose colours and paint the bench- alogue space were set up in cooperation between es. This mode of working was strongly objected to the two actors. by the one (1) resident present at the meeting. The The outdoor space in front of the block of flats objection led to a discussion about the actual pro- was considered unsafe and was not used by resi- posal as well as about how the residents should be dents. The first floor was covered by a black tin roof involved in the process. During this discussion, sev- to protect passers-by from garbage being thrown eral interesting points were raised and productively out of windows. Protected by high bushes and with managed as a result of the open and flexible ap- insufficient lighting, the space was used by drug proach applied by the representatives of the munic- dealers, what added to the passersby feeling of inse- ipal housing company. curity. The municipal housing company applied for Discussions about the proposal concerned the and received funding for the renovation of the out- design of benches and lighting, and the possible door space and presented a very short time frame removal of the black tin roof. The dividing line in for implementation in local media—a time frame all three cases was between a focus on security on that was considered unrealistic by several other ac- the one hand, and a focus on comfort on the other. tors, particularly since the plans were to build on Should benches be designed to be comfortable, and participative processes with residents. The munici- thereby possibly encourage people to dwell in the pal housing company managed to negotiate the time spot and disturb residents in the building, or should frame and invited the staff of the operations on the they be uncomfortable in order to encourage peo- ground floor, as well as other local actors, includ- ple to sit only for a short while? Should lighting be ing one (1) resident who was active in an associa- designed to create a comfortable place to stay or to tion in the adjacent building, to a dialogue meeting. prevent criminal activity? And, finally, would it be At the meeting it was made apparent that the possible to take away the tin roof without running representatives of the municipal housing company the risk of people dwelling in the space being hit by had made incorrect assumptions about the activi- garbage thrown from the windows? ties on the ground floor, including their needs and In the absence of residents’ voices, participants regulations, upon which they had made their plans. interpreted the needs and interests of the residents Throughout, the Hammarkullen initiative exposes a with regard to the development of the outdoor space. lack of communication between the various actors Rather than solving the issue at the meeting, it was that are present in the area, which results in incor- agreed that involving the residents would both pro- rect assumptions and rumours. This problem also vide access to their views and create a sense of own- characterises the relationship between different de- ership and responsibility for the space and hence partments within the city district office, which fail decrease the risk involved in removing the tin roof. to communicate, and thereby create stress among As a result, the municipal housing company invit- staff, which is communicated to the population as ed the residents to lunch in the outdoor space to the failure of higher-level administrators to under- discuss the development of the place. Compared to stand the local context. The meeting held by the other meetings with a less successful outcome, what municipal housing company represents a positive stands out in this case is the flexible approach tak- example of how unnecessary and costly complica- en by the representatives of the municipal housing tions can be avoided through a transparent and par- company that made it possible to openly respond ticipative process among the involved official actors. to the critique presented and change the mode of Stina Hansson / Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series / 40 (2018): 83–99 95 operation. The fact that the representatives of the edge to trust than to distrust” (Laurian, 2009: 374). housing company as well as from the other organi- In the communication vacuum that emerges, ru- sations had both established relations with residents mours run the risk of disrupting efforts at build- and a mandate to make decisions made local prob- ing relations. In the case of Hammarkullen, where lem-solving possible. civil society is active, residents will fill the vacuum The ensuing dialogue lunch with residents was with their own activities, taking the role as watch- held in the outdoor space and women active in lo- dogs (ibid). By responding positively and engaging cal associations served the lunch, while staff from with the initiative of the local network of residents, the housing company engaged in conversations with the municipal actors managed to avoid the negative the residents. Over 40 residents attended the lunch, effects on trust that could have been the result of which was considered a success. Staff with specific the communication vacuum. Still, one year after the language skills was available to overcome the lan- workshop the city planning authority has not com- guage barrier. pleted a local plan that can be exhibited for consultation with the residents. The development of the local centre further 6. Concluding discussion showed how the lack of trust, and the lack of communication regarding missions and perspectives between the different municipal actors, prevented a The objective of this article has been to explore the timely and productive dialogue with residents. In- role of trust in urban planning processes that aim stead, the lack of communication delayed the pro- to be participative and build trust in socio-econom- cess of preparing a joint plan for the development ically marginalised areas. Based on an empirical of the local centre with the participation of resi- study of a particular initiative by municipal actors dents, and prevented the possibility for front-line to join forces to develop Hammarkullen, an area of civil servants to communicate with residents regard- around 8,000 inhabitants in the city district of An- ing the plans and the process. The inability of the gered in Gothenburg, the study has looked at how civil servants to communicate with residents is in- municipal actors and residents show trust in partic- terpreted by residents as a lack of trust on the part ipatory practices, i.e. how they are willing to be vul- of the municipal actors and thereby as a reluctance nerable based on positive expectations of the intents to engage residents in the planning process. and actions of others. In contrast, the plan by the municipal housing The Hammarkullen initiative is implemented in company to renovate an outdoor space managed to a context characterised by residents’ distrust in lo- create an opportunity for necessary communication cal authorities as well as by front-line civil servants between municipal actors. Thereby they managed who build relations with residents, and higher-level to avoid false assumptions about the perspectives administrators who show a lack of trust in the pop- and interests of other actors, and the risk of front- ulation as they are hesitant to engage in relations line civil servants communicating negative views of with them, both because of uncertainty about who other actors in meetings with residents. It should be the residents are and about the effects of engaging noted that the renovation of the outdoor space was in dialogue. We have looked closer at two specific a minor intervention compared to the development processes to better understand what is at play. of the local centre. However, it illustrates the impor- The study shows that time and communica- tance of the role played by front-line civil servants. tion shape how participative processes play out and Furthermore, the possibility for the front-line civil how the residents respond to participative practic- servants to be flexible and make decisions, without es. Long and delayed processes require continued the obligation to anchor their decisions higher up communication in order for activities not to be in- in the organisation, provides an opportunity to en- terpreted as promises that are not fulfilled or even gage constructively in dialogue with the residents. as manipulation (Arnstein, 1969). The asymmetrical In the case of the development of the local centre, character of trust means that “it takes more knowl- decisions have to be made higher up in the organ- 96 Stina Hansson / Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series / 40 (2018): 83–99 isations, but decision-makers can productively en- (3) An important debate has ensued regarding gage front-line civil servants, who already benefit the effects of classifying and stigmatising commu- from interpersonal trust in relation to the residents, nities as particularly vulnerable. in order to avoid time and communication prob- (4) Distrust can also motivate participation as lems and hence contribute to creating positive ex- people take the role of a watchdog (Laurian, 2009). pectations among residents. (5) Information letters had been distributed to Finally, the two different types of dialogue work- the population both by the local housing company shops indicate how trust shapes the specific form of and the city district office, and the housing com- participation. A controlled and individualised form pany had held meetings with the local tenant as- of communication, as the one employed by the con- sociation, where the promise of participation was sultancy firm, shows a lack of trust in the ability of made clear. the residents to understand the limitations of ur- (6) It should be noted, however, that the mu- ban planning and an unwillingness to open up for nicipal housing companies often have local staff processes that may affect the outcome in uncertain who manage to build positive relations continuous- ways, and it takes the shape of a consultation, which ly through their work. Arnstein (1969) classifies as a form of tokenism (7) This article is part of the 40th issue of Bulletin rather than actual participation. Instead, the col- of Geography. Socio-economic Series entitled “Sus- lective conversation of a workshop led by residents tainability—differently”, edited by Mirek Dymitrow was only made possible through the trust the civ- and Keith Halfacree (Dymitrow, Halfacree, 2018). il servants showed in the event and the organisers, and the deliberative character (Laurian, 2009) ena- bled an improved and deepened understanding of References the needs and interests of the residents, and hence possibilities to better address local needs throughout the planning process. Arnstein, S.R., 1969: A ladder of citizen participation. In: In conclusion, we see that the specific configu- Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol.35(4), ration of trust between residents in a local neigh- pp. 216–224. DOI: 10.1080/01944366908977225 bourhood and planning agencies shapes how Axelrod, R., 1984: The evolution of cooperation. New participation is played out, with effects on the pos- York: Basic Books. sibility of adapting plans to local needs and inter- Berntsson, V., editor, 1996: Hela samhallet: Jamstalldhet- ests as well as on people’s sense of control over their saspekter pa fysisk planering och byggd miljö (The lives and the places they live in (7). whole society: Gender equality aspects of physical planning and built environment – in Swedish). Re- port 1996(4). Karlskrona: Boverket. Notes Blakeley, G., 2010: Governing ourselves: Citizen participation and governance in Barcelona and Manchester. In: International Journal of Urban and Regional Re- (1) Equal Gothenburg has four focus areas: 1) search, Vol. 34(1), pp. 130–145. DOI: 10.1111/j.1468- to create a good start in life and good conditions 2427.2010.00953.x for growing up; 2) to create conditions for work; Booth, D. and Cammack, D., 2013: Governance for de- 3) to create sustainable and equal human habitats; velopment in Africa: Solving collective action prob- 4) to create conditions for participation, influence lems. London and New York: Zed Books. and trust. Burton, E., 2000: The compact city: Just or just compact? (2) The actual number of people living in Ham- A preliminary analysis. In: Urban Studies, 37(11), pp. markullen is unknown and difficult to estimate due 1969–2006. DOI: 10.1080/00420980050162184 to an assumed high number of undocumented res- Castell, P., 2013: Stegen och trappan – olika syn på idents. deltagande (The ladder and the staircase – different views on participation – in Swedish). In: Stenberg, J., Abrahamsson, H., Benesch, H., Berg, M., Castell, P., Stina Hansson / Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series / 40 (2018): 83–99 97

Corkhill, E., Danielsson, S., Fridén, A., Heed Styffe, ing conditions and health in Gothenburg – in Swed- R., Jadelius, L., Larberg, V. and Tahvilzadeh, N., ed- ish). Gothenburg: Göteborgs Stad. Available at: http:// itors, Framtiden är redan här. Hur invånare kan bli socialhallbarhet.se/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/ medskapare i stadens utveckling (The future is al- Skillnader-i-livsvillkor-och-h%C3%A4lsa-2014-Hu- ready here. How residents can become co-creators vudrapport1.pdf, DoA: 29.01.2018. in the city’s development – in Swedish). Gothen- Göteborgs Stad [City of Gothenburg], 2017: Göte- burg: Chalmers University of Technology. Available borgs Stads program för en jämlik stad 2018–2026 at: http://publications.lib.chalmers.se/records/full- (Göteborg City program for an equal city 2018–2026 text/174504/local_174504.pdf, DoA: 29.01.2018. – in Swedish). Gothenburg: Göteborgs Stad. Avail- Charron, N. and Rothstein, B., 2014: Social trust, qual- able at: http://www4.goteborg.se/prod/Intraservice/ ity of government and ethnic diversity. An empirical Namndhandlingar/SamrumPortal.nsf/93ec9160f- analysis of 206 regions in Europe. In: Working Paper 537fa30c12572aa004b6c1a/608f3258400583fb- Series, No. 20, pp. 1–31. Gothenburg: Quality of Gov- c12581230043d997/$FILE/14_1_Goteborgs_Stads_ ernment Institute. Available at: https://qog.pol.gu.se/ program_for_en_jamlik_stad_2018_2026.pdf, DoA: digitalAssets/1510/1510233_2014_20_charoon_roth- 29.01.2018. stein.pdf, DoA: 29.01.2018. Häkli, J. and Minca, C., editors, 2009: Social capital and Cruikshank, B., 1993: Revolutions within: Self-govern- urban networks of trust. Farnham, UK: Ashgate. ment and self-esteem. In: Economy and Society, Vol. Hardin, R., 2006: Trust. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. 22(3), pp. 327–344. DOI: 10.1080/03085149300000022 Khorramshahi, N. and Hellberg, S., 2017: Särskilt utsat- CSDH [Commission of Social Determinants of Health], ta områden i Göteborg: Analys av rapporterna ”Ut- 2008: Closing the gap in a generation: Health eq- satta områden – sociala risker, kollektiv förmåga och uity through action on the social determinants of oönskade händelser” samt ”Skillnader i livsvillkor health. Final Report of the Commission on Social och hälsa i Göteborg” (Particularly vulnerable areas Determinants of Health. Geneva: World Health Or- in Gothenburg. Analysis of the reports “Exposed ar- ganization. Available at: http://apps.who.int/iris/bitst eas – Social risks, collective capacity and unwant- ream/10665/43943/1/9789241563703_eng.pdf, DoA: ed events” and “Differences in living conditions and 29.01.2018. health in Gothenburg“ – in Swedish). Gothenburg: Dempsey, N., Bramley, G., Power, S. and Brown, C., Göteborgs Stad, Polisen. 2011: The social dimension of sustainable develop- Laurian, L., 2004: Public participation in environmen- ment: Defining urban social sustainability. In:Sus - tal decision making: Findings from communities fac- tainable Development, 19(5), pp. 289–300. DOI: ing toxic waste cleanup. In: Journal of the American 10.1002/sd.417 Planning Association, Vol. 70(1), pp- 53–65. DOI: Dymitrow, M. and Halfacree, K., 2018: Sustainability— 10.1080/01944360408976338 differently. In: Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Laurian, L., 2009: Trust in planning: Theoretical and Series, Vol. 40. DOI: 10.2478/bog-2018-0011 practical considerations for participatory and delib- Fredriksen, M., 2014: Relational trust: Outline of a erative planning. In: Planning Theory & Practice, Vol. Bourdieusian theory of interpersonal trust, In: 10(3), pp. 369–391. DOI: 10.1080/14649350903229810 Journal of Trust Research, 4(2), pp. 167–192. DOI: Lister, R., 2000: Strategies for social inclusion: promoting 10.1080/21515581.2014.966829 social cohesion or social justice? In: Askonas, P. and Giddens, A., 1990: The consequence of modernity. Cam- Stewart, A., editors, Social inclusion: Possibilities and bridge, UK: Polity Press. tensions. Basingstoke: Macmillan, pp. 37–54. Göteborgs Stad [City of Gothenburg], 2012: Göteborgs Lydén, S., 2013: Inventering av dialog med medborgare i Stads budget av Socialdemokraterna, Miljöpartiet de Göteborg (Inventory of dialogue with citizens in Go- gröna och Vänsterpartiet (Gothenburg City budget by thenburg – in Swedish). Gothenburg: Göteborgs Stad. the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Green Party Mead, G.H., 1934: Mind, self, and society. Chicago: Uni- and the Left Party – in Swedish). Gothenburg: Göte- versity of Chicago Press. borgs Stad. PBL [Plan- och bygglagen – Planning and Building Act], Göteborgs Stad [City of Gothenburg], 2014: Skillnader 2010: Act 2010:900. Stockholm: Swedish Ministry of i livsvillkor och hälsa i Göteborg (Differences in liv- 98 Stina Hansson / Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series / 40 (2018): 83–99

Enterprise and Innovation. Available at: https://lagen. sou/1996/1996_162%28librisid_18315671%29.pdf, nu/2010:900, DoA: 02.02.2018. DoA: 29.01.2018. Raco, M., 2012: Neoliberal urban policy, aspirational SOU [Statens Offentliga Utredningar – Governmental Of- citizenship and the uses of cultural distinction. In: ficial Investigations], 2005. Får jag lov: Om planering Tasan-Kok, T. and Baeten, G., editors, Contradictions och byggande. Slutbetankande av PBL-kommittén (Do I of neoliberal planning. Dordrecht: Springer, pp. 43–59. get the permission? About planning and construction. Rothstein, B., 2013: Corruption and social trust: Why Final report of the PBL Committee – in Swedish), the fish rots from the head down. In: Social Research, No. 77. Stockholm: Fritzes Offentliga Publikationer. Vol. 80(4), pp. 1009–1032. Available at: http://www. Available at: http://www.regeringen.se/49bbae/con- jstor.org/stable/24385649, DoA: 19.02.2018. tentassets/49288d2029f94e648bba9281f2da2c65/ Rousseau, M.T., Sitkin, S.B., Burt, S.B. and Camerer, far-jag-lov-om-planering-och-byggande.-sou- C., 1998: Not so different after all: A cross-discipline 200577.-del-1---missiv-till-och-med-kapitel-5, DoA: view of trust. In: Academy of Management Review, Vol. 29.01.2018. 23(3), pp. 393–404. DOI: 10.5465/AMR.1998.926617 Stein, S.M. and Harper, T.L., 2003: Power, trust SCB [Statistiska centralbyrån – Statistics Sweden] and and planning. In: Journal of Planning Educa- Göteborgs Stad [City of Gothenburg], 2016: Göte- tion and Research, Vol. 23(2), pp. 125–139. DOI: borgsbladet 2016 – områdesfakta: Angered (The 10.1177/0739456x03258636 Gothenburg pamphlet 2016 – Area facts: Angered). Swain, C. and Tait, M., 2007: The crisis of trust and Gothenburg: Göteborgs stadsledningskontor. Avail- planning. In: Planning Theory & Practice, Vol. 8(2), able at: http://statistik.goteborg.se/Global/Faktablad/ pp. 227–245. DOI: 10.1080/14649350701324458 Göteborgsblad/GbgBlad2016/131%20Angered_ Tahvilzadeh, N., 2015a: Socialt hållbar stadsutveckling? PRI_2016.pdf, DoA: 26.02.2018. Stadsdelsnämnderna, stadsutvecklarrollen och sociala Senecah, S.L., 2004: The trinity of voice: The role of konsekvensanalyser i planeringen av Göteborgs stad practical theory in planning and evaluating the ef- (Socially sustainable urban development? City coun- fectiveness of environmental participatory process- cils, the role of the city developer and social impact es. In: Depoe, S.P., Delicath J.W. and Aepli Elsenbeer, assessments in the planning of the city of Gothenburg M.F., editors, Communication and public participation – in Swedish). Report No. 136. Gothenburg: Förvalt- in environmental decision making. Albany: State Uni- ningshögskolan. versity of New York Press, pp. 13–33. Tahvilzadeh, N., 2015b: Understanding participato- SKL [Sveriges Kommuner och Landsting – Munici- ry governance arrangements in urban politics: Ide- palities and County Councils], 2013: Medborgar- alist and cynical perspectives on the politics of dialog som del i styrprocessen (Citizen dialogue as citizen dialogues in Göteborg, Sweden. In: Urban part of the steering process – in Swedish). Stock- Research & Practice, Vol. 8(2), pp. 238–254. DOI: holm: Sveriges Kommuner och Landsting. Available 10.1080/17535069.2015.1050210 at: https://webbutik.skl.se/sv/artiklar/medborgardia- Taylor, M., 2007: community participation in the real log-som-del-i-styrprocessen-2.html, DoA: 29.01.2018. world: Opportunities and pitfalls in new governance Socialtjänstlagen [Social Services Act], 2001: Act spaces. In: Urban Studies, Vol. 42(11), pp. 297–317. 2001:453. Stockholm: Swedish Ministry of Health DOI: 10.1080/00420980601074987 and Social Affairs. Available at: https://lagen. Tilly, C., 2005. Trust and rule. Cambridge, UK: Cam- nu/2001:453#K1P1, DoA: 02.02.2018. bridge University Press. SOU [Statens Offentliga Utredningar – Governmen- Tomkins, C., 2001: Interdependencies, trust and infor- tal Official Investigations], 1996. På medborgarnas mation in relationships, alliances and networks. In: villkor – en demokratisk infrastruktur. Demokratiut- Accounting, Organizations and Society, Vol. 26(2), pp. vecklingskommittens betankande (On citizens’ con- 161–191. DOI: 10.1016/S0361-3682(00)00018-0 ditions – A democratic infrastructure. Report of the Uslaner, E.M., 2002: The moral foundations of trust. Democracy Development Committee – in Swedish), Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. No. 162. Stockholm: Fritzes Offentliga Publikationer. Available at: https://data.kb.se/datasets/2015/02/ Stina Hansson / Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series / 40 (2018): 83–99 99

Volery, T. and Mansik, S., 1998: The role of trust in cre- Administration Review, Vol. 65(3), pp. 273–285. DOI: ating effective alliances: A managerial perspective. In: 10.1111/j.1540-6210.2005.00453.x Journal of Business Ethics, Vol. 17(9–10), pp. 987–994. Yang, K., 2006: Trust and citizen involvement decisions: DOI: 10.1023/A:1006054912880 Trust in citizens, trust in institutions, and propensi- Warren, M.E., 1999: Democracy and trust. Cambridge, ty to trust, Administration & Society, Vol. 38(5), pp. UK: Cambridge University Press. 573–595. DOI: 10.1177/0095399706292095 Wilkinson, R.G. and Pickett, K., 2009: The spirit lev- Zintchenko, L., 1992: Nybyggarstadsdelen Hammarkul- el: Why equal societies almost always do better. Lon- len i ett föränderligt Sverige (The new settlers’ neigh- don: Allen Lane. bourhood Hammarkullen in a changing Sweden – in Yang, K., 2005: Public administrators’ trust in citizens: A Swedish). Stockholm: Byggforskningsrådet. missing link in citizen involvement efforts. In: Public

The proofreading of articles, positively reviewed and approved for publishing in the ‘Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series’, wasfinanced from the funds of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education earmarked for activities popularizing science, in line with Agreement No 509/P-DUN/2016.