WHO(SE) AM I? the Identity and Image of Women in Hip-Hop
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Dines14.qxd 7/26/02 10:06 AM Page 136 14[RTF WHO(SE) AM I? The Identity and Image of Women in Hip-Hop ◆ Imani Perry his is an argument for media literacy with regards to gender politics Tin contemporary hip-hop. Specifically, it is concerned with the inter- play of the visual and linguistic texts, the image and words. I begin by ana- lyzing the recent trend of objectifying and subjugating black women in hip-hop music videos, and their potentially damaging social impact. Next, I consider how feminist recording artists respond to this dynamic. I argue that although we find some clearly gender liberatory images and argu- ments we also find abundant examples in which the feminist message in certain songs is neutralized by an objectifying visual image of the artists singing those songs. This image is often consistent with or supportive of the larger sexist trend in music videos. I compare two versions of the song “Lady Marmalade” to demonstrate how contemporary women recording artists are objectified, and how contemporary musical texts derive some of their meaning from the visual images of the singers. Next, I argue that the tensions between feminism and female subjugation often reflect the ten- sions between artistic creation and record company image making and the artist as creator versus the artist as commodity. In concluding the chapter, I contemplate manners in which artists might use their property in their words to subvert the power of the image. I also encourage critical media literacy among viewers and listeners as a means of understanding the oper- ation of race and gender in this complex landscape. 136 ◆ Dines14.qxd 7/26/02 10:06 AM Page 137 Who(se) Am I ◆ 137 ◆ Black Women’s Bodies in to them. Or they look at the camera, eyes fixed in seductive invitation, mouth slightly Hip-Hop Videos open. Extremely rare are any signs of thought, humor, irony, intelligence, anger, In the last few years of the 20th century, the or any other emotion. visual image of black women in hip-hop Even the manner in which the women rapidly deteriorated into one of widespread dance is a signal of cultural destruction. sexual objectification and degradation. For Black American dance is “discursive” (in years before, hip-hop had been accused of that sexuality is usually combined with misogyny—critics often citing the refer- humor and the body is used to converse ences to women as bitches and “hoes.” But with other moving bodies). The women it is also true that hip-hop was often scape- who appear in these videos are usually goated, being no more misogynistic than dancing in a two-dimensional fashion, a American popular culture in general derivative but unintellectual version of although perhaps peppered with less polite black dance, more reminiscent of symbols language. But in the late years of the 20th of pornographic male sexual fantasy than century, hip-hop took a particularly perni- of the ritual, conversational, and sexual tra- cious turn, which is not only full of sexist ditions of black dance. Despite all the gyra- assertions but threatens patriarchal impact. tions of the video models, their uninterested It seemed to happen suddenly. Every wet-lipped languor stands in sharp contrast time you turned on BET or MTV there was to (for example) the highly sexualized a disturbing music video. Black men rapped “boodie dancing” of the Deep South surrounded by dozens of black and Latina (which features polyrhythmic rear end women dressed in swimsuits, or scantily movement, innuendo, and sexual bravado). clad in some other fashion. Video after This use of black women in the music video was the same, each one more objecti- videos of male hip-hop artists often makes fying than the next. Some were in strip very clear reference to the culture of strip clubs, some at the pool, beach, hotel rooms, clubs and pornography. Women dance but the recurrent theme was dozens of half- around poles; porn actresses and exotic naked women. dancers are often featured in the videos and This was a complex kind of sexist mes- they bring the movement-based symbols of sage as well. Its attack on black female their trades with them. The introduction of identity was multifaceted. First, and most porn symbols into music videos is consis- obviously, the women are commodified. tent with a larger movement that began in They appear in the videos quite explicitly as the late 1990s, in which pornographic property, not unlike the luxury cars, Rolex imagery, discourses, and themes began to watches, and platinum and diamond enter American popular culture. Powerful medallions that were also featured. The examples may be found in the Howard male stars of the videos do not get these Stern Show, E! Entertainment television, legions of women because of charisma or and daytime talk shows. Stars of porno- sexual prowess. Rather, they are able to graphic films attain mainstream celebrity, buy them because they are wealthy. The exotic dancers are routine talk show guests, message is not, “I am a Don Juan,” but and the public face of lesbianism becomes instead, “I am rich and these are my not a matter of the sexual preference of spoils.” Not only are the women commo- women, but the sexual consumption and dified, but so is sex as a whole. fantasy life of men. The videos are an Moreover, the women are often pre- appropriate companion piece to this wider sented as vacuous, doing nothing but sway- trend. Although the music videos are male ing around seductively. Their eyes are centered in that they assume a heterosexual averted from the camera, thereby allowing male viewer who will appreciate the images the viewer to have a voyeuristic relationship of sexually available young women, it is Dines14.qxd 7/26/02 10:06 AM Page 138 138 ◆ A Cultural Studies Approach clear that young women watch them as aligned with class and women are well. The messages such videos send to “created” (i.e., through weaves, pale young women are instructions on how to makeup, and camera filters) and valued by be sexy and how to look in order to capture how many fantasy elements have been the attention of men with wealth and pieced together in their bodies. charisma. Magazines geared toward young women have given such instructions on how women should participate in their own The Impact of the Image ◆ objectification for decades. However, never before has a genre completely centralized black women in this process.1 Although one might argue that the celebra- The beauty ideal for black women pre- tion of the rotund behind signals an appre- sented in these videos is as impossible to ciation of black women’s bodies, the image achieve as the waif-thin models in Vogue taken as a whole indicates how difficult a magazine are for white women. There beauty ideal this is to attain for anyone. is a preference for lighter-complexioned A small percentage of women, even women of color, with long and straight or black women, have such “Jessica Rabbit” loosely curled hair. Hair that hangs slick (the voluptuous cartoon character from against the head when wet as the model the 1990s film Who Framed Roger emerges out of a swimming pool (a com- Rabbit?) proportions. As journalist Tomika mon video image) is at a premium too. Anderson wrote for Essence magazine, “In Neither natural tightly curled hair nor most movies, rap songs and on television, we’re coarse relaxed hair becomes slick, shining, told that the attractive, desirable and sexy and smooth when wet. It is a beauty ideal ladies are the ones with ‘junk in their that contrasts sharply to the real hair of trunks.’ And even though this might seem most black women. When brown-skinned ridiculous, some of us actually listen to (and or dark-skinned women appear in the care about) these obviously misogynistic videos, they always have hair that falls well subliminal messages—just as we are below shoulder length, despite the fact that affected by racialized issues like hair texture the average length of black women’s nat- and skin tone.”3 ural hair in the United States today is 4 to Americans have reacted with surprise to 6 inches, according to renowned black hair- abundant social scientific data that show stylist John Atchison. that black girls are the social group who The types of bodies that the camera score highest on self-esteem assessments shots linger on are specific. The videos have and tend to have much better body images assimilated the African American ideal of than white girls. Although these differences a large rotund behind, but the video ideal in esteem and body image are to a large also features a very small waist, large extent attributable to cultural differences, breasts, and slim shapely legs and arms. with black girls having been socialized Often while the camera features the faces of to see beauty in strong personality charac- lighter-complexioned women it will linger teristics and grooming rather than in parti- on the behinds of darker women, implying cular body types, I believe the media play a the same thing as the early 1990s refrain role as well. White girls are inundated with from Sir Mix a Lot’s “Baby Got Back” that images of beauty that are impossible for lauded the face of a woman from Los most to attain: sheets of blond hair, waif- Angeles and the behind of a woman from thin bodies, large breasts, no cellulite, small Oakland. That is, the ideal is a high-status but round features, high cheekbones.