Complutum, 5, 1994: 277-289
ROCK ART AND RITUAL: SOUTHERN AFRICA AND BEYOND J David Lewis-WilIiams *
ABsTR4CZ- Southern African RockArt is taken as a starting point in order to argue the shamanic character of European Upper Palaeolithic Parietal Art. The author identWes c4fferent stages of production and consumption ofrock-art depictions. AII ofthem are embedded in rituals that consti- tuted, reproduced and sometimes subverted poiver relations. Multiple ethnographic analogies are useful in order to bulíd up an account of¡he changing association between art and ritual in the Up- per Palaeolithicof Westem Europe.
REsuísar. - El arte rupestre sudafricano sirve de punto de partida para argumentar el carácter chamánico del arte parietal paleolítico. El autor identífica los dWerentes estadios de producción y consumo de las representaciones rupestres. Todos ellosforman parte de rituales que conforman, re- producen y a vecessubvierten las relaciones de poder El empleo de la analogía etnográfica múlti- ple es extremadamente útil si se quieren detectar las transformaciones en la asociación entre arte y ritual durante el Paleolítico Superior en Europa OccidentaL
J(EYwoRDS: RockArt Bushmen. Shamanism. Social Relations. Upper Palaeolithic.
PALABRAS C¡~tE: Arte Rupestre. Bosquimanos. Chamanismo. Relaciones Sociales. Paleolítico Superior.
1. INTRODUCTíON Setting aside Romantic ideas about art, 1 ar- gue that the production and eonsumption of rock art, One of the most debilitatíng concepts in like alí image-making, was embedded in the social, rock art research has been the autonomy of art. No- economic and intellectual circumstances of the com- tions of ‘the artist’ as isolated from the ebb and flow mu¡úty in which it was made (e.g. Wolff 1981). Like of daily life, asan Olympian commentator on the foi- language and, indeed, other genres of material cultu- bIes and tragedies of humanity, and as an ascetic, re, rock art did not merely reflect the society in inspired individual working noÉ for gain but for dic which it was made, lis economy, power structures, sake of art itself have silently -for they are seldom myths and so forth. It also constituted, reproduced explicitly stated- undermined many studies of hun- and sometimes subverted power relations. In that ter-gatherer rock art. Yet these ideas about artista sense, the making of each rock art image was a and their work are not universals: the notion of the socio-political intervention that either underwrote artist’s separation from ordinai-y people and the so- power relations based, often, on the possession of ar- cial procesaes of production developed at a particular cane knowledge by a select group, or challenged time in Western histoiy. Essentially Romanúc iii en- exsdng structures by attempting te shffi ihe locus of gin, the genesis of these ideas was historically situa- divine sanction. Exactly what those social relations ted in a specific social, economie and intellectual were and exactly how any given rock art images re- milieu; in that context, the Romantic notíons abouí produced or subverted them are specific historical art and artists played an ideological role, ofien mas- questions. king social relations and asymmetrical power struc- II rock art is seen as active in the constitu- tures. tion of social relations, rather than as a passive re-
Rock Art Research Unit. University of the Witwaterstrand. 2050 Iohanesburg.Africa del Sur. 278 J. O. LEWIS-WILLL4MS flection of society, it cannot be studied and under- southern Africa; they constitute a temporal and spa- stood in isolation from power relations and, morco- tial mosaic that gives indications of what happened ver. from other expressive forms, such as myth and at specific times and in specific places. (For a fuller ritual, that similarly reproduce or subvert social reía- account of nineteenth-century Bushman shamanism tions. 1 therefore begin with a very brief review of see Lewis-Williams 1981; Lewis-Williams and Dow- nineteenth-century Bushman (San’) shamanism and son 1989). the politico-religious setting of the production and Like alí ferms of shamanism, nineteenth- consumption of nineteenth-centuiy Bushman rock century Bushman religion was constituted by institu- paintings (1 do not consider southem African rock tionalised altered states of consciousness. As in alí engravings; see Dowson 1992). 1 then discuss in mo- shamanistic religions, certain kinds of trance expe- re detail the relationship between southern Bushman riences and hallucinations were accorded the status rock paintings and ritual. In doing so, 1 show that the of visions; people in general accepted the shamans rituals associated with the making and viewing of the accounts of their visions as insights mío what was paintings, as well as the ritual context from which happening in the spirit world. It seems that approxi- much of Ihe art’s subject matter derived, were deeply matcly half of dic men and a third of dic women in a embedded in social relations and that these rituals ninetecnth-century Bushman camp may have been constituted and in seme instances subverted those re- shamans, as was the case in some mid-twentíeth- lations. Finally, 1 move on to sorne broad and prelí- century Kalahari Bushinan communities (Marshall minary implications for the study of West European 1969; Katz 1982). Being a shaman did not confer Upper Palacolithic art and ritual. any general authority; nor did it bring with it any special privileges. Shamans werc, however, respected and some enjoyed considerable prestige. 2. BUSHMAN SHAMANISM Bushman shamans entered an altered state of conscieusness either at a large cemmunal trance Research conducted over the last twenty dance er in more private circumstances. Trance was years has eroded the older notions of art-for-art’s- induced not through the ingestion of psychetropic sake and hunting magic as explanations for southern drugs buí by intense concentration, prolonged African rock art. Today most researchers accept that rhythmic dancing, audio-driving and hyperventila- much of this art was implicated in the beliefs and ri- tion (but see Winkleman and Dobkin de Pies 1989). tuals of Bushman shamanism (for a history of sou- In an altered state of consciousness, shamans cured thern African rock art research see Lewis-Williams dic sick, contrelled the movements of antelope herds, in press a). The last paintíngs were made towards the journeyed to ged, went on out-of-body travel te dis- end of the nineteenth century, and our information tant Bushman camps and made ram by capturing a about Bushman religion in that century comes prin- (hallucinatory) ‘ram-animal’. To achieve diese ends cipally from three sources: first and foremost, the yo- they harnessed a supernatural potency, !gi: or //ken, luminous W.H.I. Bleek and LC. Lloyd Collection of that was associated with large game animals, espe- verbatim texts that were obtained from Bushmen cially the eland. Shamans wcrc said to ‘possess’, for who came from what is now the Northern Cape Pro- example, eland, giraife or gemsbok potency. vince; secondly, J.M. Orpen’s comparatively bricfac- The alternative reality to which animal- count of the mythology of the Malutí San of what is potency gaye access, associated as it was with the now Lesotho; thirdly, some less sátisfactory but nene Bushmen’s comparatively egalitarian social structure, the less valuable material that the missionaries T. was not as complexly constructed as that of some Arbousset and F. Daumas collected in the 1830s in other, more complex shamanistic societies. Yet, like what is now the eastcrn Orange Free State and Leso- many other shamanistíc views of the spirii world, the tho. 1 supplement these nineteenth-century seurces Bushinen’s alternative reality was essentially imma- ~th material collected in the twentieth centu¡y from nent; like altered states of consciousness themselves, Bushman communities still living to the north in the it was ‘next te’, or within’, peeple, not situated at a Kalahari Desert. Finally, although there are now no remete distance; it interdigitated with dic world of recognizable southern Bushman communities, 1 also daily life. At the same time, thc cosmos, of which draw en information obtained from a descendant of this alternative rcality was a pan, was, like the cos- one of these communities and from a Basotho man meses of many shamanistic societíes, conceived of as who knew them wcll. We must, of course, bear in tiered. The Bushman cosmos comprised three levels: mmd that these ethnographic and histerical seurces (1) the surface of the earth, the level of daily life; (2) cannot be projected to cover alí rockart throughout a spiritual underworld that was associated particu- ROCK ART AND RITUAL: SOUTHERN AFRICA ANT) BEYONII) 279 larly but not exclusively with the dead; and (3) a spi- political importance and tat some shaman-artists ritual realm aboye the earth that was associated with used rock art te negotiate teir positíons in die chan- god, the spirits and also widi shamans. The spirits ging and cemplex seutern African society of tat ti- were, however, not located exclusively in the realm mc (Dowson 1994). aboye; they also walkcd the earth with peeple. Most Broadly speaking, Bushman rock art com- importantly, te shamans had te ability to transcend prises a range of depictions most of which are refera- the three-tiered cosmos and tus to meve between ble te ene or other aspect of Bushman shamanism. realíties. Bushman shamans were essentially media- These depictíons include: trance dances; shamans tors of the cosmos. identifiable by a nmnber of features, postures and The principal nineteenth-ccntury southern gestures; animals, like the cland, tat were conside- Bushman spiritual figure was /Kaggen, a name diat red sourccs of supernatural potency; ‘scenes’ dial ap- is frequently transíated as ‘te Mantis’, althougb the pear te record historical events, buí that semetimes insecí Mantis religioso was only eneof his many ma- incorporate shamanistic elements (Campbell 1986); nifestations. He created alí things, yet was, at te sa- various actívitíes tat shaxnans conduéted in te spi- me time, mischievous anO often stupid (Scbmidt nt world, such as out-of-bedy travel anO te capture 1973; Lewis-Williams 1981: 117-126). He was, mo- of a ram-animal; shamans partially transfermed into reever, the original shanian, and he created and gaye animals (therianthrepes); oter experiences, inclu- te human shamans the supernatural animal-potency ding shamanistíc hallucinations; and ‘abstract’, gee- that they harnessed te achieve their ends. His favou- metric motífs tat probably depict the geometric rite creature was dic highly potent eland; when he entoptic mental images expenienced in an early stagc created the eland, an evcnt recounted in a cycle of of trance (for rcviews of tese various classes of ima- myths. he in fact created the basis fer ihe whole sha- gery see Lewi~-Williams and Dowson 1989; Lewis- manistic enterprise. Although he was especially asse- Williams 1981, 1990; Dowson 1992). ciated with the eland, he created and protected alí animals, releasing them to huntcrs only under certain circumstances. He protected his animals from hun- 3. BUSHMAN RITUAL AND ART ters and used various ruses te eutwit them. In this sense, he was a Lord of the Animals, a figure feund The range of subject malter in Bushman in many sharnanic religions. rock art threughout seuthent Africa suggcsts thai it On te otiter hand, nineteent-century was concerned not wit a single, monolithic mea- Bushman shamanism departed in a nmnber of ways ning’ but rather a closely interrelated set of mea- frem the ‘classic’ shamanism of central Asia. For nings, a bread diversity situated Mitin an essential exainple, altough Bushman shamans used dancing unity. This tension between diversity aud unity deri- rattles, flywhisks and torteise-shell censcrs, tey did ves frem te socio-political role ef te art (Dowson not have the highly elaberate, symbolic costumes and 1994) and its association with rituals dial, like te paraphcrnalia that are associated wit some oter Bush¡nen’s cosmos, were posited en altered Mates of shamans. Ner was shamanic power concentrated in censcieusness. Indeed, rituals involving altered states the hands of ene or only a few people; the egalitarian of consciousness were implicated in a series of feur ideals of Bushman society (perhaps not always reali- stages in ihe preduction and consumplion of Bush- sed; Gulbrandsen 1991; Wilmsen 1989) militated man rock art: (1) thc acquisitien of some of ihe arís against dic centralization of powcr. Anyone conid Uy subject maiter; (2) the making of paint; (3) te pain- to become a shaman. Those who did not manage te ting of the images in te rock sheltcrs; (4) dic use of master altercO states of consciousness Mere not in the paintings once they had been made. 1 consider any way despised. In traditíonal’ Bushman society each of these stages inturn. shamanic power ~‘astus generally separate from politícal power, which was iíself distributed throug- 3.1 The acquisition of imagery heul tite social untÉ. In recent times, bowever, when some Kalahari Bushman communities lost teir land Therc were two contexts in which Hushman and were reduced te wage-earning serfs, shamans be- shamans acquired teir visionary insights into the gan te emerge as political leaders (Guenther 1975). spiritual world. Each was associated with two related Teday these political shamans do not produce rock eppositions: first, society and te individual; se- art, but rock paintings in te southcrn Drakensberg condly, socially infermed and sanctioned visions and suggest that eightecnth-century and nineteenth- te novel, unexpected visions that altercO states of ccntury shamans in diat regien did begin te assumc censciousness inevitably produce. 280 J. D. LEWIS-WILLIAMS
Tbe principal Bushman shamanic ritual, the informing social influences may be, the human brain ene that breught together alí people no matter what in an altered state of consciousness always produces thcir age or sex, was the curing, or trance, dance. novel, or aberrant, hallucinations. Most peeple igno- One of the earliest accounts we have of such a dance re titese sports of thc human nervous system because was recordedby Arbousset and Daumas in the 1830s. they are seeking specific kinds of visions that they It is, of ceurse, an ‘outsider’s’ view and is shot can understand and tat Mill make them feel pail of treugh Mit tese missionaries’ manifcst distaste for a social group. But some peeple seize upon halluci- indigeneus beliefs aud rituals. The dance, they said, nalery nevelties aud ten present ítem to olteis as was perfermed by meonlight and consisted of “irre- specially privileged insights that set them aboye guIar jumps... They gambol togedier tílí alí be fati- others or, more forcefi¡lly, ¡bat challenge tite whole gued and covered with perspiration” (Arbeusset and structure of power relations. In some circumstances. Daumas 1846: 246-7). Tite dance was so “violent” tite individual visionary thus epposes social cons- ¡bat some dancers felí to tite ground “exhausted and traints. Both these altitudes te tite mental imagery of covered with bloed, which pours from the nostrils”. altered states of consciousncss are found among tite These “exhausted” dancers were cared br by sorne of Bushmcn. the wemen. About forty years later, Orpen (1874:10) The role of individual Bushman shamans is recerded a similar dance which, he said, was circu- also seen in tite way that they understand dreams, the lar. He toe noted that dancers felí down “as if mad second and more personal context in which they ob- and sick” and diat bloed rau from te neses of sorne. tain visions. The Bleek aud Lloyd collection records The wider importanee of bleod in Bushinan the ways in which nineteenth-century shamans made ritual and art Mill become apparent as 1 proceed. He- ram and went on out-of-body journeys whilst in a re 1 note only thai Bleek aud Lloyd found thai it was dream (Lewis-Williams 1987). In a particularly stri- shamans who suifered nasal haemorrhages and that king and well documented twentietit-century instan- ¡bey rubbed their bloed on those whom ¡bey wished ce, Beh, a Kalahari !Kung wonian. dreamed of ga- to heal; they believed that its smell would keep evil lleping giraifes (Biescle 1993). When she awoke, she spirits at bay. Twentieth-centuíy researchers in tite was able to discera in ¡be rhythm of their pounding Kalahari did not enceunter much nasal bleeding hoofs tite metre of a seng. Site was net herself a sha- among shamans, but tey were told that a shaman man, buí when she sung te song te her husband, may bleed ja especially challenging or dangcrous cir- who was a sitaman, he instaníly recognised it as a cumstances (Marshall 1969: 374: Lewis-Williams new source of animal-potency. In a comparatively 1981: 81) The depiction of nasal haemorritage is short time. the giraife ‘medicine song’ had spread one of ¡be distinguishing features of paintings of across the Kalahari aud was being sung along side of trancing shamans. Neidier Arbousset aud Daumas, tite older songs. such as elaud and gemsbok. Beit and nor Orpen, nor Bleek and Lloyd seem te have had her husband became well-known, though not politi- any understanding of trance, but today it is clear thai cally powerfld, people. As 1 have said, alí people ex- ihese early writers were in fact describing trance perience unusual visions and dreams, but only a fcw dances similar to titese still performed in parts of ¡be seize upen them and recognizetiteir potential. Kalahari Desert. Titis tension between personal revclations During tite course of a present-day trance and socially sanctioned visions is evident in the rock dance in the Kalahari, when a number of sharnans art (Dowson 1988). Many rock art motifs are wides- are in trance, ene may draw tite others’ attention to pread. Tite eland, for instance. is tite most frequently what he or she believes he or she can see, perhaps a depicted animal in most regions of southern Africa. number of spirit-eland standing in the semi-darkncss Yct, idiosyncratic medís do occur. For these motifs bcyond the light of die fire. The others leok in ¡be di- te have been intelligible te ether people they must rection indicated, and titen diey toe see ¡be same vi- itave fallen within ¡be bread, general framewerk of siens. There is dius a sharing of insights that niakes Bushman symbolism aud experience. A unique pain- fer commonality of visions. Moreover, tite describing ting of crabs, for instance, develops tite Bushman of visions aSter everyone has retumed te a normal metapitor ofbeing underwater as a way of expressing state of consciousncss is a furtiter powerfúl influence tite sensations of trance experience (Dewson 1988: on what peeple ‘see’ in future trance experiences. fig. 3). Crabs as a motifdid not become accepted by People tend to hallucinate what they cxpect te otiter sitaman-artists, so we can conclude that the ar- hallucinate. tist who painted these unique images retained, unlike At tite same time, diere are forces pulling in Beh and her husband, tite special insight; tite presti- thc opposite direction. No matter hew powerfld tite ge of having acquired a unique insight into spiritual ROCK ART AND RITUAL: SOUTHERN AFRICA ANT) BEYONI) 281 things was not sitared and dius dissipated amongst mic clapping ¡bat itelps tite dancing shanians te enter shamans in general. Whether ¡bis prestige developed trance. Within dic contexts of bo¡b ¡be dance and ¡be into political power is a question diat we cannot new preparation of paint men aud women co-operated. It answer. does, hewever, seem ¡bat women were nevertheless generally accorded a supportive ratiter titan a central 3.2 The manufacture of pa¡nt or equal role. So constituted, the dance and ¡be pre- paration of paint were bodi potentíal ritual arenas fer Ve¡y little was recorded about ¡be ways in ¡be negotiation of gender roles: al¡bough wemen which Bushman artists prepared their paint. Perhaps seem to have been generally subordinate te men, the early writers considered this toe prosaic a matter ¡beir contribution te shamanic rituals was nevertite- te warrant their attention. There is, however, an im- less crucial, and individual women couid no doubt pertant account ¡bat strongly suggests ¡bat the ma- have manipulated these male: female relations te king of paint was far from prosaic. ¡beir own advantage. In the early 1930s Marien Walshan’ How Aher sorne commercial ochre, specially pur- was able te converse with a seventy-four year oíd Da- chased fer tite occasien (Hew deemed her piece of sothe man, Mapote, who, as a young man, had lcar- qhang qhang toe precieus te be used), had been ned to paint with Bushmen in titeir caves. He was a ground te a pewder, Mapote asked fer another itighly son of the Basotho chief Moorosi, and he had half- signiflcant ingredient for his paint: “¡be bleod of a Bushman stepbrothers, the sons of Moorosi’s Bush- freshly killed eland” (Hew 1962: 37). Qhang qhang, woman wives (Hew 1962: 33). According te Mapote, he said, was tite only pigment that ¡be Busitmen mi- the “true” Bushmen painted at ene end of ¡be cave, xed Mith eland bleod. If the bloed were not fresh, it while he and his half-Bushman stepbrothers painted weuld ceagulate and not soak inte ¡be rock. As How at the other end. A distinctien between paintings at observes, tite need fer fresh bleod implies ¡bat pain- opposite ends of rock shelters has not been ebserved, ting toek place aher a successfui eland itunt. Mapote so we do net knew how general ¡bis separation may ¡ben set about painting an eland because, as he put it, have been or, indeed, hew many Basotito people we- “tite Bushmen of that part ef the country were of ¡be re taught how te paint. It may have been some¡bing eland” (ibid.: 38). ¡bat happened only once. The importance of eland bleod as an ingre- When How produced some red flushman dient in the manufacture of red paint was ceíifirmed pigment that a friend had given her some time befere and enlarged upen in tite early 1980s by an oíd wo- she met Mapote, he declared it te be authentíc man of Busitman descent, known as ‘M’, who was Ii- “qhang qhang”; it “glistened and sparkled” in con- ving in Transkei, te the south of ¡be Drakensberg trast te cemmercially available ochre which was dulí (Jelly 1986; Lewis-Williams 1986; Prins 1990). Her by cemparison. Qhang qhang was dug out of the father [mdbeen a sitaman-artist, and she pointed out high basalt mountains, and many Basotho people re- paintings that he had made. Her elder sister, who garded it as a “powerful medicine” ¡bat would ward [md died a few years before she was interviewed, had eff lightning and hail (ibid: 34). Not only ¡be Bush- been taught iter fa¡ber’s sharnanic skills and had been men themselves but also neighbouring peeple thus well known locally as a rain-maker. Accerding te M, believed ene of tite pigments te have supernatural tite whole sequence of events started Mith a ritualised powers. eland hunt. Site explained titat a yeung girí accom- Tite transformatien of ¡bis highly prized panied a group of hunters who went eut after an pigment into paint was, according te Mapote, accom- eland. This girí ‘itypnotísed’ die eland by pointing an panied by ritual procedures. He said ¡bat a woman arrow at it; en tite arrow was ‘medicine’ titat had had te heat tite qhang qhang at fulí meen out of been prepared by shanians. Dazed, ¡be elaud was doers until it was red het. It was ¡ben ground bet- ¡ben led back, again by supernatural means (¡bough ween two stones untíl it was a fine powder. ¡be movements of exhausted or wounded eland can The role of a woman in ¡be preparation of in fact be fairly easily controlled), te a place near ¡be pigment recalís tite part played by wemen at a trance rock sitelter where the people were living and where dance. Although up te a third of the wemen in a Ka- ¡be paintings were te be made (Jolly 1986). lahari Bushman camp may be shamans, diey gene- Tite people titen prepared a mixture of eland rally sit in a circle withalí the etiter wemen areund a bleod and fat. M explained diat elaud bleed contai- central fire; some may dance widi ¡be men for a whi- ned supernatural potency (Jolly 1986: 6). Used in le. It is ah tite wemen tegether whe supply ¡be vital scarificatien rituals, ¡bis mixture of bloed and fat im- singing of ‘medicine’ songs and ¡be complex rhyth- bued ¡be recipient wíth eland potency. Site went en 282 J. D. LEWIS-WILLIAMS lo say thai eland bleod as also used lii ¡be prepara- perienced the kaleidoscopic -world of trance- lo con- tion of paint and that a painting made with elaud tradict someone elses account. Rock paintings de- bloed was a kindof storehouse of potency. picting titerianthropes, great]y elongated figures, bí- It should be noted that a dying eland bleeds zarre animals and so forth may have, in some sense, from tite nose, even as a sitaman who, in ¡be Bush- paralleled ¡be modern Bushman shamans’ verbal re- men’s own phrase, is dying’ in trance bleeds from ports of spiritual things. By looking al ¡bese pain- the nose. Qing implied ¡bis parallel when he told Or- tings. people could obtain a vivid idea of witat peri (1874: 2) that ¡be ¡beriantitropie figures ja ¡be sitamaus saw in ¡be spirit world. This parallel bel- art (shamans partially trausformed into animals; ween paintíngs and verbal accounts of trance expe- Lewis-Williams 1981) had entercO trance “at ¡be sa- rience should, itowever, not be talcen toe far. The me time as tite elands aud by the dances of witich potent ingredients qhang qhang and elaud bleed cau- you have seen paintings” (for a flíller interpretation sed paintings te be powerful things-in-¡bemselves’, of Qing’s highly complex statement see Lewis- not just pictures or representations of o¡ber, mucit Williams 1980). more important, titings. Twe kinds of bleod were thus invelved iii The status of rock art images as something tite production of rock paintings. First, shamans bled more than mere pictures is fur¡bcr seen in tite way in frem the nose witen they entered trance te obtain vi- which some of titem enter or leave cracks, steps or sions of the spirit world. At ¡bis time, their dying’ in otiter inequalities in tite rock face. Sometimes an an- trance aud bleeding paralleled ¡be nasal bleeding of a telope, a snake or a ram-animal is painted in such as dying eland. Secondly, the petent bloed of an eland way that it seems te be emerging from behind ¡be was, at least sometimes, used te make rock art ita- rock surface. This feature of ¡be art is probably reía- ges of ¡bese visions. Moreover, tite accounts provided Lcd te tite Busitman belief ¡bat ¡be spirit world is rea- by Mapote and M corroborate ene ano¡ber in sugges- ched by means of an undergreund jeume>’. For some ting that different interest groups, men and women, nineteenth-centu¡y shamans ¡bis journe~ started by were involved in various ways in ¡be manufácture of diving
ters en rock art ofien calí them, where people could believe, her way of saying diat ¡be sight of ¡be pain- view ‘works of art’. As 1 have already argued, ¡be tings deepened dic dancers’ trance experience. paintings were ‘¡bings-in-themselves’, not just pictu- More ¡ban ¡bat, dic fixed visiens airead>’ en res of diings ¡bat existed elsewitere. Man>’ of them ¡be rock face probabí>’ contributed to the dancers’ ha- were, moreever, made with special, ¡-itualí>’ prepared llucinations, informing and constraiing ¡be streat paint and dius became reservoirs of supernatural of mental images ¡bat tite human nerveus systet pote ncy. produces in altercO states of censciousness. Tite pain- Again, ¡bere is, unfortunatel>’, little etitno- ted images ¡bus becate part of a complex ritual of graphic information en precisely what happened te dancing, singing and clapping titat centrolled ¡be titese potent images after shaman-artists had made spiritual, er hallucinate¡y, experiences of shamans tbem. On the face of it, it seems unlikely that the and, possibly, odier people as well. paintings would have simpí>’ dropped out of the am- As time went by, certain rock shelters acqui- bit of Bushman ritual and belief. Indeed, such eví- red more and more of these potent spiritual images. dence as we do have suggests diat tite>’ contínued te In sote shelters paintings were done ene en top of play an important ritual Thnctien. anetiter, ¡bus building up multiple layers of images, For instance, M said diat, ifa geod’ person ¡be oldest ones fading into a blurred red background. placed his or her hand en a depiction of an eland, the The potency of paint, dic ways in whicit sote pain- petency locked up in ¡be painting weuld flew inte ¡be tings enter or leave ¡be rock surface, and ¡be way in persen, ¡bus giving him or herspecial powers. Te de- which ¡be potency stored in the images could be tap- monstrate how ¡bis was done, she arranged my fin- ped, all suggest ¡bat some of dic most densel>’ pain- gers se titat my entire hand was en a depictien of an ted rock sitelters must have been regarded as places eland. As she did se, she cautioned titat, if a ‘bad’ of exceptional potency. Mereover, ¡bere can be little person did ¡bis, his or her hand would adhere te the deubí ¡bat ¡be shamans wito lived and painted in ¡bo- rock and the persen would eventualí>’ waste away se shelters enjoyed enitanced prestige and, in more and die. recent times, political power as well (Dowsen 1994). The importance of touciting, and not merely The art was therefore not somcthing separate from looking at, rock paintings is supported by evidence dail>’ life but was deeply embedded in tite negotiatien from the Western Cape Province where diere are pat- ef socio-political relations. Tite making of paintings ches of paint that have been rubbed smooth (Yates et did not merel>’ reflect diese relations. Qn ¡be con- al. 1991). It is not entírel>’ clear what ¡be patehes wc- trar>’, ¡be taking of paintíngs should be seen as a re rubbed Mith, but Éhe smeotluiess of ¡be rock, partí- highly ritualízed way of reproducing, entrenchñig cularly in the centre of ¡be patcites, is casil>’ dis- aud, in some instances, challenging pewer stmctures. cerned. Similarly, the making of ¡be positive harid- Seen in ¡be light of ¡be evidence 1 have pre- prints that are commen in sote parts of the Western sented, tite sou¡bern African painted itnages were Cape was probabí>’ dosel>’ associated with ritual tou- clearí>’ not just pictures of events or exercises in aes- ching of the rock ratber ¡ban witlx dic making of thetícs. Ratiter, tite>’ were an integral pan of a series pictures’ of hands. of complex ritual procedures in whicit, flrst, social There is titus evidence that sote of tite tensions and, secondiy, tensions between socialí>’ ac- paintings were not made merel>’ te be looked at, like ceptable visions and titese novel visiens ¡brown up works of art in a Western galler>’. After they had by ¡be nerveus system were mediated. Ritual, in this been made, ¡bey continued te be involved in rituals sense, was titeatre’: some of tite ‘props’ were rock art in ways diat we do nel fálí>’ understand, but it docs images ¡bat proclaimed and, indeed, were palpable, seem that physical centact with seme of the images tangible evidence fer ¡be shamans’ accesa te spiritual facilitated the acquisition of supernatural potency. realities. 1 In addition to physical contact, tite images were importaní visualí>’ as well, but, again, not 1 simply as Western notiens of art suggest. This con- 4. BEYOND SOUTHERN AFRICA tention was borne out by M. She demonstrated how, long age, Bushmen [md danced in tite painted rock If the intímate relationship that existed bet- shelter to which she took Jolí>’ and me and how they ween southern African rock art and ritual is te be ta- 1 [md raised their arms aud turned to ¡be paintings ken as ¡be source of an analogica] argmnent ¡bat will witen die>’ wisited te intensiI~ titeir potency. As they extend ¡bis sort of relationship te etiter rock arts, ¡be danced and looked at ¡be paintings, potency flowed strncture of ¡be argument must -in each case- be from tite images and entercO into diem. This was, 1 clearly stated and subjected te scrutíny. 1 therefere 284 J. D. LEWIS-WILLIAMS restrict tite ‘beyond’ of my tíde te dic Upper Palaeoli- ful images was pla~ed eut, power greups must itave thic parietal art of Western Europe, leaving aside tite employed ritual to restrain and socialise ¡be expe- rock arts of die Americas, Australia and se for¡b. riences ef individunís. At the same time, rituals must This restriction is useful because tite structure of tite have been developed te present tite ‘spiritual’ expe- analogical argument linking Upper Palacolititie and riences of ihese whese visions were sanctioned to the soutitern African rock art has been set out elsewitere rest of tite cemmunity, titat is, te those whe did noÉ and need not be repeated in detail itere (Lewis- itave personal access to tite revelations of altered sta- Williams and Dowson 1988, 1992; Lewis-Williams tes of conscieusness and who were titerefore polití- 1991). As in my discussion of Bushman ritual and calI>’ and socialí>’ te seme extent disadvantaged. It rock art, 1 concentrate en Upper Palaeolithic parietal seems reasonable te conclude ¡bat tite whole process paintings radier than engravings. of ¡be production and consumptien of Upper Palaeo- Briefly, ¡be argument is feunded en what 1 lititic parietal art was ritualised and ¡bat diese rituals argue are secure ‘relations of relevance’ (see, for were, broadí>’, shamanic. example, Wylie 1988) betWeen altercO states of cons- Attempts te discover some of ¡be elements cionsness and a defined progressien of mental ima- and forms of ¡bese riluals musí lake fuil cegnizance ger>’ ¡bat develops from the lumineus, geometrie of ¡be temporal and geograpitical diversity of Upper entoptie phenomena seen in light trance te the Palaeolidiic art. Tite 20000- year period must net be everwhelming hallucinations of monsters, people homogenised inte a replica of any single edinogra- and emotionalí>’ charged objects of deep trance. If piticalí>’ observed sociel>’; multiple analogies and in- depictions fermally referable te alí stages of this pro- terpretations will be required te build up a multí- gressien of mental imagery are found in a rock art, component mosaic titat fits tite highly diverse empi- titere is a streng implicatien that those images deri- rical evidence of Upper Palaeolithic art. Because ved, at least in part, from ¡be experiences of altercO such a task weuld require toe much detail for a paper states of censciousness. If it is known that (he rock such as this, tite suggestiens ¡bat 1 make should be art was made by a hunting and gathering society, seen as itighly general and in need of temporal and there is a further implication ¡bat ¡be people practi- geographical reflnement. 1 simply suggest some sed shamanism in ene ferm or anotiter. Confidence broad features of the temporal trajector>’ of Upper Pa- is lent te diis ferm of argumen by dic soutitern Afrí- laeolidiic ritual and art. can case. We know independentí>’ of tite art (¡batís, from tite ethnegraphy) ¡bat its makers practised a form of shamanism. The formal parallels that are 5. UPPER PALAEOLJTHIC RITUAL discernible between sou¡bem African rock art ima- AND ART ger>’ and tite mental imagery of altered states of cens- ciousness cantherefore be explained by tite universa- Taking tite four stages that 1 have identified lity of ¡be human nervous system and tite ways in in ¡be production and consumptien of southern Afri- witich it behaves in altered states. It is titus the uni- can rock art as a model, 1 argue thaI (1) Upper Pa- versality of the human nerveus system titat prevides laeoli¡bic peoples’ acquisitien of imagery, (2) titeir a ‘bridge’ between nineteenth-centu¡-y Busitman rock manufacture of paint, (3) titeir making of rock art art and Upper Palaeolithic parietal art (see also images, and (4) tite ways in witicit ¡bey subsequently Brown 1991). Bedi arts ma>’ be legitimatel>’ descri- used ¡bese images were alí ritualised. bed as ‘sitamanic’. 1 new lake ¡bese previously publis- ha! cenclusiens as read and move en te elaborate 51. The acquisition of imagery titem. The altered states of consciousness that were As Dowson and 1 have argued (Lewis- implicated in ¡be preduction of Upper Palaeoli¡bic Williams and Dowson 1988), mucit, but not alí, of parietal art must have been te some, no deubt tempe- tite imagezy of Upper Palaeoli¡bic art was acquired rally and geograpiticail>’ varying, extení institutiona- ‘ey shainan-arlists in allered siales of consciousness. lised. One of tite reasens for institutionalising altered During tite course of tite Upper Palaeolithic ¡be ri- states of censcieusness would have been to mediate tuals of image-acquisitien almost certainí>’ varied the tensien between tite free-flow of mental imager>’ considerably in, first, tite ways in witich these rituals and ¡be speciific, limited range of socially sanctioned were socialí>’ situated and, secondly, tite ways in images that makes sense in a given society. As the which altered states were induced and experienced. tensien bet-ween ¡be novel, or aberrant, mental ima- At seme times, especially buí not exclusi- ges ef individuals and the canon of socialí>’ meaning- vel>’ at ¡be beginning of the Upper Palaeolidiic, and ROCK ART ANT) RITUAL: SOUTHERI’4 AFRICA ANT) BEYOND 285 in some places ¡bese rituals of image-acquisitíon we- te make large images nearer tite entrances, was pro- re prebabí>’ communal. Lilce ¡be Busitmen’s trance babí>’ considera! te have special, supernatural pro- dance, titese rituals probabí>’ brought tegedier large perties, as were at least some of the Bushmen’s numbers of people, and shamans obtained ¡beir vi- pamts. At present we know that Upper Palaeolitliic sions in the midst of society, witnessed not oní>’ by people teok great care widi tite manufacture of painí other shamans but also by ordinar>’ people. Under aud ¡bat ¡be>’ used differení recipes (e.g., Clones et such circumstances, there was a direct, visible asse- al. 1990; Clones 1993; Ballet et al. 1979; Vandiver ciation between the acquisitien of visions and ¡be 1983; Lerei-Gouritan and Allain 1979; Lerblanchet body social. Ordinar>’ people supported the shamans et al. 1990). These recipes siteuld be considered te and enceuraged ¡bem in the face of spiritual hazards. see if ¡bey contain an>’ evidence fer rituals. Whatever Such power relatieris as were under-written by the such a siud>’ ma>’ reveal, it seems likely that Upper possession of visiens were thus reproduced aud en- Palaeolithic peeple weuld itave considered the mate- trenched by direcí, vmrtualí>’ unmediated relatíeris rials necessaiy for tite fixíng of visions te have pro- between shamans and erdinar>’ people. pertíes commensurate witit tite potene>’ of ¡be visions In such communai circunistances, the va- dieniselves and thai dic preparation of paint wou]d rieus participants would have experienced a range of have become hedged areund widi prohib¡tions and altered states of consciousness. Titose who were mest rituals ¡bat weuld itave defined social relations. intensel>’ seeking visiens ma>’ have used psycitotropic drugs te induce deep trance. Otiters, caugitt up in the 53. Tite making of rock paintings ritual dancing and music, believed titat they ceuld share some but not alí of the insights that tite leading The sheer quantity of paint needed for ma- sitamans were experiencing. Still o¡ber people, en king large images seems to impí>’ rituals of some tite fringe of ¡beactivity, were probabí>’ less intensel>’ sort. The images in tite Hall of die Bulís and the swept aleng by ¡be ritual; tite>’ experienced cupitoria Axial Gallexy at Lascaux, fer instance, demanded and ecstasy but did not ¡bemselves see visions. On large quantities of paint and the construction of scaf- tite otiter itand, some people ma>’ have felt themsel- felds (Lerei-Gouritan and Allain 1979). The making ves te be opposed te the whele ritual procedure. of ¡bese images titerefore involved tite active partici- More complex social and ritual relatiens- pation of a large number of people who went eut te itipa are suggested by diese Magdalenian images diat find ¡be pigment and, possibl>’, the medium, whe are deep underground and can be viewed by oní>’ a brought ¡bem back te tite cave and mixed ¡beni, who few people, perhaps onIy one person, at a time (Hen- built ¡be scaffolds and, finalí>’, who applied paint te der 1989; Lewis-Williams and Oewson 1993). These large areas of rock surface. The rituals that attended remete images impí>’ some¡bing like a vision quest, the making of these paintings were, 1 argue, different as practised by, for instance, Nor¡b American shama- from ¡bose performed in tite depths of the caves, as, nic greups (cf Whitley 1992), but not by tite Bush- for example, in tite Chamber of the Felines at Las- men. During the Magdalenian, shamans in search of caux, where images were delineated b>’ enly a few repeated visions and novices seeking them for the strokes. Cemmunally produced art needs te be distin- first time seem te have separated themselves from so- guished frem individualí>’ produced art; both kinds ciety and, in tite remete, dark, silent recesses of die of art impí>’ rituals that define and reproduce social caverns, sought dic altercO states of consciousness relations, but they de so in different ways. that would provide their visiens. In some instances tite oflen itastily exeeuted rock art images of die re- 54. The r¡tual use of Upper Palaeol¡th¡c mete arcas may have been made in a light state of al- rock art tered consciousness as ¡be questers’ mental imager>’ was projected onto rock surfaces ra¡ber like a slide or A furdier implicatien concerns ¡be ways in film show (Lewis-Williams and Dowsen 1988); in which painted and engraved images were used. The etiter cases, ¡be questers prebabí>’ made images aher largo, impressive iznages lii such places as ¡beHall of they had reverted to a normal state of consciousness, the Bulís at Lascaux er tite Salen Noir at Niaux pro- as did ¡be Bushmen. babí>’ perfermed a function similar te man>’ Bush- man rock art images. Placed at or wititin compara- 5.2. The manufacture of paint tívely cas>’ reacit of die entrances te Upper Palaeoli- ¡bic caves, titese images prebabí>’ prepared questers Tite paint that vision questers took wi¡b for ¡be visions that diey would see in ¡be dep¡bs of them mio tite dep¡bs of ¡be caves, as well as titat used ¡be caves. As 1 have said, peeple hallucinate witat 286 J. D. LEWIS-WILLIAMS
tite>’ expecí te hallucinate (or whai they itave been 5.6. Ritual cosmology and power deliberately la! te believe ¡bey Mill hallucinate), aud we ma>’ postulate the perfermance of preparator>’ rl- Altitough titere were almost certalul>’ majer tuals thai dramaticalí>’ revealed communally made differences beiween tite rituals associated widi pain- entrance art to vision-seekers (and te ethers as well) tings and engravings near or at the entrances te Up- in an attempt te inform the hallucinatíons tite>’ weuld per Palaeolititic caves and titese situated in the experience in remete solitude. Such rituals would ha- dep¡bs, art in alí parts of tite caves displays a citarac- ve reduced the personal elemení by controlling, te teristic diat suggests an important, fundamental com- some extent, ¡be range of hallucinations that tite ner- monality. In alí parts of tite caves, artists exploited veus s>’stem generates arid by alerting questers te natural features of rock surfaces in ways that impí>’ oní>’ certain kinds of mental imageiy. Indeed, social ¡bat ¡bey believed tite animals ¡bey were depicting control of altered states of consciousness lies at ¡be exista! behind tite rock face; ¡beir task was te entíce heart of shamanism. titese sprnt-ammals through dic rock so ¡bat they ceuldestablish a spiritual relatíonship Midi diem thai 5.5. Ritual, sound and art would empower them te perferm ¡beir sharnanic tasks (LeMis-Williams in press b). Tite Upper Pa- Anoiher cominon componení of ritual deser- laeelidiic cosmos was, as in man>’ o¡ber shamanic so- ves mentien. Sound plays an important role in sita- cieties, probabí>’ conceived of as tiered. Within such manie rituals, not onl>’ amongstBusitman groups but a cesmolog>’, the spirit world was probabí>’ believed worldwide (for a review see Dobkin de Pies and Katz te be undergreund, and journeys mio caves were pro- 1975). Rhytitmic aud audio driving induce altered babí>’ believed te be journeys into thai realm. Rituals states of consciousness aud previde a framework for formalising tite manufacture of paint, the maicing of a visionary’s concentratien. Musical instruments are painied images and, indeed, tite uses te witich ¡be also used te imitate sounds made by animals and images ma>’ itave been subsequentí>’ put were pro- birds. Titere is evidence ihat music, or at any rate babí>’ alí posited en tite existence of a subierranean, sound, was a componení of Upper Palaeolithic rl- animal-filled realm ihat held tite supernatural po- tuals. A number of ‘flutes’ have been found in West tency that sustained tite universe and, more espe- and East Enrepean Upper Palaeolidiic sites. Furliter, cially, ¡bat sitamans sought and harnessed for tite Huyge (1991) argues ¡bat ¡be ‘bern’ held b>’ the so- gea! of seciety. calla! Venus of Laussel is a scraped idiopitone. The- Control of titis potency was reserva! and se and o¡ber instruments, such as bull-rearers and pretected for limited numbers of peeple by means of drums, could itave been usa! te sugge~t the presence rituals. It seems titat, during tite ceurse of ¡be Upper of animals as well as te provide a hypnotic rhythm Palaeolithic, as tite deptits of tite caverris were in- (see also Waller 1993). Given ¡be Upper Palaeolithic creasingí>’ explored, society became more and more understandings of ¡be underworld and tite rock face complex and itierarchical, witit political power being fer whicit 1 have argued, tite suggestion that sounds increasingí>’ concentrated in tite hands of a few sita- were preduced b>’ striking stalactites is particularí>’ mans (LeMis-Williams and Dowson 1993). The wito- interesting (eg. Dams 1984, 1985; cf. Needham le complex ritual process of acquiring visioris, 1967, and Tuzin 1984); some of tite struck stalactites making rock art and using tite images was implicated were marked wi¡b geemetric metifs ¡bat probably de- in power struggles, as was Bushman art during the rived from entoptic phenemena seen in an carl>’ stage nineteen¡b centur>’ (Dowson 1994). of trance. 1 argue diai ¡be striking of stalactites weuld, in itself, have been a way of arousing and cemmunicating with¡be spirit world that would itave 6. FUTURE WORK werked tegeiher Mitit paintings, singing and dancing te censtitute complex ritual sequences. An assecia- Taking soudiern African rock art as a star- tien between sound and art is also suggested b>’ Rez- ting poiní, 1 have sitewn that tite acquisition of vi- nikoff aud Dauvois (1988) wito argue titat titere is a sions, die making of paint, tite placing of images en correlatien in seme Ariége caves between areas of re- die walls of rock sitelters and tite subsequeút use of senance and ¡be presence of rock art. Maximum re- the paintings were stages in tite production ami con- senance, they claim, is achieved by tite human veice, sumptien of Busitman rock art and thai ¡bese stages and ¡bis leads them te suggest ¡bat citanting ma>’ ita- were alí embedded in rituals ¡bat repreduced social ve been part of rituals ¡bat were associated Mith rock relatíons. Within this framewerk ¡bere was, never- art (Scarre 1989). ¡beless, roem for individual Busitman shaimans te ac- ROCK ART ANT) RITUAL: SOUTHFRN AFRICA ANT) BEYONT) 287 quire novel visions and te use these visiens and ¡be fordi te build up an account of ¡be changing associa- representations thai they made of them te subvert so- tíen beiween art and ritual in ¡be Upper Palaeolithic cial relations for ¡beir own political ends. of Western Europe. Further, 1 argue thai Upper Palaeolithic pa- rietal art was, lilce seuthern African rock art, sha- Acknowledgcments manic and that man>’ of tite images in tite caves of Western Europe depict visions. The same series of 1 am grateful te colleagues who read drafts feur stages in tite production and consumptien of these depictíens as 1 identífied in die production and of titis paper and offered useful cemments: Geoff Blundelí, Thomas Dowson aud Anne Hollida>’. Deni- consumption of southern African rock art probabí>’ se Veorvelí and Anne Hellida>’ kindly typed successi- obtained in Western Europe. As in southern Africa, ve drafis. The Rock Art Research Unit is funda! by each stage was probabí>’ set in a ritual centexú in- ¡be University of die Witwatersrand and tite Centre deed, it would be hard te imagine thai ¡be ‘fixing’ for Science Development; neither institution is res- was ritualised. If, of petent, supernatural images not ponsible for the views expressed here. 1 am grateful as Dowsen anO 1 have argued (LeMis-Williams and Dowsen 1988), altered states of consciousness lay at te numerous people who made it possible for me te the hearl of Upper Palaeolithic religion, titose states visit a large number of Upper Palaeelithic caves in France: tite>’ include Norben Aujoulat, Paul Bahn, musí itave been institutionalised and ritualised. Fi- Robert Bégeuen, Jean Cloites, Brigitte Delluc, 1. nally, tite series of rituals associated with die produc- Gaussen, André Leroi-Gourhan, Michel Lorblanchet, tion and consurnption of rock art musí have citanged during tite ceurse of ¡be Upper Palaeolidiic as social A. Pleinier, Jean-Phillipe Rigaud, D. Sacchi and Georges Simonnet. relatíons changed. These vexy general observatíons and hypo- titeses need te be refined and tested. Firsí, we must reject Romantic netiens of ‘the artist’ as an iselated genius driven by some powerful aesthetic imperati- ve. Instead, we should censtrucí it>’po¡beses ¡bat si- tuate tite production and censumption of Upper Palaeolithic art in tite citanging social and economic ‘Bushn,an cornmunities speak rnany rnutually unintelligible langus- ges. There ¡a tberefore no single flushnian word to cover ah groups. processes of ¡be time in witich it was made (cf. “Bushnian’ is, ¡a Ihe view of sorne writers, a pejorative and sexial Lewis-Williams 1982). Secondí>’, if we accept tFis word, ahlliougb sorne of the people lhemsclves do choosc lo use it theoretícal positien, we can start using multiple eth- “San”, a Nazna (Khoekhoen) word, ¡a preferred by rnany, bus by no nographic analogies Mit strong relatiens of relevan- nicana aB, academic ~viitexs.liuffortunately, it meana sornething Iike “vagabond” asid is Iherefore Mao pejorative. There is no unaniinity on ce, die distribution of art within the caves, dala which word sbould be use4 la using “Bushasan”, 1 expl¡citly reject retrieved from excavatioris, paint analyses and so any pejorative or sex St connotationa.
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