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Strategy for Socialist Revolution

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Strategy for Socialist Revolution sc no For socialist: Dnian aanons INTRODUCTORY NOTE Any revolutionary strategy which is not just a collection of abstract formulae must This article attempts to deal theoretically contain five main elements: with the essential components and aspects of a socialist strategy and to apply these prin­ 1. A theory about society and social ciples to Australian circumstances. It is hoped change: a view about how changes to take up some of the more fundamental occur in society, how they might theoretical questions and more specific analy­ occur in a particular society, how ses and examples in a future article. and in what conditions ruling classes are overthrown. “Attention, therefore, must be devoted 2. A political theory: a conception principally to raising the workers to the level and view of politics which guides of revolutionaries; it is not at all our task to the day-to-day political practice of descend to the level of the working masses a party, its cadres and members. as the Economists wish to do, or to the level of the ‘average worker' as Svoboda desires to 3. An analysis of the specific society: d o ......... ” for a revolutionary, both elements of this analysis - the present situat­ - Lenin, “What Is To Be Done”, ion and the likely future course of Collected Works, Vol. 5, pp.470-1. events - are essential. 3 4. A conception (model) of the social­ “The possibility of a revolutionary situat­ ist society aimed for: only by a clear ion” expresses the objective aspect: the need view of the ultimate goal of political for a sharp social crisis before the possibility involvement and struggle can a revol­ of the overthrow of the capitalist class can utionary movement orient its struggles be opened up, and the transition to social­ and see the relation of its political ism accomplished. Against those who in ess­ practice to the given circumstances ence deny the possibility of such crises, and/ in which it works. The type of social­ or the possibility of turning them into revol­ ist society aimed for affects the utionary situations by a favourable balance strategy and practice adopted. of forces plus correct revolutionary interven­ tion, we declare that such crises are both 5. A plan of action: based on the above possible and essential for the transition to four elements, any revolutionary socialism to occur. party must have a plan which guides its work, sets its priorities and gives The manner in which such a crisis may it a yardstick by which to measure occur cannot of course be specified, but and assess its work. The plan is the “spontaneous” mass upsurges as in France strategy proper, but without the in May 1968, or capitalist challenge to a framework and analyses provided by "peacefully” elected left government are the first four points, it means little. possible forms. All five elements are essential to, and tog­ The combination of the two parts of ether make up, a revolutionary strategy. In this formula is as essential as each part, and general, incorrect or inadequate strategies should be seen in a dialectical and dynamic are characterised by omission of one or way, not as a static sum. What this means is more of the above elements, by exaggerated that the two elements interact with each emphasis on one or some of them and/or other, e.g. counter-hegemonic work helps outright errors on one or more points. to decide whether and how a social crisis develops. ******* [The socialist traditions of the French workers was an important factor in their res­ The essence of the revolutionary strategy ponse to the student demonstrations and the elaborated by the CPA over the last seven one-day general strike on May 13, 1968.] years can be expressed as follows: Moreover, the relative importance of “Counter-hegemony plus the possibility each varies with time and the given circum­ of (and preparation for) a revolution­ stances. Clearly, a revolutionary party in ary situation.” conditions such as the present has as its main aim counter-hegemonic work to This (admittedly over-simplified) formula build a mass base of support. If we act as sums up the two essential aspects of the rev­ if we already had such a base, and rely on olutionary process on which a revolutionary a coining crisis, we commit a dangerous party must base itself. If either aspect is ig­ error. nored or down-graded, a party falls into either idealist (or gradualist) propagandising or left­ Examining the five elements in more ist posturing. detail: 1. “To say, however, that ideologists “Counter-hegemony” expresses the sub­ (i.e. politically conscious leaders) jective aspect of the revolutionary process: cannot divert the movement from the necessity for mass preparation by win­ the path determined by the inter­ ning people to an alternative view of the action of environment and elem­ world for which they are prepared to fight ents is to ignore the simple truth because of their discontent with the exist­ that the conscious element partic­ ing state of affairs. Only if a basic core ipates in this interaction and in the force has been won to this socialist world determination of the path.” view, and only if this world view has achiev­ ed some mass standing, will the revolution­ - Lenin: “A Talk With Def­ ary movement be able to utilise a crisis and enders of Economism”, win vast numbers to its program for resolv­ (Collected Works, Vol. 5, ing the crisis. p. 316). 4 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW - AUGUST 1974 The formula “counter-hegemony plus the taken up by vast masses determines how possibility of a revolutionary situation” bases effective and influential its conscious inter­ itself on a view of the social process which vention will be to the subsequent course recognises two aspects and components of of events. social development: the “spontaneous” and the “conscious". Much could be written The counter-hegemonic/conscious aspect about the definitions of, differences between of revolutionary work also becomes, via mass and inter-relations of these two aspects, and agitation and propaganda, a part of the spon­ I will elaborate in more detail on these points taneous/objective aspect because the nature, in a future article., quality and influence of this propaganda and agitation will, in fact, play a part in determ­ Briefly, the “spontaneous” means the ining the future course of “spontaneous” ev­ more “objective” aspects of the political- ents. The “sowing” of revolutionary ideas, social process: those processes and events if they fall on fertile ground (and they will which occur independent of the wishes and only do so if they express and tap in action thinking of particular social groups (e.g. people’s felt needs and wishes) will always classes and parties). be a useful activity which will often only show its results in unexpected “spontaneous” actions. Continual revolutionary mass work What is spontaneous from one point of over a long period of time “leavens” the soc­ view is not necessarily spontaneous from ial ferment and thereby plays its own part in another. As far as the CPA (say) is concerned, the bringing about of spontaneous upsurges. there are clearly many events which occur in our society independent of what we may The “possibility of a revolutionary situat­ wish or desire. These are “objective” proc­ ion” relates to the “objective” (“spontaneous”) esses from our point of view. On the other aspect. It expresses a belief that the objective hand, many of these events are the product processes of capitalism are based on an under­ of the interactions between the conscious lying logic and dynamics which regularly im­ or unconscious wishes and intentions of pels the system towards objective crises of various individuals and groups (in which, as various kinds (economic, political, ideologic­ Engels pointed out in his Letter to Bloch, no al, ecological, etc.). The occurrence of these one person or group ever gets quite what they “objective” crises make possible a correspon­ wanted, and may in fact achieve the oppos­ ding “subjective” crisis, i.e. a “spontaneous” ite of what they intended). Insofar as this is upsurge of vast masses of people. This poss­ the case, the given events have a “subjective” ibility clearly relies on an analysis of the fun­ i.e. “conscious” component. damental contradictions and “injustices” of the capitalist system (see point 3). It is the The more unconscious motivations decide existence of these (due to the logic and dyn­ the events, the more the “objective” aspect amic of the system, which also includes its intrudes. This is also the case with the inter­ inability to deal fundamentally with its prob­ vention of rules of behaviour enforced or lems) which make it quite rational and “sci­ promoted by society at large and the very entific” to conclude that such crises and up­ underlying logic of the system. surges are possible and likely. The revolutionary party consciously int­ This view of social change differs from ervenes, on the basis of its theory, program that implicit in both rightist and leftist strat­ and strategy in the ongoing flow of “object­ egies. Unlike the former it teaches the revol­ ive” (to it) social events. From time to time, utionary activist to expect the unexpected the oppressed classes and strata will act (i.e. crises and abrupt changes of mass con­ “spontaneously” from the party’s viewpoint. sciousness); unlike the latter it teaches us not In the new situation presented by the occurr­ to rely on these alone, but to patiently pre­ ence of “spontaneous” mass actions (or they pare by working for shifts, no matter how may be “objective” economic events, or small, in mass opinion, by participating conscious actions, taken by the ruling class, with the oppressed in the experience of governments, or other political parties), the struggle according to the possibilities at the party can choose to intervene in various time.
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