sc no For socialist:

Dnian aanons

INTRODUCTORY NOTE Any revolutionary strategy which is not just a collection of abstract formulae must This article attempts to deal theoretically contain five main elements: with the essential components and aspects of a socialist strategy and to apply these prin­ 1. A theory about society and social ciples to Australian circumstances. It is hoped change: a view about how changes to take up some of the more fundamental occur in society, how they might theoretical questions and more specific analy­ occur in a particular society, how ses and examples in a future article. and in what conditions ruling classes are overthrown.

“Attention, therefore, must be devoted 2. A political theory: a conception principally to raising the workers to the level and view of politics which guides of revolutionaries; it is not at all our task to the day-to-day political practice of descend to the level of the working masses a party, its cadres and members. as the Economists wish to do, or to the level of the ‘average worker' as Svoboda desires to 3. An analysis of the specific society: d o ...... ” for a revolutionary, both elements of this analysis - the present situat­ - Lenin, “What Is To Be Done”, ion and the likely future course of Collected Works, Vol. 5, pp.470-1. events - are essential.

3 4. A conception (model) of the social­ “The possibility of a revolutionary situat­ ist society aimed for: only by a clear ion” expresses the objective aspect: the need view of the ultimate goal of political for a sharp social crisis before the possibility involvement and struggle can a revol­ of the overthrow of the capitalist class can utionary movement orient its struggles be opened up, and the transition to social­ and see the relation of its political ism accomplished. Against those who in ess­ practice to the given circumstances ence deny the possibility of such crises, and/ in which it works. The type of social­ or the possibility of turning them into revol­ ist society aimed for affects the utionary situations by a favourable balance strategy and practice adopted. of forces plus correct revolutionary interven­ tion, we declare that such crises are both 5. A plan of action: based on the above possible and essential for the transition to four elements, any revolutionary socialism to occur. party must have a plan which guides its work, sets its priorities and gives The manner in which such a crisis may it a yardstick by which to measure occur cannot of course be specified, but and assess its work. The plan is the “spontaneous” mass upsurges as in France strategy proper, but without the in May 1968, or capitalist challenge to a framework and analyses provided by "peacefully” elected left government are the first four points, it means little. possible forms.

All five elements are essential to, and tog­ The combination of the two parts of ether make up, a revolutionary strategy. In this formula is as essential as each part, and general, incorrect or inadequate strategies should be seen in a dialectical and dynamic are characterised by omission of one or way, not as a static sum. What this means is more of the above elements, by exaggerated that the two elements interact with each emphasis on one or some of them and/or other, e.g. counter-hegemonic work helps outright errors on one or more points. to decide whether and how a social crisis develops. ******* [The socialist traditions of the French workers was an important factor in their res­ The essence of the revolutionary strategy ponse to the student demonstrations and the elaborated by the CPA over the last seven one-day general strike on May 13, 1968.] years can be expressed as follows: Moreover, the relative importance of “Counter-hegemony plus the possibility each varies with time and the given circum­ of (and preparation for) a revolution­ stances. Clearly, a revolutionary party in ary situation.” conditions such as the present has as its main aim counter-hegemonic work to This (admittedly over-simplified) formula build a mass base of support. If we act as sums up the two essential aspects of the rev­ if we already had such a base, and rely on olutionary process on which a revolutionary a coining crisis, we commit a dangerous party must base itself. If either aspect is ig­ error. nored or down-graded, a party falls into either idealist (or gradualist) propagandising or left­ Examining the five elements in more ist posturing. detail: 1. “To say, however, that ideologists “Counter-hegemony” expresses the sub­ (i.e. politically conscious leaders) jective aspect of the revolutionary process: cannot divert the movement from the necessity for mass preparation by win­ the path determined by the inter­ ning people to an alternative view of the action of environment and elem­ world for which they are prepared to fight ents is to ignore the simple truth because of their discontent with the exist­ that the conscious element partic­ ing state of affairs. Only if a basic core ipates in this interaction and in the force has been won to this socialist world determination of the path.” view, and only if this world view has achiev­ ed some mass standing, will the revolution­ - Lenin: “A Talk With Def­ ary movement be able to utilise a crisis and enders of Economism”, win vast numbers to its program for resolv­ (Collected Works, Vol. 5, ing the crisis. p. 316).

4 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW - AUGUST 1974 The formula “counter-hegemony plus the taken up by vast masses determines how possibility of a revolutionary situation” bases effective and influential its conscious inter­ itself on a view of the social process which vention will be to the subsequent course recognises two aspects and components of of events. social development: the “spontaneous” and the “conscious". Much could be written The counter-hegemonic/conscious aspect about the definitions of, differences between of revolutionary work also becomes, via mass and inter-relations of these two aspects, and agitation and propaganda, a part of the spon­ I will elaborate in more detail on these points taneous/objective aspect because the nature, in a future article., quality and influence of this propaganda and agitation will, in fact, play a part in determ­ Briefly, the “spontaneous” means the ining the future course of “spontaneous” ev­ more “objective” aspects of the political- ents. The “sowing” of revolutionary ideas, social process: those processes and events if they fall on fertile ground (and they will which occur independent of the wishes and only do so if they express and tap in action thinking of particular social groups (e.g. people’s felt needs and wishes) will always classes and parties). be a useful activity which will often only show its results in unexpected “spontaneous” actions. Continual revolutionary mass work What is spontaneous from one point of over a long period of time “leavens” the soc­ view is not necessarily spontaneous from ial ferment and thereby plays its own part in another. As far as the CPA (say) is concerned, the bringing about of spontaneous upsurges. there are clearly many events which occur in our society independent of what we may The “possibility of a revolutionary situat­ wish or desire. These are “objective” proc­ ion” relates to the “objective” (“spontaneous”) esses from our point of view. On the other aspect. It expresses a belief that the objective hand, many of these events are the product processes of capitalism are based on an under­ of the interactions between the conscious lying logic and dynamics which regularly im­ or unconscious wishes and intentions of pels the system towards objective crises of various individuals and groups (in which, as various kinds (economic, political, ideologic­ Engels pointed out in his Letter to Bloch, no al, ecological, etc.). The occurrence of these one person or group ever gets quite what they “objective” crises make possible a correspon­ wanted, and may in fact achieve the oppos­ ding “subjective” crisis, i.e. a “spontaneous” ite of what they intended). Insofar as this is upsurge of vast masses of people. This poss­ the case, the given events have a “subjective” ibility clearly relies on an analysis of the fun­ i.e. “conscious” component. damental contradictions and “injustices” of the capitalist system (see point 3). It is the The more unconscious motivations decide existence of these (due to the logic and dyn­ the events, the more the “objective” aspect amic of the system, which also includes its intrudes. This is also the case with the inter­ inability to deal fundamentally with its prob­ vention of rules of behaviour enforced or lems) which make it quite rational and “sci­ promoted by society at large and the very entific” to conclude that such crises and up­ underlying logic of the system. surges are possible and likely.

The revolutionary party consciously int­ This view of social change differs from ervenes, on the basis of its theory, program that implicit in both rightist and leftist strat­ and strategy in the ongoing flow of “object­ egies. Unlike the former it teaches the revol­ ive” (to it) social events. From time to time, utionary activist to expect the unexpected the oppressed classes and strata will act (i.e. crises and abrupt changes of mass con­ “spontaneously” from the party’s viewpoint. sciousness); unlike the latter it teaches us not In the new situation presented by the occurr­ to rely on these alone, but to patiently pre­ ence of “spontaneous” mass actions (or they pare by working for shifts, no matter how may be “objective” economic events, or small, in mass opinion, by participating conscious actions, taken by the ruling class, with the oppressed in the experience of governments, or other political parties), the struggle according to the possibilities at the party can choose to intervene in various time. ways. It is the nature and quality of its int­ ervention which are the conscious element Behind both “leftism” and “rightism” in the revolutionary process. The degree to lie the same mistake: a failure to see the which the actions proposed by the party are role of the “conscious element” (i.e. the

5 interaction of a revolutionary force with of union positions) should be seen as means clear aims) as a necessary ingredient in the to this end, not ends in themselves. There­ revolutionary process. This mistake is app­ fore, the criterion for genuinely revolution­ roached from different sides, but a common ary work is whether it attempts to advance theoretical (misconception underlies both: mass consciousness to the best level poss­ a dissociation of the final socialist objective ible in the given circumstances (and natur­ from the daily struggle. The rightist does ally what is to be regarded as possible must not believe it possible to “consciously int­ be concretely analysed in each case - but ervene” in the daily struggle from the per­ the analysis must include the role of the spective of the final goal; the leftist does revolutionary forces). not believe it necessary to do so. f For a further discussion see the Editorial Comment, b) An important tactical principle is to “push A LRN o. 35] back the limits of the possible” [Gorz] to show that change is possible and what the 2. “In one word it (Revolutionary conditions are for achieving change. And it Social-Democracy) subordinates the is important to realise that what is possible struggle for reforms to the revolut­ and what is not cannot be predicted in ad­ ionary struggle for freedom and vance with any certainty. Anyone who for Socialism, as a part to the whole.” knows what the workers and people think will realise that the formulas and prescript­ - Lenin, “What Is To Be Done” ions of the left grouplets about what “must” (p.109, Panther Edition). be done are so much hot air. But those who exaggerate the low mass level, and are The key feature of the above theory is afraid to advance propositions and forms of that it sees revolution as a process. It starts action which might not find mass accept­ from the given situation, but acts on that ance very quickly lapse into reformist and situation from the perspective of its final conservative methods of work. Between goal. Unlike the ultra-left, it does not have left adventurism and conservatism there is an “all or nothing” approach but sees the a lot of ground, in which it is possible to importance of winning positions in all areas seek advanced action and raise advanced and branches of society by “daily slogging”. demands and ideas, yet still preserve a mass But unlike the “right”, it does not confine position whether these ideas and actions itself to reformist movements and demands always succeed or not. until the “great day” of an easy socialist victory arrives by itself, but seeks always to c) The political role of a revolutionary move­ contest capitalist society in all its aspects. ment must be to pose and fight for the tot­ This means that a key criterion of revolution­ al alternative to the wrongs and injustices ary work is how effectively it shakes the ex­ of the existing system and as the pole of isting ideological and social order. This app­ attraction for all those discontented with roach does not bow down before numbers - the existing order. its aim is always to involve vast numbers, but not just on any demands. From a socialist d) We recognise the seeming "paradox” of rev­ perspective it seeks always to find, by con­ olutionary politics: revolutionaries need to crete analysis and involvement in the mass be involved in partial and reforming move­ movement, the demands which both articul­ ments in non-revolutionary periods precise­ ate a deeply felt need (even if only amongst ly in order to be in the best position to in­ a small section) and project further than the fluence masses in a revolutionary direction existing level of consciousness and action. during more opportune periods. (And also The Moratorium, the Women’s Liberation because we support reforms which benefit Movement, the Springbok campaign, and people, because we stand for, and should be the Builders’ Laborers all illustrate this prin­ seen to stand for, a better life for the opp­ ciple very well. ressed).

Political methods and approaches follow­ e) To overcome this paradox we attempt to ing from this strategy and guiding daily pol­ find and raise transitional demands in the itical activity include: mass movements: i.e. demands which tap the deepest problems of capitalism, which a) The main focus is on raising the conscious­ seem "just” and reasonable in a reformist ness and awareness of masses. All political context yet which the system finds it very activities (e.g. the contesting and winning difficult to contain.

6 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW - AUGUST 1974 f) We reject the assumption common to much than to simply tell people what they are communist work in the past, that the bigg­ used to hearing and already know. est movements are necessarily mobilised by the “broadest”, lowest common denominat­ j) All the above is predicated on a sensible or demands. In specific circumstances this approach to mass revolutionary politics, may be the case, and a concrete analysis may based on a grasp of the correct methods lead us to mobilise such movements around for attracting support and interest rather such demands. But on the whole recent exp­ than repelling it. The art of how to put erience indicates that the biggest movements ideas across is important, and distinguishes are often mobilised around advanced dem­ a revolutionary approach from a sectarian ands and advanced forms of action. [The one, which shouts slogans at people Moratorium and Springbok campaigns are (whether the context is appropriate or examples]. Why? Because if the demands not) rather than explaining ideas to them express a real mass feeling (a necessary con­ on the basis of their own experience. dition) then radical forms of action which are seen to be effective will often have k) All revolutionary political methods are more appeal than forms which are seen to relative to time, place and circumstance. be of limited effectiveness. [Thus the Mor­ And there are two general conditions which atorium occupation of the streets was seen “set the background” for a given practice: to be more effective, and therefore worth­ the “politics of the given period” and the while, than a week-end or evening march.] “politics of the sharp turn”. g) It is not always true that the biggest act­ The first expresses the necessity to estab­ ions are the best. There is room and nece­ lish the general trend of the given period, ssity for advanced actions by conscious in both its long-term and short-term aspects. forces alongside the broader mass move­ Is the given period one in which offensive ment, and an advanced action by a small or defensive methods are applicable, and on group of workers (such as a work-in, an a short or long term basis? Is the revolution­ occupation or whatever) must be valued ary movement on the ebb (or flow), or is for the experience it gives them, within capitalism? limits irrespective of the attitude of other workers. The second expresses the necessity to be ready to switch abruptly from the politics h) We value above all those movements, small appropriate to one period and set of circ­ or large, which are a challenge to the exist­ umstances to that of "another, when the ing order. The aims and demands of a circumstances themselves change. movement, so long as it involves people Each of these, of course, relies on a con­ in addition to the existing revolutionary crete analysis of the short and long term movement, may be as important as the trends of the given period. This leads to the numbers involved. The essential thing is next point. the type of experience it gives those in­ volved, and the likely future consequen­ 3. The analysis of the given social cond­ ces. A work-in of 20 workers may actual­ itions and the underlying dynamics determ­ ly contribute more to the building of the ining their direction of evolution and change revolutionary movement and the spread­ is essential to a revolutionary politics which ing of socialist and radical ideas (remem­ is concerned with an effective intervention bering that those 20 workers will transmit in real history. The (relative) validity and all- their experiences and ideas to others) than sidedness of the analysis are as important as a routine strike for more pay by thous­ the fact of doing it. Those “marxists” with a ands. wrong, or one-sided, incomplete analysis may be as dangerous and ineffectual as Utopians i) It is important to grasp that immediate and idealists who proceed from what they success and popularity are not the only wish, not from a political interaction with the indicators of correct revolutionary work. real forces of history and society. “Failure” as viewed from an immediate perspective may be success in the longer In general, the contradictions and injust­ term. It is often better to take things fur­ ices of capitalist society throw up mass move­ ther, raise radically new ideas, whether ments in various spheres in response to a par­ this gains a favourable response or not, ticular type or example of oppression. Each

7 of these develops its own analysis of what’s new forms of state intervention in the wrong with society, and almost invariably economy and social life generally, as this analysis reflects and grasps only the par­ an overall planning and co-ordinating ticular oppression and injustice with which centre. The state rises above the separ­ the movement is concerned. It is the task ate capitalist interests precisely to of revolutionary socialism to understand each serve each and everyone the better. example in its own right, to understand the deeper causes of the oppression and the * State intervention and the reorganisat­ changes in the ideology, structures and val­ ion of the structural features of capit­ ues of society necessary to remove that opp­ alist economy and society, are a nec­ ression. It is also its task to relate the partic­ essary strategy for the system to main­ ular oppression to the sum total of oppress­ tain itself against the contradictions, ion, to bring an understanding of the partic­ imbalances and centrifugal forces (ec­ ular movement to the general movement, and onomic, social, cultural and psychol­ of the general movement to the activists of ogical) which threaten to blow it ap­ each particular one. This can only be done by art. Developing as a necessary adjunct an all-sided and deep analysis and understand­ to this intervention has been the inc­ ing of the social formation and social condit­ reasingly sophisticated use of "social ions, and in particular of the important and engineering” tools by economists, psy­ determining dynamics. chologists and social scientists who “plan for profit” and serve the inter­ So to provide the most effective basis ests of capital rather than of people. for revolutionary activity, the analysis must grasp all aspects of the crisis of capitalism * The scientific and technological revol­ and also bring out the main sources and ution which has had an enormous im­ springs of the crisis and of the various move­ pact on both economic and social fea­ ments which spring up in response to it. tures of industrial society. Science (ba­ sic research, applied science, technology) There are three main areas of the analysis: has become an essential factor in prod­ uction and all related spheres of social a) The general features of capitalist develop­ life (and many others as well). Not only ment common to all advanced capitalist has this impacted the growth and dev­ countries elopment of the economy (above all by making necessary a change in the b) The particular features of the given cap­ human factor in production) but it has italist society also changed many other aspects of soc­ ial life which will have an important c) The specific political situation and cont­ bearing on future developments and ext in which a particular revolutionary changes. For instance, one can point to movement works. the communications revolution, made possible by scientific and technical dev­ In the space available, it is possible only to elopments in electronics, which has make a number of key points. [The documents wrought massive changes in the forms of the last three CPA Congresses make these and types of information exchange and other points in a more extended way and with many consequences, one of which are worthy of study. Some of the points be­ is the ability of the capitalist controll­ low (particularly the scientific-technological ers to manipulate mass opinion and revolution) are also dealt with in a more ext­ emotions via the mass media. ensive way by Eric Aarons in an article on soc­ ialist strategy in ALR No. 4, 1969.] * The realisation, due to economic growth and the scientific-technological revolut­ a) Worldwide capitalist development since ion, of the potential to produce mater­ the war has been masked by these features: ial abundance for all. Alongside this goes continued unequal distribution of * The transition from “monopoly capit­ wealth and the domination of “consum- alism to what is variously called state erist” priorities which operate in the in­ monopoly capitalism, neo-capitalism, terests of profit, not real social needs. late capitalism, post-scarcity or post­ The contradiction between the possibil­ industrial society. This has been mark­ ity of abundance for all and the glaring ed by a qualitatively new level, and inequalities of wealth, not to speak of

8 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW - AUGUST 1974 the ecological and social consequences The first point provides us with a general of wasteful production and consumpt­ strategic orientation: whether the crisis mat­ ion in many areas, is one of the major id­ ures slowly for quite some time or has major eological problems for neo-capitalism. effects more quickly, our political practice, methods of work and habits of thought have * The process of profit-oriented and prof­ to be attuned to the fact that the present per­ it-motivated growth has produced also iod is characterised by problems for capital­ a major unexpected “side-effect” which ism and growth of the revolutionary and rad­ is assuming increasing importance: the ical forces, not vice versa. ecological-environmental crisis. Capital­ The second point shows the need for a ism is unwilling, and probably unable, concrete analysis of the main features of this to do anything basic to solve this crisis, crisis and of the movements which have since it is incapable of planning except sprung up in response to it, if the revolution­ in the interests of profit. The crisis has ary forces are to have their maximum impact. both an objective aspect (since society ultimately depends on nature for its b) The main general features of Australian existence and well-being) and a subject­ capitalism is that while it exhibits all the ob­ ive aspect (since people are beginning jective and subjective trends and contradict­ to mobilise against environmental dest­ ions common to advanced capitalist countries ruction, growth and planning for profit, it does so in a hitherto muted way. and for a better quality of life and sel­ ected growth based on human needs). Economically, Australian capitalism has been able to provide a relatively high stand­ * In the last decade there have appeared ard of living. Australia was one of the last increasing tendencies for an authorit­ countries to be affected by inflation and the arian “counter-revolution” to preserve monetary crisis, and levels of unemployment the system against the objective and are still very low. subjective developments which threat­ en it. From the coup in Greece to the Australia has never experienced (except Watergate tragi-comedy, the growth of for the depression) a severe social crisis, such repressive, authoritarian and “undem­ as war on its territory, which would have sha­ ocratic” methods are symptoms of a ken the hold of capitalist hegemony on a sec­ developing crisis which can only be tion of the Australian workers. staved off by increasing control over all aspects of social life. The bourge­ Basically, the Australian ruling class has oisie always prefers to rule in a “dem­ had the ability and manoeuvre space to make ocratic” way; the fact that it finds concessions and introduce reforms in order this more difficult as time goes on is to head off a more basic challenge by move­ an indication that its manoeuvre space ments demanding change. is decreasing. This tendency also makes all struggle for “democratic” and lib­ Australia shares many of the economic- eration demands an important aspect social-cultural-political features common to of the revolutionary dynamic. other Anglo-Saxon nations. The rise of Brit­ ain as the world’s first capitalist power and All the above developments and many its ability to conquer territories rich in natur­ more, are indications that the post-war per­ al resources led to economic might and well­ iod of capitalist expansion and consolidat­ being for it, and also the implantation of ec­ ion is drawing to a close and has been re­ onomically and technically developed societ­ placed by a period of maturing crisis on all ies in very favourable natural environments fronts. The evidence for this lies not only (USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand). This in “objective” analysis, but also in the growth combination produced circumstances of rel­ of mass movements and struggles over a host atively high living standards and a consequent of issues and demands. tendency for the class struggle to take reform­ ist forms, even where there was a high degree If we are to influence these movements in of militancy. Important also are the culture a revolutionary direction we must understand and traditions of the working class move­ two things: the fact of developing crisis for ment, passed on from the British and devel­ capitalism, and the main features and extent oping in the favourable circumstances. of that crisis; and the essential content of These traditions are dominated by reform­ each of the movements. ism.

9 c) The specific political situation in which movements and of all the other liberation, the Australian revolutionary socialist move­ radical and progressive movements. This ment has to work is the product of the above first step of winning some active forces is historical and contemporary factors. The con­ very important in our present situation, and crete application of strategic and tactical would pay big dividends in the long run in principles must proceed from the given situa­ terms of mass connections and the ability tion, and its historical roots if a clear plan to transmit ideas and policies to wider and a viable practice are to emerge. audiences. Parallel with this attempt to win an active force must be a concerted effort It is no use relying on the experiences and to popularise the ideas of socialism and the methods of parties and groups which work policies of the CPA. in different types of societies or in different circumstances. The methods appropriate to Alongside this immediate task must be a party which already has a large mass base the preparation of the party and the revolut­ will not apply directly to one which does ionary forces for abrupt changes in the pol­ not, and the immediate tasks will therefore itical situation, either generally or in one sec­ be different. tor (strong and deep-going action may be taken in a given sphere by workers who are The specific situation faced by the comm­ generally under reformist influence). With­ unists in Australia is one in which the stabil­ out this preparedness to intervene in any ity of Australian capitalism has now become sphere at every opportunity, large or small, subject to the same de-stabilising forces as the history of the movement will be one of other advanced capitalist societies: inflation, lost opportunities. monetary crisis (through the effects of the integrated world economy which has, and While never ceasing this counter-hegemon- will increasingly impact local developments), ic and preparatory work, whose strategic aim the necessity to introduce OECD-type is always to “push back the limits of the planning, and the growth of mass movements possible” within the given situation (no matt­ posing challenges to capitalist society on a er now unfavourable this may be or seem to number of levels. It is also one where there be), a revolutionary party must also be pre­ is virtually complete domination of capital­ pared to await the maturing of more favour­ ist ideology in either its conservative or able conditions before it can come fully into reformist variants. Naturally, it is very imp­ its own and the full fruit of its work be ortant to distinguish between reactionary- judged. conservative ideas and reformist ideas, for the latter express a desire on the part of The specific political situation of the CPA workers and others for an improvement in also includes the facts of its own history, their conditions, which at this stage they with all the strengths and weaknesses that believe can be obtained within the system. has left us. Unlike other revolutionary groups Some left-reformist ideas do pose a chall­ our history has given us a mass base of sorts enge to capitalist rule, and there are sect­ and a real influence in the workers’ move­ ions of the working class where these ideas ment. On the other hand, it has left us with are strong. There is also some support for the legacy of past mistakes, by far the worst socialism. However, the fact must be of which is the identification with Stalinism faced that conservatism (i.e. outright supp­ and with the faults of the socialist-based ort for capitalism) commands the support nations. This is a very real problem (and what­ of roughly half the population and reform­ ever some may say, the fact is that events such ism commands most of the other half. as persecution of Soviet dissidents do con­ cern the “average worker”). Thus the ideas of socialism and of the need for a profound social transformation This question is of great importance to us have to be argued for (and demonstrated in especially because of the democratic tradit­ action) from the ground up. This has to be ions of the Australian working class. Our cul­ done at two levels: the advanced and the ture and politics make the issue of socialist “popular”. A “base” of convinced and active democracy a crucial one. There is a further support for socialism (and specifically for reason for its importance. For whatever rea­ the program, strategy and policies of the sons (and I believe these were more in the CPA) has to be won amongst the activists nature of objective difficulties than in the and militants of the workers’ and women’s subjective errors of the party) the CPA never

10 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW - AUGUST 1974 broke through to political hegemony over thoughts and wishes crystallise and are a section of the working class. This fact of understood when socialist ideas are put. history means that we are a small revolution­ ary party, with limited resources and limited What is important is not the strength political audience. It is therefore easy for of socialist ideas in isolation, nor the political opponents to misrepresent our pos­ degree to which people’s experience by ition, and doubly necessary for us to seize itself makes them unhappy with the every opportunity to make our position crys­ status quo, but rather the dynamic re­ tal clear (As indeed on all issues of concern lation between the two. to people). This leads on to the next point. Our strategy recognises that without a 4. It is not possible here to expand at maturing crisis in the social structure, length about the relation between our “mod­ economic relations, culture, politics el” of socialism and our strategy and politic­ and reflections of this in mass psychol­ al work. However, four points should be ogy and consciousness, there can be made: very little appeal of a revolutionary alternative. Conversely, without an * The majority of those who want social alternative which is appropriate to a change today will not be convinced by the given conditions of the crisis, the abstract statements that “socialism vast mass of people will not be won will make it better”. They will want over to a position of active opposition something more concrete and detailed to the system, and will certainly not if they are to be convinced that social­ be convinced that they should over­ ism represents a credible alternative throw the system in favour of some­ to the ills of capitalism. It is not enough thing else. for us to demonstrate the inadequacies of capitalism (most workers and other * Finally, the model of socialism should oppressed strata are well aware of these); express the real as well as the ideal. we have to show, in discussion and act­ That is, not only should it express the ion, that another course is possible. ideals we strive for, but it should also express real possibilities and tendenc­ * This has been made even more necess­ ies of development. We stand for a self­ ary by the existence of “negative managed socialism not simply because models”. Whatever their positive ach­ we think that would best suit the int­ ievements, the negative features of the erests and needs of the vast majority. socialist-based countries provide con­ We believe it also expresses the “object­ venient anti-symbols for capitalist ideo­ ive needs” of advanced industrial soc­ logists and propagandists. There can be iety and the subjective wishes and des­ little doubt that this has had a devast­ ires of people who strive for liberation. ating effect on the socialist cause in the Self-management and its associated advanced capitalist nations. transitional concept of workers’ control express real desires as shown in the real events of our time.

* Elaboration of the model of socialism is essential for a counter-hegemonic 5. On the basis of all the above considerat­ strategy. Great emphasis must be placed ions, it is necessary for a serious revolutionary on the dissemination and popularisation party to establish a political and organisation­ of the socialist alternative to all aspects al plan. As already stressed, this must aim to of capitalist society. However, this alt­ connect the goals and aims of the party to ernative will not be accepted simply by the given situation and existing struggles. It argumentation, debate and discussion is sheer wishful thinking to evolve plans which (although these are more important would be more appropriate for mass parties than many allow). Its very strength de­ with a large following - the plans must be pends to a large degree on the extent based on what is “possible” (in the revolution­ to which it links up with the everyday ary sense of the word) in the given conditions. experience of people - that is, the ext­ The plan must also see clearly the stages ent to which it explains their problems which have to be passed through on the road and offers a convincing alternative in to a mass revolutionary party, and state the such a way that inchoate feelings, tasks appropriate to each stage.

11 At this stage, the central concern of the Furthermore, attention must be given to plan must be to establish the CPA as a polit­ encouraging the development of movements ical force. The present strengths of the party which express broad and challenging dem­ lie in it being an industrial and “movement” ands, and which link together various sectors party, involved in and connected with all of the working class and radical movements. significant class and radical struggles. But it This will not be easy, for the tendency to is not a political force in the sense of having single-issue and particularist movements is mass support for its political program. Hence strong, and revolutionaries must be involved the main immediate task is to enter into mass in all these. But there has to be a strategic activity with the aim not only of raising ad­ perspective of developing such movements. vanced ideas and “transitional” demands where possible, but also with the aim of pop­ The question of attitude to the Labor ularising the CPA’s socialist policies and pro­ Government is evidently involved in all these gram. issues singly, and as a whole. The only point I wish to make here is that our approach to It goes without saying that a prior condit­ it in general and over particular issues and ion for doing this is the developing of polic­ events must stem from our policies and per­ ies and a program which express the basis of spectives, not from a strategic concern to counter-hegemony in all spheres and aspects preserve the Labor Government at all costs. of social life. Without these the party is pol­ For instance, in the struggle over health pol­ itically unarmed and has little to offer apart icies, it would be far better if the CPA had from its (admittedly important and essent­ its own socialist health policy with which to ial) practical guidance to the movements. enter the debate, then from that perspective Such policies can only be developed by close it could defend Labor’s policy against attacks involvement in struggle, but they must be from the right while advancing its own alter­ developed if the most is to be made of such natives as best of all. This is the essence of a involvement. counter-hegemonic strategy as opposed to a pragmatic one. Nor is general reference to a Once the party possesses a clear program “socialist health policy”, nationalised medic­ and concrete policies, it becomes possible to make our mass connections mean some­ ine, drug companies, etc. adequate -- any more than “equal pay” etc. is an adequate thing, and it gives party activists a basis and a perspective from which to work to expression of a socialist attitude to the liber­ establish the party as a political force. ation of women. It must be a penetrating in- depth analysis. The main areas of strategic importance in which such policies should be developed On the organisational level, it is clear that include: our main task is to build the party quantit­ atively and qualitatively. Thus, much atten­ * Economic questions - a socialist tion must be paid to winning the conscious economic policy and advanced activists. In the present situat­ ion it is worth paying a deal of attention to * Ecology-environment this task, as every recruit is a valuable addit­ ion towards the construction of a basic * Women’s liberation and the whole “force” without which our political work spectrum of sexual and inter­ cannot be carried out. personal relationships In all ways, the present period should be * Anti-racism seen as one in which the revolutionary forces are laying a foundation and building * The distribution of power and a base from which to work in the event of control, and relations of authority more favourable circumstances. Our polit­ and domination in society ical methods are based also on the belief that the power of capitalism is on the dec­ * Health, seen as the total well-being line and that the revolutionary movement of the individual is once more on the upsurge, after a long period of decline. It would be a tragic mis­ * Education and the production and take to either misread this tendency of the dissemination of information coming period or to jump the stage of our (including the mass media). immediate tasks.

12 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW - AUGUST 1974