Presidents Lincolns Treatment of Kentuckians

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Presidents Lincolns Treatment of Kentuckians THE FILSON CLUB HISTORY QUARTERLY Vol. 28 LOmSVmLE, Kv-wrvc•, JANWmY, 1954 NO. 1 PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S TREATMENT OF KENTUCKIANS BY J. T. Donms Paper read before The Filson Club, October 5, 1958 I am appearing before The Filson Club tonight with a subject gleaned, for the most part, from my long study of Pardon and Amnesty under Lincoln and 1ohnson, which the University of North Carolina Press is now publishing. This book is the first thorough account of "The Restoration of the Confederates to their Rights and Privileges, 1861-1898." The late Dr. James G. Randall, noted Lincoln and Civil War authority, and President of the American Historical Association last year, suggested the study and prepared the nine pages of introduction to the volume. My paper tonight is only a small fragment of this study. I dare say that other phases treated in the book are much more interest- ing and valuable. Since our Club is particularly interested in Kentucky history, however, I am confining myself to "Lincoln's Treatment of Kentuckians." But I must admit that my informa- tion on the subject is not definitive, nor is the title of my paper entirely satisfactory. I think it is advisable to note Lincoln's connections with Ken- tucky before becoming President. He and his wife were not only natives of the Blue Grass State, but there were certain influences in Kentucky that molded his political outlook and largely deter- mined his course of action before and even after he became President. Lincoln read two Kentucky newspapers for many years before going to Washington, in 1861. The Louisville ]our- hal, edified by George D. Prentice, evidently was one cause of his espousing the pohtical principles of Henry Clay and the Whig party. The reading of the Lexington Observer and Re- porter, especially after his marriage to Mary Todd, in 1842, 8 4 The Filson Club History Quarterly [Vol. 28 certainly kept him informed on Slavery Times in Kentucky and the fortunes of his political idol, Henry Clay? Perhaps Lincoln s most intimate friend, in his early life, was a Kentuckian, Joshua Fry Speed of Louisville. Speed and Lincoln roomed together for a time, in Springfield, Illinois, where Speed ran a store for seven years. The friends corresponded after Speed returned to Louisville, where Lincoln was a guest in the Speed home.2 James Speed, Joshua's brother, was Lincoln's Attorney- General. Most wives have-or should have-a wholesome influence on their husbands' thinking. Surely Mary Todd's political turn of mind influenced Lincoln during their courtship in Springfield. Moreover, her admiration for Henry Clay and her reading of political, economic and social information in the Whig Lexington Observer and Reporter with Lincoln after their marriage con- tributed much to Lincoln's knowledge of politics and conditions generally in Kentucky. In this connection, we should also remem- ber that Lmcoln• ,s Wt[es, • Home Town3 and Henry ClayI s ,,Ash- land" were much the center of political influence in the nation from 1820 to 1860. Nor should we forget that Lincoln was not an abolitionist like William Lloyd Garrison and John G. Fee. On the other hand, like Henry Clay and Cassius M. Clay, he was an emancipationist; that is, he believed in some gradual, compen- sated and constitutional plan of freeing the slaves.4 Lincoln's visit in Lexington with his family late in 1847, while on the way to Washington to sit as the only Whig representative from Illinois in the thirtieth Congress, gave him an opportunity to observe slavery at its worst-and also at its best•On this visit he heard Clay speak at great length, denouncing the administration at Washington for precipitating the war with Mexico. Lincoln's "Spot" speech, later in the House, also criticising President Polk, indicates Clay's recent influence on the speaker? Again, in 1848, Lincoln heard Clay address a convention of the American Colonization Society in the House of Representatives. And what is indeed more significant, Lincoln visited Clay at "Ashland," in 1849, while on a second visit to Lexington.6 More- over, Lincoln delivered a forty minute eulogy on Clay at the memorial exercises held in Springfield after the death of the Great Pacificator, in 1852. In this speech Lincoln expressed the depth of his appreciation of Henry Clay•He said of him, "As on a question of liberty, he knew no North, no South, no East, no West, but only the Union which held all in its sacred circle...,,T Lincoln was eulogizing a statesman who had held the states to- 1954] Lincolr•s Treatment of Kentuckians 5 get.her until he, a native Kentuckian, who had risen to fame in Illinois, would be able to save the Union, when separation was actually attempted. In other words, if it had not been for Clay, there might not have been a Union for Lincoln to preserve,s Perhaps Edgar DeWitt Jones gives the best appraisal of Clay's influence on Lincoln in his recent essay on The Influence of Henry Clay upon Abraham Lincoln (1952). Jones believes that Clay's early speeches were largely the cause of Lincoln's becom- ing a Whig. He also says that Lincoln quoted Clay forty-one times in his seven debates with Senator Stephen A. Douglas, in 1858,9 some years after the Whig party had disintegrated. Yes, Lincoln was a Southerner-at least, a Kentucky South- erner. And nearly every one, past and present, has regarded Ken- tucky as a Southern State. The late Dr. Randall says, in his small volume on Lincoln and the South (1946) ( a series of lectures delivered on the campus of Louisiana State University) that, "The relation...of Lincoln to Kentucky...is a solid and sub- stantial fact. Kentucky had sentimental memories to him .... It was natural that when he thought of Kentucky he did not think merely of something on the map; he thought instead of his parents, . , of Knob Creek, of the Rolling Fork, of boyhood escapades, of hunting and fishing, of dropping seeds into the ground-things that were elemental.''1° And again Dr. Randall says: "One never fully throws off the feeling he has for the state of his birth. So it was with Lincoln. [Even] His speech in mature life has been identified as the Kentucky idiom. TM Lincoln often appeared conscious of his Kentucky connections. As late as February, 1861, in a speech in Cincinnati, he addressed much of what he said to Kentuckians, for he was aware that some were in the audience. He saluted them as "Fellow-citizens of Kentucky! friends! brethren!" and asked them if he might not so regard them in his "new position" as President-elect. "I see no occasion, and feel no inclination, [he said] to retract a word of this [salutation]."12 .Thus, in spite of the fact that Lincoln had received ouly 1364 votes in Kentucky for President the previous November, he wanted the people of the state of his and his wife's nativity, the state whose native sous and daughters had been his neighbors in Illinois, the state of his political idol, the state that was to give him his greatest concern during his presidency-he wanted Ken- tuckians to regard him as a fellow-citizen, as a friend, and as a brother. And if this could not be, he assured his hearers that the fault would not be his. 1'• This was President-elect Lincoln, who 6 The Filson Club History Quarterly [Vol. 28 was on his way to Washington to become the chief magistrate of the nation. He wanted Kentuckians to know that he was their friend-that he knew no North, no South, no East, and no West. Nevertheless, he would have them understand that he would maintain the Union at all costs. Everyone should know something about the struggle to keep Kentucky from joining the Confederacy. An extended account of the controversy, however, is not desirable here. Perhaps a para- graph from the late Dr. Randalrs Lincoln and the South will sut•ce. "'Lincoln showed himself a diplomat in his handling of the Kentucky situation," the learned scholar says, "He did not rush proceedings or force the issue. Much of his Kentucky policy was handled behind the scenes, by messenger, by conference, by influences centering in Cincinnati, by word of mouth, or by confidential statement. He used conciliation without selling the Union cause down the river. He maneuvered to exhaust his op- ponents" trumps, but only by playing the game. He listened to protests from the other side, even restraining his own supporters lest they become too ardent or premature in action. When he wrote a paper on Kentucky affairs, in this di•cult April-to- September period of 1861," Randall continues, "it was couched in language that would reassure and satisfy, yet make no stultify- ing commitment. So long as Kentucky committed no active re- sistance to the Federal government, he preferred to avoid provocative action; yet he declared his intention of enforcing the laws so far as he was supported in doing so by the people of the United States. His Kentucky policy was such a balancing of delicacy with fin'nness, of delay with watchfulness, of Unionism with self-determination, that he, as much as any [other] man, must be given the credit for keeping Kentucky [in the Union].''•" Nevertheless, the Southern sympathizers held a convention at Russelville which passed a declaration of independence and an ordinance of secession, on November 18, 1861. The existing state constitution was retained and a government organized with Bowling Green as the capital.
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