“Up to the Gates of ”

Essays on the Archaeology and History of the Eastern Mediterranean in Honor of

Editor-in-Chief Sidnie White Crawford

Editors Amnon Ben-Tor, J.P. Dessel, William G. Dever, Amihai Mazar, and Joseph Aviram

Published by

THE W.F. ALBRIGHT INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH

THE EXPLORATION SOCIETY

JERUSALEM 2007 East Greek and Etruscan Pottery in a Phoenician Context

María Eugenia Aubet Universidad Pompeu Fabra Barcelona, Spain

Introduction In this study, I propose alternative suggestions for The mutual ignorance of students of the Phoenician the identification of the “people behind the pots.” world handling archaeological data at either end of the Mediterranean may at times give rise to con- Greek Mercenaries? clusions that are questionable and in many cases are strained, as well as to contradictions in the his- The recent publication of the results of the excava- torical interpretation of similar archaeological evi- tions at the important Middle site of dence. This is what has occurred in the matter of the Tel Kabri in Galilee has highlighted the presence of presence at Phoenician centers in the Mediterranean an IIB–C fortress that was occupied dur- of imported Greek pottery dated to the late seventh ing the seven–sixth centuries BC (Lehmann 2002). and early sixth centuries BC, which has been in- Situated in the southwestern corner of the (in terpreted from very different historical perspectives Area E), the fortress occupied a strategic position on that in some cases bear witness to a clear ideologi- the southern frontier of the kingdom of Tyre, 7 km cal bias. There is obviously something lacking in from the coast and to the north of the Plain of Acco. the methodological approach when opinions are so The construction is notable chiefly for its solid wall disparate. of casemates, built using a typically Phoenician In general, these interpretations tend to over- technique, which housed a small garrison of sol- value the importance of the imported ceramics, the diers in the service of the king of Tyre. In Phase E2a presence of which in any given context may derive (ca. 600 BC), the fort was abandoned immediately from many causes and is not always linked to for- after a violent destruction that has been linked to the eign ethnic groups (see Liverani 1986). The “pots- conquest of Tyre by Nebuchadnezzar II in 605–603 and-people” dilemma has always been particularly BC (Pastor Borgoñón 1995; Lehmann 2002). apparent in studies of decorated Greek pottery. The An abundance of Phoenician pottery was re- fascination wielded by luxury Greek pottery in non- covered from the destruction levels of the fortress: Greek contexts has fostered a tendency to associ- storage jars, red-slipped fine ware, and local black- ate material of this type with the presence of Greek on-red and bichrome ware. Outstanding among the people; but this does not occur with less glamorous non-Phoenician pottery is a small assemblage of pottery like Phoenician or Archaic Etruscan wares. Greek ceramics, representing only 2% of all the pot- A well-known instance is that of the Levantine cit- tery found in this level. Apart from an Attic “SOS” ies of Al Mina, Ras el Bassit, and Tell Sukas, for amphora, all the Greek pottery consists of vessels which a Greek origin has long been defended, based from eastern Greece, among which “bird bowls,” on the analysis of imported Greek pottery; the re- Ionian cups, amphorae, and cooking pots predomi- sults, however, have been shown to be partial, de- nate (Niemeier 2002b). The imported material also liberately selective, and sometimes manipulated includes an Etruscan oinochoe of bucchero ware. (see Perreault 1993: 68; Waldbaum 1997: 4). The Tel Kabri assemblage of Greek pottery con-

447 448 María Eugenia Aubet

sists of Archaic Greek types that are widespread found in the principal cities of Asiatic Ionia, like throughout the eastern Mediterranean between Miletum, Ephesus, and Samos, is also noteworthy the second half of the seventh and the early sixth (Naso 2000: 175–78). This seems to reflect a clear centuries BC. In terms of archaeological context, integration of Etruscan commercial interests in the parallel nearest to Kabri is that of the fortress the international exchange networks of the period, of Mezad Ḥashavyahu to the north of Ashkelon dominated by the Ionian cities. that was under the sovereignty of the Kingdom of A very similar or almost identical phenomenon Judah, where an assemblage of East Greek pottery can be seen in the western Mediterranean, where has also come to light. Based on the Greek cooking the presence of these imported Ionian wares cannot vessel sherds in the two assemblages, Niemeier has be related to the arrival of Greek mercenaries. interpreted them as evidence of the presence of a small contingent of Greek mercenaries stationed at Greek Colonists? the two forts (2001: 15–16; 2002a: 328–30). The written Assyrian and Greek sources could be seen In the 1980s, an important assemblage of Ionian as support for this hypothesis; they mention Carian pottery was found in the warehouses of the ancient and Ionian mercenaries in the service of the kings Tartessian port city of . Situated in the en- of Lydia and Egypt in the time of Psammeticus I virons of the Phoenician port of Gadir, this center (Herodotus Histories II: 152–154 [Aguilera 1960]). had from the eighth century BC been the main In the Niemeier’s opinion, Ezekiel, too, could al- point of trans-shipment for silver from the mines lude to Ionian mercenaries in the Kingdom of Tyre, of the hinterland—Riotinto and Aznalcollar—a although the prophet is less explicit on this point source of wealth that had brought huge profits to the (2001: 19–20). Phoenician colonial world and to the native elites of In fact, the chief difference between Kabri and the interior. other Levantine centers that have also yielded East The presence of Ionian potttery from the end of Greek ceramics from the Archaic period, like Al the seventh century BC in the Phoenician colonial Mina, which are used to support the hypothesis of world and its sphere of influence marked a signifi- the Greek mercenaries, lies in the fact that the latter cant change in preferences in terms of the demand have yielded no Greek cooking pots, thus ruling out for Greek merchandise in the markets of the West. the presence of Greeks (Niemeier 2001: 14–15). In Until then, and from the second half of the eighth the case of Al Mina, it would have been trade rather century BC, it had been the extremely rare and spo- than the military element that was responsible for radic imports of Attic pyxides, Proto-Corinthian ko- the presence of these manufactured articles, al- tylai, Attic and Corinthian amphorae, Euboean bird though the conditions under which the excavations skyphoi, Euboean imitations of Proto-Corinthian were carried out in this port city do not in my opin- kotylai, and cups from Thapsos that had predominat- ion allow for confirming or denying the presence of ed in the Phoenician colonies of southern Spain and foreign domestic pottery at the site at the end of the . The context of these finds would suggest seventh century BC (see Waldbaum 1997: 12). a limited circulation of Greek merchandise forming It is surprising how little interest was shown part of Phoenician colonial trade, rather than Greek in the presence of Etruscan bucchero ware in the trade as such. Indeed, a few luxury Greek ves- analysis of imports at Kabri. Although it is of mini- sels had given rise to Phoenician imitations made mal proportions—only one vessel—the fact that in in western workshops (Briese and Docter 1991). the eastern Mediterranean, Etruscan pottery (cups, Generally, it was a matter of very choice imports, kantharoi, oinochoai, and amphorae, mostly from found in the Phoenician colonies of Gadir-Doña workshops in the south of Etruria) almost always Blanca, Carthage, , Cerro del Villar, Toscanos, appears in association with East Greek ceram- Almuñecar, Fonteta, and in their indigenous sphere ics, for example, at Ras el Bassit and (see of influence (Huelva, Carambolo). Naso 2000), warrants attention. In this context, the The new finds from Huelva demonstrate high proportion of Etruscan bucchero ware vessels changed trends in the range of Greek imports in East Greek and Etruscan Pottery in a Phoenician Context 449 the Phoenician colonies of southern Iberia and a Arganthonios; he ruled Tartessos for eighty restructuring of the international exchange net- years and lived a hundred and twenty. The works around the years 620–600 BC. This change Phoceans so won this man’s friendship that is reflected in the considerable increase in Greek he first entreated them to leave Ionia and ceramics at Huelva, the bay of Gadir, Toscanos, settle in his country where they would; and and Cerro del Villar, representing homogeneous then, when he could not persuade them to assemblages of East Greek pottery, among which that, and learnt from them how the Median amphorae from Samos and from Chios, Ionian A2 power was increasing, he gave them money cups, “bird bowls” from Northern Ionia, and cups to build a wall round their city therewith, for and hydrias from Samos predominate. At Huelva, the circuit of the wall is of many furlongs East Greek imports, together with a few black-fig- and all this is made of great stones well fit- ured Attic pieces, represent 10% of all the pottery ted together. found in this indigenous city, and their importation In another passage, Herodotus relates (Histories IV: ceased abruptly around 540 BC (Fernández Jurado 152): 1984; Niemeyer 1988–90: 283). It is significant that the East Greek pottery at the site was found in very But meanwhile, a Samian ship, whose cap- specific zones of the city, probably in merchandise tain was Kolaios bound for Egypt, was driv- depots or warehouses in the harbor area. en by storms to Platea [= an island of the In the 1980s, the exceptional volume of Ionian coast of Libya]. The Samians who arrived imports found at Huelva caused a great flurry in it, being informed of all that had hap- among archaeologists, and the idea of the presence pened by Corobius, provided it with food of Ionian or Phocean Greeks in Tartessos received for a year and then raised anchor, and left a strong impetus. They would have been engaged the island, eager to get to Egypt, although a in activities connected with the founding of colo- strong wind was blowing; and as it did not nies in southern and southeastern Spain (Olmos abate, it obliged them to go beyond the Pil- 1982; Shefton 1982; Cabrera and Olmos 1985). lars of Hercules and drop anchor by good This hypothesis rested on three main arguments: fortune in Tartessos. Tartessos was then a the presence of common Ionian pottery among virgin empire for the Greeks and one they the imports at Huelva; the significant presence of had just discovered. Ionian ceramics at Massalia and in its sphere of in- fluence (Emporion) at the time of the founding of These two famous episodes related by Herodotus the Phocean colony around 600 BC; and the refer- that describe the commercial travels of Phoceans ence in several texts of Herodotus and Strabo to the and Samians to Tartessos have been dated to the presence of Greek traders and colonists in Tartessos late seventh century BC and would have pre-dated (Morel 1975; 2001; Niemeyer 1988–90: 270–74; the Phocean foundation of Massalia ca. 600 BC Rouillard 2001). and the establishment of the Massalian colonies In one of these passages, Herodotus (Histories of Emporion, Mainake, Hemeroskopeion, Alonis, I: 163) mentions that around 630 BC, the Phoceans and Akra Leuke, as they are described by Strabo succeeded in establishing very cordial relations (Geographia III: 4, 6 [Scholten 1958]; see Rouillard with the Tartessian king Arganthonios: 1982). Except for Emporion/Ampurias, the rest of the Greek colonies would have been situated in The Phoceans were the earliest of the Greeks southeastern Iberia. to make long sea voyages; it was they who Although the archaeological evidence appears to discovered the Adriatic Sea, Tyrrhenia and support the written texts, the Phoceaphile euphoria Iberia and Tartessos, not sailing round freight has decreased considerably in recent times, for sev- ships but in fifty-oared vessels. When they eral reasons. came to Tartessos they made friends with In the first place, attempts to locate Greek colo- the king of the Tartessians, whose name was nies in the south and southeast of Spain have proved 450 María Eugenia Aubet

fruitless, and it is currently admitted that Strabo ancient island in the mouth of the river Guadalhorce may have got it wrong, since not a single archaeo- and 4 km to the west of Málaga/Malaka (Aubet, logical datum exists for the presence of Greek colo- Carmona, and Delgado 1999). nies south of Emporion/Ampurias (Morel 1984: The final phase of occupation of the colony, 127; Niemeyer 1988–90: 276). Strabo probably re- which had been established at the end of the eighth lied on sources of information that would today be century, corresponds to Stratum IIa–b, very rich in described as tendentious, forming part of a trend of archaeological finds. In relation to the earlier strata, thought very typical of the Hellenistic period, which this horizon implies an important restructuring of claims the existence of Greek colonies in places the central area of the settlement, where a sector of where there never were any, as in Rome, Sardinia, domestic buildings, market streets, and warehouses or southern Iberia. Today, historians adopt a much of the eighth–seventh centuries BC gives way to a more cautious stand, and it is thought that Mainake, vast complex of potters’ workshops devoted to the Alonis, and Hemeroskopeion were very ancient specialized production of Phoenician amphorae and Greek toponyms; their coastal distribution would large containers (Aubet, Carmona, and Delgado then reflect the existence of navigational charts that 1999: 92–127). The Greek imports date this stratum were in circulation for generations among Greek to 620–570 BC. sailors and navigators. The toponyms could be The imported ceramics constitute a homoge- explained as being homophonic with some earlier neous assemblage in which cups from Samos, Phoenician or indigenous names, by means of which Ionian A2 cups, hydrias from Samos, the so-called the Greek sailors tried to approximate to sound like “bird bowls,” amphorae from Chios and Samos, their own language the non-Greek names that they and Aeolian bucchero ware predominate, represent- had come across when frequenting these coasts. ing roughly 2% of all the pottery found in Stratum The case of the “Greek” Mainake is more sig- II (Figs. 1–5). Also of note among the imports are nificant, since its location, according to the text amphorae from Carthage and, most significantly of Strabo and the Ora Maritima of Avienus (vv. of all, a group of Etruscan ceramics (Figs. 6–9), 426–30 [Mangas and Plácido 1994]) coincides with the majority from workshops in southern Etruria, a stretch of coastline—the bay of Malaga—the ar- made up of amphorae and bucchero ware kantha- chaeological evidence from which shows an abso- roi and oinochoai (Cabrera 1994; Aubet, Carmona, lute predominance of Phoenician colonies at the and Delgado 1999: 137–43). As at Huelva, the East time. Possibly Mainake was the Greek version of a Greek ceramics and Etruscan bucchero ware appear toponym that was originally Phoenician, menaha or to be concentrated in one specific place in the city, mnq (place of rest, virgin soil) (Warning Treumann which suggests that the material had not been dis- 1979–80; Aubet 2000). tributed and derived from a depot or storehouse for In the second place, the discovery of East Greek merchandise. pottery in unequivocally Phoenician contexts in the The presence of East Greek ceramics in associa- central and western Mediterranean has given an un- tion with Etruscan bucchero ware in a Phoenician expected twist to the hypothesis of the presence of colonial context of the late seventh and early sixth Greek colonists in the West at the end of the seventh centuries is not a phenomenon exclusive to Cerro century BC, as will be seen below.

International Trading Networks around 600 BC One of the colonies in southern Iberia that offers the best opportunity to document the horizon of the late seventh and early sixth centuries BC is Cerro del Fig. 1. Cerro del Villar (Málaga), “bird-bowl” (reconstruction; Villar—probably ancient Mainake—situated on an scale 1:2). East Greek and Etruscan Pottery in a Phoenician Context 451

Fig. 2. Cerro del Villar, Ionian cups. 452 María Eugenia Aubet

Fig. 3. Cerro del Villar, East Greek pottery: a–b: Ionian cups; c–e: juglets; f: aryballos. East Greek and Etruscan Pottery in a Phoenician Context 453

Fig. 4. Cerro del Villar, trade amphorae: a–b: amphorae from Samos; c: Etruscan amphora.

del Villar. This colony was abandoned at the begin- and local imitations of Greek ceramics have also ning of the sixth century at the height of production been found (Schubart 1988; 2002). and trade in surplus agricultural produce with the Although we are still dealing with a period in indigenous hinterland, during Stratum II, in which the Phoenician colonial world about which not Phoenician material culture offers evidence of di- enough is known, it is obvious that around 600 BC, rect relations with the earliest level of occupation the archaeological record of the principal colonies in neighboring Malaka, another Phoenician settle- in the West reveals a relatively homogeneous hori- ment. Around 600 BC, Malaka is characterized by zon, characterized, inter alia, by the appearance of the presence of a large number of Ionian cups, am- East Greek imports and, to a lesser extent, Etruscan phorae from Chios and Samos, and Etruscan pot- pottery. The same can be seen at Carthage (Docter tery (Gran Aymerich 1991: 128–43). This is the 2001), (Costa and Gomez Bellard 1987; same import horizon as that documented in Stratum Gomez Bellard 1991), , Bithia, and Nora V in the Phoenician colony of Toscanos, in the port (Tronchetti 1988: 48–52, 92–93), (Merra area of which amphorae from Chios and Etruscan 1998), and Solunto (Tardo 1997). bucchero ware came to light (Arteaga 1988: 134– To sum up, the archaeological evidence suggests a Fig. 3. Cerro del Villar, East Greek pottery: a–b: Ionian cups; c–e: juglets; f: aryballos. 35). As at Cerro del Villar, this phase at Toscanos profound restructuring of the Mediterranean trading corresponds to a period of strong spatial and archi- networks in the late seventh and early sixth centuries tectonic growth and coincides with the construction BC, affecting the sphere of the Phoenician colonies of an extensive fortification wall in the immediate and cities in the West. For the first time, the cities environs at Alarcón, where amphorae from Samos of Ionia—the new commercial powers emerging in 454 María Eugenia Aubet

Fig. 5. Cerro del Villar, Ionian pottery: a–b: hydrias (a is probably from Samos); c: oenochoe. East Greek and Etruscan Pottery in a Phoenician Context 455

Fig. 6. Cerro del Villar, kantharoi in Etruscan bucchero ware. 456 María Eugenia Aubet

Fig. 7. Cerro del Villar, Etruscan bucchero ware. East Greek and Etruscan Pottery in a Phoenician Context 457

Fig. 8. Cerro del Villar, small amphora in Etruscan bucchero ware. 458 María Eugenia Aubet

Fig. 9. Cerro del Villar, Etruscan bucchero ware.

the eastern Mediterranean—find their place in the The fact that prestige goods of the late seventh international maritime trade in wine, olive oil, and century from workshops in the Phoenician area of luxury goods. The significant presence of Etruscan Gadir are present in the Heraion of Samos (Freyer- pottery at Miletum and the Heraion of Samos, par- Schauenburg 1966: 104–10; Kyrieleis 1981: 31–32; ticularly bucchero ware (Naso 2000), suggests the Aubet 1982: 24) seems to confirm the participation direct involvement of the cities of southern Etruria of Tyre’s chief colony in the West in this important in this new exchange network. Not only were cen- Ionian-Etruscan network. It was an international ters in the Levant like Bassit and Al Mina included trade network of huge scope that impinged in a spe- in one way or another in the Ionian-Etruscan com- cial way on all of the Phoenician cities, from Tyre mercial axis, but the Phoenician colonies in the to Gades, Tharros, Ibiza, and Carthage. The pres- central and western Mediterranean played an active ence of goods of this type in the West does not ap- part in it as well. This occurred within a system of pear to be a response to a specific historical event, relationships or alliances between separate partners, as would be the arrival of Greek colonists in certain which is seen to be much more direct than contacts territories that had no Greek colonies. with the Greek world had been in earlier periods. East Greek and Etruscan Pottery in a Phoenician Context 459

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