T. Chee-Beng Structure and change: Cultural identity of the Baba of Melaka

In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 144 (1988), no: 2/3, Leiden, 297-314

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STRUCTURE AND CHANGE: CULTURAL IDENTITY OF THE BABA OF MELAKA

Introduction' This paper deals with acculturation and the ethnic identity of the Baba Chinese in (see also Tan 1979, 1980, 1981, 1983b, and 1984a & b). It intends to show that, in studying cultural change, one has to pay attention to what may be called the underlying structure of a culture. One does not merely describe the cultural form, but should examine how a new or apparently new cultural feature may have been shaped by the underlying structural principles of the changing culture in re- sponse to changing economie, political, social or even ecological condi- tions. This approach allows us to view culture in a dynamic way. Unless a particular cultural component has been somehow totally discarded, its will have been shaped by the interaction of its underlying principles with the changing environment through the cognitive process. The idea of structure in relation to change is most relevant to the study of the cultural continuity and transformation of Chinese com- munities in different parts of the world. The ancestors of the 'overseas' Chinese came from , and so they originally shared certain similar Chinese cultural traditions. The adaptation to different environments has resulted in the differential transformation of traditions, which has added,to the diversity of 'overseas' Chinese cultures. The similarities and differences between these various cultures thus are the result of a differential interplay of Chinese structural principles with different social

1 This paper is based on a talk to the Department of , Institute of Cultural and Social Studies, University of Leiden, on 6 May 1986. Footnotes and references have been added since. I wish to thank Prof. P. E. de Josselin de Jong for inviting me to give this talk and for introducing me to structuralist studies in the Netherlands.

TAN CHEE-BENG, who obtained his Ph.D. from , is a lecturer in the Department of Chinese Studies at the University of Malaya. Specialized in ethnicity, Chinese religion and Chinese anthropology, he has previously published The Development and Distribution of Dejiao Associations in Malaysia: A Study on a Chinese Religious Organization, : ISEAS, 1985, and The Baba of Melaka. Culture and Identity of a Chinese Peranakan Community in Malaysia, Petaling Jaya: Pelanduk Publications, 1988. Dr. Tan may be contacted at the Department of Chinese Studies, Universiti Malaya, , Malaysia.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 08:27:59AM via free access 298 Tan Chee-Beng forces. In this way the 'overseas' Chinese may be regarded as constituting an ethnological field of study2, in which one may investigate how tra- ditional Chinese cultural principles have structured the transformation of cultural institutions, and how these principles are in turn being struc- tured by the transformation. Th'e'material in this paper is based on a study of the Baba of Melaka, Malaysia. The largest in Malaysia is that of the , followed by the Chinese, the Indians, and many other smaller groups. The Baba form a minority within the Chinese group. They are 'Peranak- an Chinese', which term refers to the various groups of Malay-speaking Chinese in and Malaysia (the Malay word peranakan literally meaning 'locally born'). The Peranakan Chinese cultures, whether in Malaysia or Indonesia, are products of the traditional adjusting to regional indigenous cultural elements. In the case of the Baba of Melaka, a Baba version of Malay is spoken as tongue. These Baba have also adopted certain other features of Malay culture, such as the wearing of sarong and by the nyonya (Baba women), the Malay style of cooking, and so on. The Baba in Melaka, today numbering around 5000 persons, style themselves both 'Baba' and 'Peranakan'. The label 'Baba Melaka' is used, too, namely to stress the Melaka origin of these people, in contrast to, say, the Baba of Singapore. There is still a small group of Baba in Singapore, but the younger generation of these Baba do not speak much Malay, but are more used to speaking English. Furthermore, most Baba in Singapore are Christians, whereas those in Melaka, with only a few exceptions, still practise the traditional Chinese religion. There was once also a group of ' Baba', but these were actually locally born Straits Chinese in Penang, the label 'Straits Chinese' referring to locally born Chinese of the , comprising Penang, Melaka and Singapore. The 'Penang Baba', however, spoke Chinese () rather than Malay among themselves. Thus they should be distinguished

2 The concept of 'field of ethnological study' was first proposed by J. P. B. de Josselin de Jong (in 1935, see J. P. B. de Josselin de Jong 1983). By this he means, 'certain areas of the earth's surface with a population whose culture appears to be sufficiently homogeneous and unique to form a separate object of ethnological study, and which at the same time apparently reveals sufficient local shades of difference to make internal comparative research worthwhile' (pp. 167-168). This 'field' in the present article is of course not defined in geographical terms, but by the fact that the societies in question are all of them societies formed out of original Chinese immigrant communities. Aside from the geographical factor, the rest of J. P. B. de Josselin de Jong's definition is applicable to the 'overseas' Chinese as a field of ethnological study. However, in studying a particular Chinese community, one has to place it in its geographical context and in that of the larger political entity of which it forms part. Thus the Chinese in Malaysia must be studied in the context of the Malaysian state, but the data yielded may be used for comparative study with Chinese communities in other countriés.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 08:27:59AM via free access Cultural Identity of the Baba of Melaka 299 from the Baba of Melaka and Singapore or the Peranakan Chinese of Indonesia. In Malaysia and Singapore, Melaka^was the original centre of Baba culture. The earliest Chinese settlers were mostly Hokkien, so that until today most Baba are likewise Hokkien. Those of other speech com- munities were mostly Kheh (Hakka), Konfu (), Teochiu, and Hailam. Before the twentieth century, the Baba were known for their involvement in the commercial sector, but today there are few Baba businessmen in Melaka. Occupationally the Baba are mostly engaged in the legal and teaching professions as lawyers, teachers, clerks, etc, while in the rural areas they are mostly smallholders and tenant farmers. The acculturated aspects of Baba culture have been widely noted by non-Baba , and are closely connected with the Baba identity. Nevertheless, there is much Chinese cultural continuity, as.is evident from the way the Baba practise the Chinese religion. Indeed, it is the contradiction between and synthesis of acculturation and Chinese cul- tural continuity which make the Baba identity distinct. On the one hand, the Baba have lost the , and Malay has become thèir mother tongue, which has made them rather un-Chinese in the eyes of other Chinese. On the other hand, they still follow the traditional Chinese religion, with a few of them still observing the outdated tradi- tional Chinese wedding customs {kahwin dulu-kala), in which among other things the bride and the groom wear the wedding costume of the imperial era, which are no longer observed by the 'pure Chinese'.3 Thus, linguistically the Baba are rather alienated from the 'pure' Chinese, while ritually they are united with them, and are even outdoing them in Chineseness.

This paper will examine the nature and dynamics of cultural change, and in particular the relationship between cultural change and the Baba ethnic identification. It is not clear when the specific Baba identity first developed, although it is obvious that the acculturation of the early Chinese immigrants preceded this. Intermarriage between the early Chinese immigrants and local women due to a lack of Chinese women accelerated the process of acculturation of locally born Chinese, and especially their of the Malay lan- guage. The increase in the number of Chinese immigrants in the nineteenth century accentuated the difference between the locally born Chinese (with their acculturated Malay version of the Chinese culture) and immigrant Chinese - hence the prevalence of the label 'Baba'. In- termarriage between Baba and immigrant Chinese further increased the

3 In Indonesia, these 'pure' Chinese are referred to as Totok'j in contrast to the 'Peranakan'. In Malaysia and Singapore there is no such special label for the 'pure' Chinese for purposes of distinguishing them from the Baba.

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Baba population. However, as we shall see, the overwhelming majority of the 'pure' Chinese obligeii the Baba to adjust to them socially. Today the Malay-speaking Baba are losing many members of their group to that of the 'pure' Chinese as these are 'intermarrying' with 'pure' Chinese and learning to speak one of the Chinese languages (usually Hokkien). The paper is concerned with only one important factor of cultural change4 among the Melaka Baba, namely acculturation. In studies of the acculturation of the Baba, there is a tendency to attribute all features of their culture which are at all similar to Malay culture to its influence. On closer examination, some of these apparently new cultural phenomena may appear to be actually the result of internal cultural dynamics, of the adjustment of certain 'traditional' cultural principles to the changing social environment. As will be seen, even beneath the Malay features of Baba culture, the continuity of Chinese culture is still discernible, if not in form, then in the underlying principles.

Language and Culture Language is a component of culture, and it is normally a crucial symbol of ethnic identity. It is of course also a medium of communication, a means of expressing a culture. The ethnically Chinese Baba speak 'Baba' Malay - a distinct version of Malay.5 It not only contains many Hokkien loanwords, but also displays some phonological differences with stan- dard Malay (Bahasa Malaysia) and Melaka Malay, that is, the Malay spoken by the Malays of Melaka. For example, pakai ('to wear') in Standard Malay is paké in Baba Malay, and keras ('hard') is keré in Baba Malay, while in Melaka Malay it is keghas. Besar ('big'), to give another example, is bese. in Baba Malay and besau in Melaka Malay. Another feature of Baba Malay is the influence of certain Chinese syn- tactic structures. The construction 'possessor - punya - possessed' is

4 There are a number of important factors of cultural change in the historical develop- ment of Baba culture and society. Aside from Chinese-Malay interaction, the British colonial administration had a great influence on the development of the Baba culture and identity. For example, the Baba were mostly loyal to the British government, while English education resulted in the urban, and especially upper-class, Baba speak- ing English in addition to the Baba Malay dialect. Today, English remains an important language among the Melaka Baba, especially the urban ones. 5 There are a number of works on Baba Malay. The earliest description is that by Shellabear (1913), although Lim Hiong Seng had published a 'manual' of the Malay colloquial spoken in the Straits Settlements already in 1887. My paper on the 'Baba Malay Dialect' was published in 1980. It is based on anthropological fieldwork among the Baba of Melaka in 1977. It indicates the salient features of the language and demonstrates that it is a Malay dialect, with some consistent phonological and other differences from other Malay and Standard Malay. Since its publication a number of theses by linguistics students have appeared, including a recent Ph. D. thesis. The most comprehensive linguistic analysis to date is that of Pakir (1986), the bibli- ography of which lists other relevant works.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 08:27:59AM via free access Cultural Identity of the Baba ofMelaka 301 very prevalent in Baba Malay, with punya being used as equivalent of the Hokkien possessive pronoun e. Thus seluar dia or seluarnya ('his trousers') is expressed in Baba Malay as dia punya seluz ('he punya trousers'). Baba Malay may be regarded as a creole, its formation and develop- ment being determined by various social, linguistic and cultural factors. The intermarriage with local Malay and Indonesian women in the early period of Chinese settlement and the dominantly Malay social environ- ment were crucial factors leading to the offspring of unions between Chinese and natives speaking Malay. But this Malay was to be a creole linguistic form, tailored to the needs of expressing the Chinese outlook. Linguistically it was influenced somewhat by the Chinese speech pattern, as we have seen. There was grammatical, syntactic and lexieal simplifi- cation, as reflected in the minimal use of such Malay affixes as ber-, ter-, -kan, etc. Mispronunciation, too, must have been one of the factors which influenced the development of the language. For example, the Baba word menyelah for 'window' is derived from the Standard Malay word jendela. Certain usages which are more common in Indonesia are also discernible in Baba Malay, testifying to the interaction of Chinese settlers in Melaka with people from the Indonesian islands. For instance, the Baba use the word cangkil rather than the usual Malay word for 'cup' in Malaysia, cawan; and bibi rather than the local Malay usage macik for 'auntie' vis-a-vis elder women whom one need not address according to any specific term. The early Chinese settlers introduced Hokkien loanwords to make the easier for themselves, and sufficient as a medium of communication among themselves. The use of Chinese loanwords served to simplify certain Malay syntactic structures and, above all, to facilitate the expression of many Chinese abstract ideas. Furthermore, when two languages are in continual direct mutual contact, there is a tendency to borrow lexieal items from one another. This was all the more so in the case of the Peranakan Chinese who had adopted a Malay language as their medium.6 We should bear in mind that the Peranakan Chinese speaking Malay used the Malay language to express Chinese values and the Chinese world view. It was natural, therefore, that many Chinese words should be incorporated into the Malay language as spo- ken by them to make expression in the symbolic order possible. Thus, most Chinese loanwords in Baba Malay are kinship terms and words

6 We should note that the Malays for their part also introduced certain Chinese words into their language, although it is possible that some of these words were first used by the Baba as part of the Malay language before their adoption by the Malays. In the Malay dialect spoken by the Baba, however, there are many more words of Chinese origin. This is understandable, since 'Baba Malay' was developed by the Chinese immigrants and their locally bom descendants who adopted the Malay language.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 08:27:59AM via free access 302 Tan Chee-Beng referring to the Chinese symbolic order. So the word ceong means 're- lationship which is ritually incompatible or in conflict' - an important Chinese religious concept, which made the Chinese word for it a necess- ary loanword in Baba Malay. What I am trying to say is that it is not just certain social developments and linguistic factors.which shape linguistic change and the development of a creole. The development of Baba Malay has been very much influ- enced by cultural factors, that is, the Chinese cultural principles embed- ded in the minds of 'Baba' individuals. After all, the system of classifi- cation and way of thinking of a community in general deterrnine the use and development of its language, certainly no less than the language facilitating the thought processes. While linguists now agree that creoles are not mere corruptions of Standard languages (Decamp 1971: 15), anthropologists and linguists, in their study of creoles, should try nat to consider exclusively the social, linguistic and relevant historical factors, but also the underlying structure of the culture (or cultures, in situations of culture contact) contributing to the development of the language in question. There is an important relationship between language and cul- ture,, itself. an important field of investigation. After the Chinese Peranakan adopted Malay as their language, the further development of this language as used by them followed certain logies defined by both external factors and the subjective factors of the unconscious mind. In fact, even when the Baba use Malay words rather than Chinese loanwords to give expression to aspects of their conceptual.system, the Malay words so used may have different meanings from those as under- stood by the Malays. The Baba hot/cold (panas/sejuk) category with regard to food is defined by the Chinese system of conceptualization (see Wu 1979 for the Chinese classification hot/cold in Singapore). When the Baba say 'Tuhan Allah', they are not referring to the Muslim Abso- lute, but to the highest god of the Chinese pantheon, the God of Heaven. The term ikat kubur for the Baba refers to the building of a tomb for the deceased, and with it the rules and symbols of the connected rite. The adoption of Malay has given the Baba (and the Peranakan Chinese in general) access to, and thereby enabled them to develop an interest in, Malay songs, music, drama and literature (especially poetry). For example, the art of dondang sayang (a Malay form of singing.involving the exchange.of four-line poems called pantun) has long been part and parcel of Baba culture. However, there has been little influerice from Malay cultural principles on the Baba symbolic order. The only signific- ant influence has been exercised by the haluslkasar ('refined/unrefined') opposition that is so important in the Malay classification of the social world. Nevertheless, the Baba use this category more in the context of èthnic rhetoric between themselves and other Chinese. The Baba are said to be halm, while the non-Baba Chinese are kase (i.e., kasar). For example, Baba individuals may point out that in sembayang ('the wor-

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 08:27:59AM via free access Cultufal Identity of the Baba of Melaka 303 ship of or ancestors') non-Baba Chinese (especially the Can- tonese7) are kasz, unlike the Baba, who lay out their offerings neatly and for long enough for the ancestors to enjoy them. According to my Baba informants, the non-Baba Chinese do not lay out their offerings neatly and usually remove them too soon for the ancestors to enjoy them. Worse still, some of them use the offerings for the deities again for the ancestors. The Baba are halus, so they say, as they always use fresh offerings for the ancestors.8 Thus, if we look at the underlying structure of Baba culture, rather than merely at its outward forms, there appears to be in f act less Malay acculturation than may seem at first sight. Hardly any Malay cultural principle has become integrated into the Baba system of thought. This must have some significance for the Baba perception of their identity. It is at this unconscious level that we can understand why the Baba are not less Chinese in their self-identification, despite the f act that other Malaysian Chinese perceive them as Malay-like. That is why I object to such statements as the 'resinification' of the Baba or the 'assimilation' of the Baba by the Malays. Obviously those who use these terms as descriptions are merely looking at the external manifestations of Baba culture, not at its internal dynamics. Unlike the nineteenth century, when Chinese immigrants were incorporated into Baba society through to nyonya (Baba ladies), today the process is more the other way round. There are many factors - among them the fact that Chinese society in Malaysia today is dominated by the 'pure' Chinese, who define the model of Chinese culture and identity - which cause the Baba model to be despised. Baba marrying non-Baba Chinese and living away from the Baba social environment tend to lose their Baba identity, as they and their children learn one of the Chinese languages and interact less and less with the Baba. To describe this process of Baba incorporation into the non-Baba Chinese group as 'resinification' is surely misleading, as the Baba have always been Chinese and have formed part of the broader Chinese Malaysian society. The shift from the Baba to the non- Baba Chinese identity is a shift at the level of sub-ethnic category, not at that of the autonomous ethnic category.9 In fact, it is merely the relinquishing of the distinctive Baba identity, whereby an individual becomes just a Hokkien Chinese, for example, and not both a Hokkien and a Baba.

7 'Cantonese' here refers to the non-Baba Cantonese, and not to the Baba Cantonese. The reference to non-Baba Cantonese as most kast is in agreement with the Baba's pride in their Hokkien identity - as was mentioned earlier, most Baba are of Hokkien origin. 8 Deities are always worshipped first, as befits their status in the hierarchy, and only then the ancestors. 9 Of course the 'non-Baba Chinese' category is a conceptual corollary of the presence of the 'Baba' category.

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The Symbolic Order The symbolic order of the Baba is Chinese, as I have already mentioned, despite the adoption of the Malay language and of certain Malay cultural features such as food and women's attire. In f act, while the wearing of a kain or sarong is a matter of Malay influence, the particular way in which it is used is guided by certain Chinese cultural principles. The choice of kain with certain colour combinations for specific occasions is guided by the Chinese classification of black versus red = sadness (mourning) versus happiness (weddings), or the more general opposition of dark colours to bright colours. Full black is the colour of mourning for the , and daughters-in-law of a deceased. It is the darkest of the dark colours, and symbolizes deep sorrow.10 Green and blue are considered by the Chinese to be on the dark side, and so at funeraïs a combination of green, blue, and white is feit to be suitable for those who are not close relatives of the deceased. Of course, black may be part of this combination, too. To be sure, green and blue are not special mourning colours, but are regarded as being suitable for funeraïs because they are not perceived as being on the bright side. Red, pink or other bright colours are considered unsuitable for funeraïs. In fact, in the dark/bright classification, colours on the dark side, including black, may be used for happy occasions as well, provided they are mixed with red or other bright colours.11 Thus, red is the decisive colour in the symbolic distinction between 'happiness' and 'unhappiness'. Although white is an important colour at funeraïs, it is not a mourning colour as black is. It is neither a 'sad' nor a 'merry' colour, being some- where in between, as being neither on the dark nor on the bright side. lts presence on occasions of mourning indicates the absence of happi- ness, and its presence on joyous occasions indicates the absence of sad- ness. Of course, on happy occasions white is always mixed with at least

10 A further distinction is made between clothes made of fine materials and those made of coarse materials. The black clothes used for deep mourning are made of coarse material. The wearing of a black suit for formal occasions hence is acceptable because it is made of fine material and is of Western origin. Even then, a Chinese attending a happy social function will always make sure that his tie or shirt has at least some bright colours. 11 For normal daily wear, e.g. at the office, clothes of any colour on the dark side, without any addition of bright colours, may be used because the occasion does not call for an emphasis of the 'happiness' symbols. Nevertheless, most Chinese still prefer not to wear all-black attire, especially when visiting Chinese friends and relatives. Nowadays some Malaysian Chinese do not wear the mourning marker when they go to work during the mourning period, but will usually avoid wearing clothes with 'bright' colours like red or pink, and so prefer black, green, blue or white. There are also those who at the end of their mourning period opt for a transitional period in which to wear 'darker' colours before they eventually wear clothes with 'brighter' colours again.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 08:27:59AM via free access Cultural Identity of the Baba ofMelaka 305 one bright colour, especially red.12 In any case, white is the next most important colour af ter black for funerals. The candles used for normal offerings are red, but for offerings at funerals white, to express the sad mood of the occasion. Although white is used for mourning, it does not symbolize bad luck in the same way as black does. Thus, at the occurrence of a death, one of the two characters on the sign that hangs permanently above the main entrance of the house facing the front yard or the street is crossed with a white strip of paper. If the left character is so crossed, it means that the deceased is a man, if the right character is crossed, the deceased is a woman.13 If both characters are crossed, it means that both of the family have passed away. The white strip of paper is removed at the end of the mourning period. Since the family sign is a symbol of the family, and since death is a temporary phenomenon, it would bring very bad luck to use a black paper strip to cross the characters of the sign. Only white, which is neither on the dark nor on the bright side, is suitable for this purpose. In the context of the yin and yang classification, black is yin and red is yang, while white can be in either category. While the nyonya (Baba women) may not be aware of the theory of yin and yang, their choice of colour for their kain.is governed by the opposition of black to red in the Chinese classificatory system. Another opposition which is significant in the religious behaviour of the Baba is the left/right one, which we have just discerned in the case of the crossing of characters on the family sign. In the religious sphere, left is associated with honour. Thus, an ancestral should always be placed to the right of the main altar for the deities. To give another example, the mourning marker for the death of a is placed over the mourner's left shoulder, and that for the death of a mother across the right shoulder, emphasizing the ritually superior position of the father on account of the patrilineal principle of descent. Thus, when Babö use the Malay words kiri and kanan for 'left' and 'right', the clas- sification of these categories is still governed by the Chinese cultural principle. The religion of the Baba in Melaka is the traditional Chinese folk-re- ligion which I refer to as 'Chinese religion'. It is a polytheistic, rather syncretic religious system, with a hierarchy of deities, ancestors, and spirits (for a discussion of this religion as a religious system see Tan

12 While Chinese brides in Malaysia have adopted the Western custom of wearing white gowns. their overall outfit will always include some red to emphasize the joyousness of the occasion. For example. their bouquet will include red and other bright colours - the choice of colour here is deliberate and in line with Chinese classification principles. 13 Left and right here are taken from the point of view of a person standing with his or her back towards the main entrance and facing the front yard, in the same way as the sign.

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1983a). Religion is an important ethnic boundary marker between the Baba and the Malays. As both the Baba and Malays often point out, the Malays are Muslim but the Baba sembayang (Baba for 'worship deities'), while the Baba eat pork (makan bah) and the Malays do not. There are certain acculturated features in the religious practices of the Baba, but these are external features as a result of the adoption of the Malay language or other cultural traits. For example, the lamenting of the nyonya in Baba Malay rather than Hokkien or some other Chinese 'dialect' during funeral rites is a typically 'Baba' phenomenon. Moreover, the offerings prepared for the ancestors may include Malay- style dishes and (cakes etc), due to Baba cuisine combining Malay and Chinese traditions. A sacrificial item which I should like to mention in particular is pisang raja, a kind of banana. This kind of bananas is ritually significant among the Baba because of the word raja, Malay for 'king', for which the Hokkien word is óng, which closely resembles another Hokkien word, öng, meaning 'prosperous'. Hence as a sacrificial item, it is a symbol of prosperity, and a concrete expression of the wish to be prosperous. What we should note in this connection is that the use of the pisang raja here is governed by an important Chinese classificatory principle, that is, symbolism through homonymy. The Malay word for these particular, symbolically significant bananas is only relevant because of the way it can be translated into Hokkien. Much more could be said about cultural principles and the develop- ment of specifically Baba Chinese religious forms. I should like here only to briefly discuss Baba ancestor worship to illustrate another mani- festation of Chinese cultural principles and the dynamics of change. The casual visitor will notice that many Baba do not have any ances- tral altar at their homes and may conclude that ancestor worship is not important among the Baba of Melaka. In actual fact, however, it is very important. Malaysian Chinese observe two forms of ancestor worship, the 'keep- ing the ancestral altar' system and the 'invitation' system, which the Baba refer to as piara abu and ccia" abu respectively.14 Piara is the Baba Malay equivalent of the Hokkien word hok-sai, meaning 'to keep the of deities or ancestors at home', and abu is the Baba Malay term for 'ancestors'. Thus piara abu denotes 'keeping the ancestral altar', which entails regular worship of the ancestors. Ccia" (i.e., chhia") is the Hokkien word for 'to invite', which is also used to refer to inviting deities or ancestors to attend a particular occasion. In the ccia" or 'invitation' system, the ancestors are only worshipped on certain occasions, such as the , the anniversary of a death, and other major

14 In my transcription of Baba Malay words, c is equivalent to English ch, while cc is aspirated. In the case of the Hokkien transcription, ch is not aspirated while chh is.

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Chinese festivals, when a temporary altar is set up, and the ancestors are invited 'to come' to be worshipped and offered food, which is usually sumptuous. The 'invitation' system is very popular among the Baba of Melaka. There are various reasons for this, while the Baba themselves generally offer two explanations. They say firstly that it is inconvenient to piara abu because it involves daily worship (burning joss sticks, etc). Older people, moreover, express concern that the younger generation may not take care of their altars after their death, and so think it better to have ancestral tablets installed at a Chinese temple.15 This is an apt example of cultural change. The Chinese form of ancestor worship has been undergoing transformation all the time, from the distant past to the present. In the case of the Malaysian Chinese, the most drastic ch'ange has been from the form as observed in the nineteenth century to the modern form. To understand the nature of this change in religious form, one needs to examine the transformation of economie relations which has affected the family and kinship relations of the Chinese. For instance, the economie independence of the younger generation of Malaysian Chinese has freed them from the former total domination of younger people by parents and other seniors. Members of the older generation are now finding it difficult to impose their cultural percep- tions and practices on the younger generation. The younger generation of Chinese have their own views on, say, ancestor worship. The tendency among them is to be more 'modern' in outlook and to reduce the elabo- rateness of . This is an important source of change. The underlying principle of ancestor worship is still the same: ances- tors should be worshipped. The development of the 'invitation' system has been shaped by the interaction of this very principle with the changing environment, which has given rise to religious rationalization. There is, nevertheless, continuity in change. Failure to take note of this aspect of cultural change may lead one to conclude wrongly that ancestor worship is declining among the Baba of Melaka. In actual fact, the Melaka Baba still view ancestor worship as a crucial part of their way of life. They do not say explicitly that there are two distinct systems of ancestor worship. They merely recognize that if one piara abu, one has to ensure that the ancestors are worshipped regularly to avoid their being offended. If one is not able or inclined to piara abu, for one reason or another, then one should worship the ancestors at least on the occasion of major festivals.

15 Those observing the 'invitation' system may or may not have tablets for their ancestors at a temple. The most popular temple for the Chinese (including the Baba) of Melaka is Cheng Hoon Teng, the oldest Chinese temple in Malaysia.

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Kinship The Baba kinship system is Chinese, and is based on a transformation of the Hokkiem system. Even most of the kin terms are Hokkien loan- words. This retention of Chinese terms is necessary in order to be able to name the f uil range of kinship relations. The Chinese terminology reflects a number of kinship principles. So the patrilineal principle re- quires the distinctioh of the father's from the mother's relatives. There are also distinctions according to generation, sex and relative seniority. The Malay system is bilateral (with the exception of the Minangkabau one, which is matrilineal) and makes no distinction between the father's and the mother's side. For example, the Malay term bapa saudara refers to both FB and MB. The Baba, on the other hand, call MB ng-ku, but father's elder (FeB) m-peh and father's younger brother (FyB) encek16, hence also making a seniority distinction. Obviously the Baba cannot express all the relations in Malay, hence the large number of Hokkien loanwords in the Baba Malay kin terminology. The influence of Chinese cultural principles on the development of Baba Malay is also obvious from the fact that the Baba kinship terminol- ogy generally only has Malay terms where there is no essential structural distinction, or where such a distinction can be adequately expressed by the Malay terms. Thus, the few Malay terms used here are those for ego and for members of the younger generation, such as adik for younger brother or , menantu for -in-law or -in-law, cucu for grandchildren, and so on, with the sex distinction being indicated by the addition of special words, viz.: Malay adik lelaki - Baba adikjantan, 'younger brother', and Malay adik perempuan - Baba adik prompuan, 'younger sister'. For 'bridegroom' and 'son-in-law', the Baba also use the Hokkien term kian-sai. The evolution of the Baba kinship system serves as a good illustration of the relationship between cultural principles, social environment, and cultural forms. As the Baba kinship system seems to display some fea- tures of the bilateral principle, there is a tendency for specialists on acculturation to assume that the Baba kinship system has been influ- enced by the Malay system. This conclusion denies the dynamism of the Chinese system inherited by the Baba, however. The Baba adhere to the patrilineal descent principle. are passed down patrilineally, and is observed. Patrilineal kin are referred to as saudara tulang ('relatives of the bone') and mat- rilineal kin as saudara kulit ('relatives of the skin'). But there seem to be two contradictions. Firstly, the Baba have a wide kinship network on the female side (i.e., relatives through the mother, , father's

16 This should be distinguished from the Malay term encik, 'mister'. The Baba term is a Hokkien loanword, and it is interesting tö speculate if the Malay word derives from it. The Hokkien address their FyB as a-chek.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 08:27:59AM via free access Cultural Identity of the Baba of Melaka 309 , and ' ). Secondly, was a norm among the Baba. In actual fact, these two interesting deviations are the result of certain historical developments. The wide kinship network on the female side can be explained by the fact that the Baba of Melaka have had relatively greater opportunity for close interaction. Their group has always been small, while living in a small state, with a concentration in the Central District, has allowed them to interact closely not only with patrilateral but also with matrilat- eral kin. This interaction has led to the development of a wide network of saudara kulit, with the use of already existing terms for them reinforcing the relationship so established.17 Furthermore, the small size of the Chinese group has led to frequent intermarriage among the Baba, many being contracted with relatives who do not share the same surname, that is, relatives on the female side. Marriages bétween (i.e., cross-cousins süch as FZD, FZS, MBD, MBSJ and parallel cousins such as MZD, MZS, but not FBD and FBS) were and still are common. This reinforces the link with the 'female side'. This link has been further reinfdrced by some degree of matrilocal residence. To be sure, the rule of residence has always been patrilocal. However, matrilocal residence has come to be accepted alongside pat- rilocal residence as a result of certain historical developments. This ac- ceptance of matrilocal residence took place not only among the Melaka Baba, but is found among the Straits Chinese in general. To my mind this is not simply the result of early intermarriage between Chinese and Malays. For, even such mixed marriages might involve the Chinese hus- band having to live with the bride's family during the wedding period, itwas essential for him to bring his native wife to his own family in order to f>erpetuate the Chinese line of descent.18 Furthermore, early Chinese settlers also married slave women brought to Malaya from the Indone- sian islands (cf. Abdullah 1970:184). In China, the matrilocal form of marriage used to be practised through a poor .son-in-law marrying into his bride's family. A man without any sohs might also arrange to have a son-in-law move in, so that the family name (surname) would be perpetüated by at least one of his daughters' offspring. Such marriages were not common in Southeast China, as they were rather degrading to the male (cf. Freedman 1966:62; Hsu 1949:99; for a report on matrilocal marriage in northern , see Wolf 1974:138-140). In the Straits Settlements (i.e. Melaka, Singapore and Penang), however, matrilocal marriage was commonly practised in the

17 In the case of the 'pure' Chinese, the relatives on the female side are recognized in theory, but the actual network is rather small, being confined to the immediate relatives of the female link, whom one is more likely to meet. 18 There were, of course, also Chinese who married into Malay families and eventually (and certainly their children) assimilated to Malay society (cf. Gosling 1964).

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nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and certainly became accepted by the Melaka Baba (for a description of types of matrilocal marriage in Singapore, see Freedman 1957:122-123). We can say that the acceptance of matrilocal residence by the Baba was due to the situation prevailing in nineteenth-century Malaya, where Chinese immigrants were prepared to be married into more established Baba families. As'we have seen, the traditional Chinese marriage system did allow for matrilocal marriages in exceptional cases; the social situa- tion among the Baba in nineteenth-century Malaya then encouraged an increase in such matrilocal marriages. Indeed, it was customary for the bride's wealthy Baba family to insist on matrilocal marriage. Even if the groom's relatives wanted him to bring his wife home, it was necessary for him to sleep at his wife's house for at least the first twelve days after the marriage, and it was considered polite for the only to take the wife to his relatives' residence after one month. Today matrilocaP residence is still acceptable among the Baba, but at marriage the couplë should reside with the groom's relatives. Residence may become mat- rilocal after marriage if the couple so decides. ' .; ': In the old-fashioned cuaccin19 system of marriage, the contradiction between matrilocal and may be resolved in an'in- teresting way. The rule today, as was mentioned earlier, is that at mar- riage the couple should reside with the groom's relatives, in conformity with the normal Chinese pattern. Under the cuaccin system, which/is still occasionally practised today, the bride-to-be is brought (not dressed as a bride, of course) to the groom's residence during the night before the wedding, or before dawn on the wedding day. Meanwhile, the groom-to-be leaves his own house to stay at a friend's or relative's house nearby. At a fixed time during the night or before dawn, the-groom-to-be returns to the living-room of his house to perform the pre-wedding hair- dressing rite called ciu-thau. At the end of this rite of passage, he is dressed in the 'traditional' Chinese costume of long gown and jacket (tng-sa" be-koah). After worshipping the deities and ancestors, he re- turns to his temporary 'residence'. After that it is the bride-to-be's turn to undergo the hairdressing rite. In the morning, after the bride has performed her part of the kahwin ('wedding') rite, and returns to the bridal room, the groom comes into the living-room to perform his part of this rite. After that the bride comes out to greet the man she has just been married to, and leads him to the bridal room, where he eventually unveils her. According to my informants, the reason why the groom-to-be leaves his own house just before the bride-to-be is brought here is that 'in the

19 Cuaccin (i.e., chhoa-chhin) is a Hokkien word referring to bringing a bride into the groom's family. What is unique about the Baba system here is that the lady is brought into the husband's family not as a bride but as a bride-to-be.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 08:27:59AM via free access Cultural Identity of the Baba of Melaka 311 past', bachelors and spinsters were not supposed to meet each other before marriage. The old-fashioned wedding at present is performed as much as possible in accordance with the rules of the past, even though now the couple already know each other before deciding to get married. However, by bringing the bride-to-be into her intended husband's resi- dence, and having the latter leave his own house and await his return there to be married and be led into the bridal room by the bride, the Baba cuaccin system permits the acting-out of the matrilocal residence rule in the paternal residence. Our survey of the Baba kinship system illustrates how the original principle of patrilocal residence has adapted to the new social environ- ment in such a way that matrilocal residence has become accepted alongside patrilocal residence, without negating the patrilineal prin- ciple.20 Until the early part of the twentieth century, there were always Chinese immigrants willing to marry into more established Baba families. This tendency since then has changed to the opposite. It is now generally Baba inviduals who are being incorporated into the non-Baba Chinese group, and the Baba in general who have to adjust to the domi- nant culture of the other Chinese Malaysians. One consequence of this has been that the Baba now de-emphasize the principle of matrilocal residence, so that the rule is again for marriage to be patrilocal, while matrilocal residence, if practised, is done so only for a period after marriage rather than from the time of the marriage. We may say that the traditional Baba cuaccin marriage system today symbolically incorporates matrilocal residence at marriage into what is actually patrilocal marriage. This illustrates how the structural rule of patrilocal residence shapes its formation. Traditional weddings are ex- pensive, since one has to rent the - now antique - wedding costumes and hire various specialists. In the modern wedding ceremony, the rites are performed at both residences, culminating in the groom's going to the bride's house to take her to his residence. In the case of traditional marriage, however, it would be rather costly to hire specialists to perform the appropriate wedding rites at both residences and then have the groom fetch the bride to take her to his house. Thus, according to my infor- mants, it is better (i.e., less expensive) to bring the bride-to-be to the residence of her intended husband on the eve of the wedding and to have all the rites performed at the groom's residence. That this should be the groom's residence is of course determined by the structural prin- ciple of patrilocal residence.

20 This also shows that cultural rules are guiding principles which allow compromises and adjustments in their actual cultural manifestations. De Josselin de Jong illustrates this very aptly in his study of the Minangkabau in Indonesia, which demonstrates that Minangkabau society, 'far from being consistently or even extremely matrilineal has a more complex and subtle structure, in which the element of compromise plays an essential part' (P.E. de Josseling de Jong 1980:43).

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Conclusion It may be apparent from the above discussion that in the study of cultural change, it is not sufficient to merely look at the environment which induces change, for the nature of the changes and the resultant cultural traits are very much determined also by the underlying structural prin- ciples of the given culture. The structural principles can be reconstructed from detailed study of the culture in its historical perspective. In growing up in a specific cultural setting, the individual assimilates the model of the relevant culture, and in the process acquires, both consciously and unconsciously, the underlying cultural principles. As the participants of the culture concerned share these basic principles and interact among themselves, cultural change due to changing social environment is ef- fected through the response of these individuals to the new environment, guided by the existing cultural principles. It is therefore a tendency, where acculturation occurs, for alien cul- tural traits to be integrated into the particular cultural domain of the group concerned rather than for them to be simply adopted outright. These are the dynamics of culture. When new cultural forms are created, these may in turn lead to a transformation or modification of the existing structural principles. In the case of the Baba, the initially purely pat- rilocal system has had matrilocality added alongside patrilocality as a result of certain historical and social factors. Now matrilocal residence may occur only after a lapse of some time after the marriage, but even then it is not as common as in the past. Acculturation has undoubtedly led to the development of the specifi- cally Baba identity. It has given rise to a Baba Chinese versus the 'non- Baba' or 'pure' Chinese cultural model. Unlike in Indonesia, it is not normal for the Malaysian Chinese, except for the Peranakan Chinese, to speak Malay among themselves. The Baba, however, do speak Malay at home, and this sets them apart from the other Chinese. They have become a sub-ethnic group of Chinese, the boundary being clearly drawn between those who speak Malay and those who speak Chinese when among themselves. Indeed, it is not economie activities or political be- haviour which distinguish the Baba from the non-Baba Chinese. It is language and cultural features. Even so, the Baba have remained by and large culturally Chinese, and have always thought of themselves as Chinese. They have preserved all the important elements of the Chinese identity of their forebears, such as membership of a particular Chinese speech group (eg. Hokkien), and even of a particular sub-group (e.g., Eng-Choon, a sub-group of the Hokkien speech group), even though few can speak any Chinese language (e.g., Hokkien) fluently. The persistence of the Chinese cul- tural structure must be important for the maintenance of the Chinese identity - there is no need for the Baba to think otherwise. Nevertheless, as we have seen, the adaptation to the Malay culture, and especially the

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'linguistic assimilation', has inevitably led to the development of a sepa- rate Baba Chinese identity both in their own perception and in the mind of the 'pure' Chinese. In other words, the very nature of this accultura- tion in the context of the changing Malaysian Chinese society has given rise to a new classification principle in ethnic identification, opposing the Baba to those who are not Baba. Now that social and political bodies in Malaysia are emphasizing ethnicity more and more as a result mainly of socio-economic competi- tion and communal politics, the Malays and Chinese are consciously and unconsciously stressing their respective identities. In this context, the Baba model of Chinese culture is being more consciously discredited by the Malaysian Chinese at large, with the 'pure' Chinese stressing the need to prevent Malaysian Chinese culture from developing into the Baba model. In fact, the Baba are not legally recognized as a distinct group vis-a-vis the other Chinese. For example, there is no special cat- egory for them in the census, where they are just listed as Hokkien, Cantonese, and so on. Thus, in the context of the Malay-Chinese ethnic identification, there is no separate place for the Baba identity. Further- more, the socio-economic and political conditions are putting pressure on Baba individuals to change - this time more in the direction of mainstream, 'pure' Chinese society, a process which is very different from that in Indonesia.

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