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Wai 143 Ngati Tama Ancillary Claims
by Dr Giselle Byrnes, November 1995 A Report Commissioned by the Waitangi Tribunal
for the Taranaki claim (Wai 143) concerning
PUKEARUHE HISTORIC RESERVE
by Dr Giselle M. Byrnes
Any conclusions drawn or opinions expressed are those of the author Table of Contents
1. Introduction 1
2. The Location 1
3. The Claim 2
4. History of Maori Occupation 3
5. Military settlement and occupation 1865·69 6 5.1 Confiscation. 6 5.2 Military settlement 7 5.3 Military occupation 8
6. The Whiteley incident 11 6.1 The events of February 1869 11 6.2 Whiteley and the Taranaki Methodist Mission 12
7. Military occupation 1872·85 17
8. Block History 18 8.1 Police reserve 18 8.2 Historic reserve 19 8.2.1 The Whiteley memorials 19 8.2.2 Poutama Whiria 20 8.3 Grazing 22
9. The Whiteley Centenary 1969 25
10. Sections 13 and 14 25
11. The Recreational Reserves: Pukearuhe Domain 26
12. Historic significance 26
13. Current status of reserve 26 13.1 Ownership and management 26 13.2 Condition of land 27 13.3 The Whiteley Monument 27
14. Conclusions/Issues for further consideration 28
Bibliography 29
Document Bank (Doc #1·17) Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 1
1. Introduction
The aim of this report is to investigate the extent to which the establishment of the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve in North Taranaki contributed to the alienation of land from Ngati Tama ownership. Issues to be considered include an examination of the justification for the location of this reserve, the process by which it was established, and the present status of the reserve.
The alienation of the land now defined as the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve, and the events surrounding its development, currently appears to be a pressing concern for the Ngati T ama claimants. A traditional Ngati T ama pa site, Pukearuhe was confiscated by the government in April 1865 for a military settlement. The militia occupied Pukearuhe from 1865-69 and then again from 1872-85. In 1887 it was gazetted a Police Reserve, and in 1955 proclaimed a Historic Reserve under the Reserves and Other Lands Disposal and Public Bodies Act 1920.1 The block has been subsequently leased for grazing and has remained in the possession of the Crown ever since. The Pukearuhe Historic Reserve and the recreation reserves are currently owned by the Crown and administered by the New Plymouth District Council on behalf of the Crown. Submissions on the right to maintain leaseholds on the reserve have been recently submitted by interested parties before the Waitangi Tribunal.
This report has been researched and written by Dr Giselle Byrnes, a historian commissioned by the Waitangi Tribunal in March 1995 to investigate this and other Ngati Tama ancillary, or discrete claims in Taranaki.2 I have a Doctor of Philosophy in History from the University of Auckland, and prior to my appointment at the Waitangi Tribunal Division I was employed as a Tutor and Lecturer in New Zealand history at the University of Auckland. While every effort has been made to produce a comprehensive history of the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve, time limitations have prevented me from fully exploring the wider implications of the effects of confiscation legislation on Ngati Tama. This report provides an overview of the changing use of the block and the lease history of the reserved land.3
2. The Location
Pukearuhe is situated south of Parininihi (White Cliffs) on the western boundary of the traditional Ngati Tama estate.4 The Ngati Tama claimants have defined the western boundary of the Ngati Tama rohe as Te Moana Nui A Kiwa; the southern boundary with Ngati Mutunga is at Titoki, a stream that reaches the coast at Wai-iti; and the northern
1 By November 1926 the Reserve was referred to as a Historic Reserve, although I have unable to locate the notification for this change of status. See Doc #5, #6.
2 See Appendix 1 (A1) for a copy of this commission.
3 Under the terms of this commission I have been required to produce five research reports over a period of eight months.
4 See Figure 1 and Figure 2. Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 2 boundary is marked by the Mokau River.5 The eastern boundary with Ngati Maru is more difficult to ascertain, as the majority of ancestral place names have not been recorded on maps.6
Pukearuhe Historic Reserve is a 10 acre (4.1531 ha) coastal reserve located 49 kilometres north of New Plymouth in North Taranaki. The reserve consists of an open terrace situated 250 metres above sea level and is defined as Section 11 (O.ll13ha) and Subdivisions 1 (2.8783ha) and 2 (1.1635ha) of Section 1, Pukearuhe Town Belt, Block VI, Mimi Survey District, Clifton County, Taranaki Land District. The adjacent sections 13 and 14, which together comprise a cemetery reserve, were added to the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve in 1982. The recreational reserves, which constitute the Pukearuhe Domain are defined as parts 1 and 2 of section 9, Pukearuhe Town Belt.7 Both the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve and the recreational reserves fall within the rohe confiscated in Taranaki under the New Zealand Settlements Act 1863. 8
3. The Claim
Ngati Tama claim that the taking of Ngati Tama lands for scenic and historic purposes under scenic legislation was conducted without the consent of Ngati Tama.9 Moreover, Ngati Tama claim that the aquisition of these lands for scenic and historic reserves violated the principle of rangatiratanga guaranteed to them by Article Two of the Treaty of Waitangi. Ngati Tama have made the request that 'the Tribunal make an interim recommendation without prejudice to all agencies of the Crown that have title to land and or property within the Ngati Tama estate ... [that] lands classified as S. o. E. and at present in Landcorp control/title, be transferred back to Ngati Tama.'lo
In their evidence presented before the Waitangi Tribunal in October 1991, through the submission of Greg White, Ngati Tama claim that before any land north of Waitara had been declared a District under the provisions of the New Zealand Settlements Act 1863, and despite the fact that there had been no hostilities in the region, British troops occupied the Pukearuhe Pa site on 24 April 1865, situated on Ngati Tama land, as a purely strategic measureY Ngati Tama claim that despite never having been engaged in rebellion against the Crown a large area of Ngati Tama lands were wrongly proclaimed a District for
5 F19, Wai 143, p. 12.
6 In their evidence submitted to the Tribunal, Ngati Tama suggest that the most accurate and authoritative delineation of their traditional rohe is given in the maps used by the 1927 Sim Commission. Ibid., p. 12, App. No.1, p. 108a.
7 See Figure 9.
8 See Figure 3.
9 F20, Wai 143, p. 201ff.
10 Ibid., p. 5.
11 Ibid., p. 27. Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 3 confiscation on 5 September 1865 under section 2 of the New Zealand Settlements Act 1863. They claim that the Crown was in breach of the Treaty of Waitangi when the militia occupied Pukearuhe and that the siting of a surveyed township there was an abuse of kawanatanga. In addition, N gati T ama submit that, with great cultural insensitivity, the Crown has retained possession of this site ever since. 12 Ngati Tama further claim that the existence of the monument erected to the Wesleyan Methodist missionary John Whiteley in 1923 on the Pukearuhe pa site is culturally offensive and that the monument should be removedY It should also be noted that this is not the first time that Ngati Tama have submitted a claim for lands confiscated last century.14
4. History of Maori occupation
Pukearuhe (fern root hill) was a traditional pa site of Ngati Tama situated close to the southern boundary of their rohe. 15 In his History and Traditions of the Maoris of the West Coast North Island of New Zealand Prior to 1840 (1910) Stephenson Percy Smith described the N gati T ama boundaries with reference to the Pukearuhe pa, citing the Taranaki surveyor and local historian W. H. Skinner's account of the region. 'The lands of the Ngati-Tama tribe', wrote Smith,
extended from [the] Mohaka-tino river to a place named Titoki, two miles south of Puke-aruhe pa. They thus had a sea frontage of about fourteen miles, and their boundaries extended inland until they were met by those of Ngati-Haua, of Upper Whanganui, and with whom they were often allied in war and also in marriage. 16
The land between the Mokau river and Pukearuhe pa, generally known as Poutama, was the traditional home of Ngati Tama. Ngati Tama are closely related to the neighbouring Ngati Mutunga and Te Atiawa of North Taranaki. Smith claimed that Ngati Tama took their name from T ama-ihu-toroa, the great grandson of T ama-te-kapua, captain of the Arawa canoeY Ngati Tama, however, concur with the explanation given by Te Rangi Hiroa in The Coming of the Maori (1952), that 'Tamaariki was the eponymous ancestor of the fighting Ngati Tama tribe which at one time occupied the territory north and south
12 Ibid., p. 28. It should also be noted that some Ngati Tama, who do not consider the Ngati Tama Iwi Authority as representing them, believe that the management of the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve should be continued in the present manner, see L10, Wai 143.
13 F19, Wai 143, p. 28.
14 Taringakuri te Kaeaea and Paiura Te Rangikatatu in 1882; Potete Hotu, Te Kapinga Makarati and others in 1925 Tahana Kawhe to the Sim Commission in 1927; Stephen Taitoko White (to the Court of Appeal) in 1987; and the present claim before the Waitangi Tribunal filed in 1991. Ibid., p. 4.
15 See Figure 2.
16 Stephenson Percy Smith, History and Traditions of the Maoris of the West Coast North Island of New Zealand Prior to 1840, New Plymouth, 1910, p. 111.
17 Ibid., p. 112. Smith, however, when referring to Manaia of Tokomaru, states that 'it is possible that the Ngati Tama tribe of Tonga-Porutu can recite their genealogies back to him', ibid., p. 97. Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 4 of the Mohakatino River.'18
Located on the main travel route to and from Taranaki from the north, Pukearuhe was considered a strategic stronghold by the Ngati Tama occupiers. 'Between ... Pukearuhe (fern hill) and Katikati-aka [a pa three and a half miles from Pukearuhe],' Smith continued,
the White Cliffs, 900 feet high - offered an almost impassable barrier to warlike incursions from the north, for the very broken ranges of forest clad hills that ended in the cliffs, presented very great difficulties to anyone attempting to penetrate their ravines and cliffs. Any force holding these pas, thus practically held the keys of Taranaki. 19
The strategic nature of the settlement at Parininihi is illustrated by the surveyor W. H. Skinner's description of the area. 'For very many years', wrote Skinner in 1946, recalling his earlier memories of the area,
the only route from New Plymouth to Mokau was by way of the coast track commencing at the sea beach at Waitara. This was a rough and difficult journey, mainly along the beach but with occasional breaks inland to avoid impassable sea dashed points and sheer cliffs .... My first journey to Mokau, which was in 1879, was made on foot along the beach from Pukearuhe, except for a short detour around Rigby's point (the Taniwha), where the sea beat right up to the foot of the cliff with a strong backwash. To avoid this dangerous point it was necessary to climb the steep cliff face by the aid of a stout rope attached to a post on the top, at the northern end of Parininihi (White Cliffs). From here the track led along the cliffs for half-a-mile, and then descended to the beach again with a clear run to Mokau, providing the tide was favourable. 20
Pukearuhe was therefore considered by Ngati Tama to be of paramount significance, both as an ancestral pa site, and as a stronghold against northern invaders. Smith, again quoting Skinner, stated that, '[b]y their numerous strongholds situated along the coast, the Ngati Tama for many generations held back the power and might of the Tainui tribes, and in nearly all instances were able to inflict defeat on their northern invaders.'21
Recorded history has little to say about Pukearuhe itself. Archaeological excavations have indicated that it was occupied at least as early as the seventeenth century.22 By the 1830s, however, the effects wrought by epidemic and the land wars facilitated the ease with which
18 Te Rangi Hiroa, The Coming o/the Maori, Wellington, 1952, p. 53.
19 Smith, History and Traditions, p. 4.
20 W. H. Skinner, Reminiscences 0/ a Taranaki Surveyor, New Plymouth, 1946, pp. 115.
21 Smith, History and Traditions, p. 252. See also Ted Andrews, 'One of New Zealand's Finest Fighting Pas', Taranaki Herald, 8 February 1969.
22 Nigel Prickett, Historic Taranaki: An Archaeological Guide, Wellington, 1990, p. 59; Smith, History and Traditions, 1910, pp. 253-54. Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 5 the northern tribes were able to move in and out of the district. At this time Ngati Tama, along with other iwi of Taranaki, migrated south, eventually settling in the Chatham Islands, the Wellington region, and in the northern district of the South Island.23 It appears that the Pukearuhe pa site was abandoned when Ngati Tama left the area.
The Ngati Tama claimants believe that this migration was of a temporary nature, citing the travels of Katene Puoho who moved south during the 1820s and then returned to Taranaki around 1823, the exploits of Taringakuri Kaeaea in 1832, and Rangikatatu and Hurihanga, who were both in charge of their Ngati Tama waka on the return journey from Waikanae in 1848. 24 Te Puoho, who was killed at Tuturau in Southland in 1836, was said to have been living at Pukearuhe in the early nineteenth century .25 In the early 1820s the resident Pukearuhe people were reported to have been at the first siege of Pukerangiora.26 In Old W'haling-Days;--Robert-McNab tells of-Thomas Ralph, a pakeha trader from Sydney who established a trading post at Mokau in 1832, and how he had been captured by Ngati Tama and taken to their pa, and held hostage until Ngati Tama had heard the fate of the pakeha at Moturoa.27 Te Rangi Hiroa stated that '[in the 1840s] Ngati Tama, Ngati Mutunga, and Atiawa returned to the Taranaki lands of the unextinguished fires.'28 In giving evidence before the Sim Commission in December 1927, Tahana Kawhe claimed that Ngati Tama had always been in possession of their estate: that in returning from the Chathams in 1867 he went and lived with his ancestors at their Pa.29
Historian Michael King has recently suggested that the migration to the Chatham Islands was not of a permanent nature. In Moriori: a people rediscovered (1989) King recounts how Ngati Tama, described as a sub tribe of Te Atiawa, migrated south in 1835 to the Chatham Islands, where they settled at Waitangi and Kaingaroa. 3o King has recounted how in 1867 and 1868, a total of 356 Te Atiawa Maori comprising Ngati Mutunga and Ngati Tama left
23 For further discussion of the Ngati Tama [and Te Atiawa] migrations south in the context of take raupatu and take ahi kaa of the northern South Island, see Grant Phillipson, 'Northern South Island District Report (District 13)', Working Paper: First Release, Waitangi Tribunal Division: Rangahaua Whanui Series, June 1995, pp. 24-44.
24 F19, Wai 143, p. 23. See further W. Carkeek, The Kapiti Coast, p. 86. Te Puoho and a Ngati Tama war party went south in 1836, from Paturau (Golden Bay) to Ruapuke, via Mawhere, Arahura, Hokitika and Tuturau, see also Atholl Anderson, Te Puoho's Last Raid, Dunedin, 1986; Smith, History and Traditions, p. 474.
25 Ibid., p. 295.
26 Ibid., p. 363.
27 Robert McNab, The Old Whaling Days: a history of southern New Zealand from 1830 to 1840, Invercargill, 1913, pp. 52-53.
28 Te Rangi Hiroa, The Coming of the Maori, p. 382.
29 RDB, vol. 48, pp. 13728-13799.
30 Michael King, Moriori: a people rediscovered, Auckland, 1989, p. 109. Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 6 the Chathams on a return heke to Taranaki. They left only 20 people behind who were either too old or unwilling to leave. King proposes that the migrants were attracted back to Taranaki because their economic base of cropping in the Chathams was in serious decline; the Native Land Court sittings which were to be held in Taranaki required the attendance of claimants in order for their claims to ownership of land to be heard; and the teachings of Te Whiti 0 Rongomai and Tohu Kakahi appealed to those seeking spiritual sanctuary at Parihaka, a site of the restoration of Maori confidence.31 Ngati Tama also believed that the return heke fulfilled a prophecy given in 1835 that they would return to Taranaki. This belief was particularly advanced by the events of 1868. The appearance of the Aurora Australis, an outbreak of a measles epidemic which killed a large number of Maori and Moriori on the Chathams, and the destruction wrought on the settlement of Tupuangi by a tidal wave, were all considered by the migrants as omens signalling their return to Taranaki.32 More recently, Grant Phillipson has suggested that the return could have been hastened by the Native Department's suspicion that settlers had made pre hearing deals with the Maori owners, who then returned to the mainland.33
Ngati Tama residing elsewhere - in Waikanae and the northern South Island in particular - also returned to Taranaki during this period. Phillipson has recently commented on the 'migratory habits of Te Atiawa' with regard to the latter region, suggesting they were 'not close to settling down by 1840, and were considered just as volatile in the late 1850s'.34
5. Military settlement and occupation 1865-69
5.1 Confiscation
In 1865 1,275,000 acres of land was confiscated in Taranaki, including approximately 74,000 acres of land in the traditional Ngati Tama estate.35 The land was designated as three Districts: Middle Taranaki, Ngatiawa and Ngatiruanui.36 On 2 September 1865, by an Order in Council, that part of the Ngati Tama estate included within the District called Ngatiawa was declared confiscated land under the New Zealand Settlements Act 1863.37 Pukearuhe was selected as a military stronghold by the government in an attempt to
31 Ibid., p. 109.
32 Ibid., p. 109.
33 Grant Phillipson, 'Report to the Waitangi Tribunal on Matters of Relevance to the Chatham Islands Claims', A16, Wai 64, p. 23.
34 Phillipson, 'Northern South Island District Report', p. 32. For a fuller discussion of events surrounding the return and resettlement of Ngati Tama, see the unpublished Mohakatino Parininihi and Mokau Mohakatino Blocks Report.
35 This was the figure produced in the 'Report of the Sim Commission', AfHR, 1928, G-7, p. 11.
36 Middle Taranaki, New Zealand Gazette, No.3, 31 January 1865, p. 16; Ngatiawa and Ngatiruanui, New Zealand Gazette, No. 35, 5 September 1865, p. 266. See Figure 3.
37 New Zealand Gazette, No. 35, 5 September 1865, p. 266; New Zealand Statutes, 1863, pp. 19-23. Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 7
'pacify' North Taranaki and to faciliate the European settlement of the confiscated land north of the Waitara River.38 The Act stated that
some adequate provision should be made for the permanent protection and security of the well-disposed Inhabitants of both races for the prevention of future insurrection or rebellion and for the establishment and maintenance of Her Majesty's authority and of Law and Order throughout the Colony.
It was further declared 'lawful for the Governor in Council from time to time to set apart within any such District eligible sites for settlements for colonization and the boundaries of such settlements to define and vary'.39 Essentially, the policy of confiscation was designed as a punitive measure delivered to those 'rebels' who had taken up arms against the Crown in the land wars of the 1860s. Confiscation on the ground, however, failed to distinguish between those 'rebels' and those who had not participated in the conflict.40 With regard to the wars surrounding the Pekapeka purchase in 1860, and the second war of 1863, Ngati Tama did not take up arms against the government forces and fighting did not take place on the Ngati Tama estate.41
5.2 Military settlement
Military settlement was the instrument with which the Government hoped to implement the policy of confiscation and to ensure 'the future security of the settlers and the permanent preservation of peace [in Taranaki],.42 In October 1863, Alfred Domett presented to the government a plan of military settlement which included the introduction of 20,000 men throughout the North Island who would assist in suppressing rebellion by dissident MaoriY Approximateley 4000 men were to be located in Taranaki, distributed in about forty settlements averaging 100 men each and requiring 190,000 to 200,000 acres
38 R. Parris to the Hon. Native Minister, New Plymouth, 18 May 1865, 'Report relative to expeditions to establish military posts at Pukearuhe', AJHR, E-8, 1865, see also F19, Wai 143, Appendix 4-5, p. 142.
39 New Zealand Statutes, 1863, pp. 19-20.
40 Hazel Riseborough, Background Papers, (i) 'Confiscation on paper'; (ii) 'Confiscation on the ground', A2, Wai 143.
41 W. H. Skinner, in RDB, vol. 49, p. 19162. See also 'Districts that fed the war' map by C. Heaphy in AJHR, 1861, E-IC, p. 2. The Ngati Tama rohe was included in this area.
42 Alfred Domett, 'Memorandum on Roads and Military Settlements in the Northern Islands of New Zealand', AfHR, 5 October 1863, A-8a, p. 1. See also 'Papers Relative to the Formation of Military Settlements in the North Island of New Zealand', AfHR, 1863, A-8a, A-8b. For further discussion of the theory and practice of the military settlement scheme in North Taranaki and the Waikato in particular, see Suzanne M. Cross, 'Muru Me Te Raupatu: Confiscation, Compensation, and Settlement in North Taranaki, 1863-1880', M. A. thesis, University of Auckland, 1993, pp. 134-73.
43 See Figure 4, Doc #1, #2. Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 8 of land.44 The plan included taking a total of 500,000 acres of land in Taranaki:~5 Domett suggested that the Military Settlers come from Australia and England (the latter with assisted passages) and the entire scheme was to be financed by 'the sale of the lands forfeited by the Natives at war against us' .46 It was anticipated that the military settlers would clear the land and construct roads in addition to performing garrison duties. Domett's scheme proposed to
make roads and plant settlers through and about the frontiers of the present settlements ... [and] take as the sites of our settlements either the plains and valleys, however far stretching into the interior, still connected with and continuous from those already settled, and thus capable of being included with them within one ring of defence ... .47
In addition to road construction, Domett proposed 'the introduction of such an amount of armed population, formed into defensive settlements, as would overawe the Native Tribes ... [and] at least be always ready and able to check or punish their incursions and depredations'.48 Pukearuhe, in particular, was envisaged by Domett as the site of a future northern frontier post which could 'be held by 200 men in a stockade (or less) against any Native force whatever; and would be easily provisioned by sea ... '.49 Pukearuhe was one of seven military settlements in North Taranaki, including Huirangi, Manutahi, Mataitawa, Tikorangi, Manganui and Urenui.50
5.3 Military occupation
Pukearuhe held much the same attraction for Pakeha as it did for its Maori occupiers, for its strategic position offered potential control of the northern access route into Taranaki.51 The lands between Mokau and Titoki provided a strategic advantage for the occupiers of this strip of coast, as all movement from north to south was by way of the beach at
44 Of these 4000 men, 100 would be situated on the north from New Plymouth to Waimate; another 1000 on Ngatiruanui land in the south; and 2000 along the coast, see Domett, 'Memorandum on Roads and Military Settlements', p. 3.
45 Ibid., p. 8.
46 From such land there was to be deducted 'the amount required for the Natives themselves [and] the amount required for free grants to the settlers .. .'. Ibid., pp. 5-7.
47 Ibid., p. 2.
48 Ibid., p. 1.
49 Ibid., p. 3.
50 See Figure 5.
51 The value of Pukearuhe as a strategic site is enhanced when it is considered that all movement from north to south into the region was by way of the beach below the cliffs which could only be negotiated at low tide. F19, Wai 143, p. 27. Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 9
Pukearuhe which was only negotiable at low tide.52 The establishment of a military redoubt at Pukearuhe was part of the larger campaign designed to subdue resistance and permanently pacify North Taranaki. The surveying of the land to the north of the Waitara river and the erection of blockhouses in strategic localities were considered fundamental to ensuring European supremacy in the region. 'The military outpost at Pukearuhe (Fern-root Bill)', James Cowan wrote in 1923, 'had been established in 1865 in order to command the only practicable route along the West Coast between Mokau Heads and Taranaki.'53 It appears that Pukearuhe was unoccupied by Ngati Tama when the militia established the redoubt there in 1865. It is also possible that Pukearuhe was chosen as the site of a military post to protect the northern boundary of the confiscated lands and, in doing so, to drive a wedge between Te Atiawa and Ngati Maniapoto.54 Indeed, as historian Richard Hill has noted, the purpose of establishing the frontier redoubt at Pukearuhe was to 'consolidate recent expansion to Waitara and beyond and to seal off the invasion route from the King Country.'55
The establishment of a military settlement at Pukearuhe was hastened by the events of April 1865. On 23 April 1865 Colonel H. J. Warre, commanding officer of the British troops in North Taranaki, was informed that a large contingent of Ngati Maniapoto, under the leadership of Rewi Maniapoto, were advancing down the Waitara river to join Wiremu Kingi in a combined effort to obstruct any Pakeha movement north of the river. Acting on this information, Warre ordered his forces to take possession of Pukearuhe on the following day. 56 The S. S. Phoebe was then placed at the disposal of Colonel Warre to convey the expeditionary forces of Military and Taranaki Bushrangers to Parininihi.57 On landing at Parininihi, there were sixty men under Captain Ralston and thirty six Bushrangers under Captain Jonas. 58 Colonel Mulock was in command of the 70th Regiment and a company of Taranaki Bushrangers.
52 Ibid.
53 James Cowan, 1be New Zealand Wars and the pioneering period, a history of the Maori campaigns, Volume II: 1be Hauhau Wars, 1864-72, Wellington, 1983, p. 304.
54 See further 'Establishment of the Military redoubt at Pukearuhe, 1865', F19, Appendix 4-5, p. 143.
55 Richard Hill, Policing the Colonial Frontier: the theory and practice of coercive social and racial control in New Zealand, 1767-1867, Part Two, Wellington, 1986, p. 876.
56 F19, Wai 143, Appendix 4-5, p. 143. See also Taranaki Herald, 29 April 1865, cited in Nigel Prickett, 'The Archaeology of a Military Frontier: Taranaki, New Zealand, 1860-1881', PhD thesis, University of Auckland, 1981, p. 177. R. Parris, 'Report Relative to Expeditions to Establish Military Posts at Pukearuhe', 18 May 1865, AjHR, E-8, pp. 1-3.
57 Margaret de Jardin, 'Shipwrecks on and off the Taranaki coast', copy F19, Appendix 4-14,4-15, pp. 152-53. In addition to establishing the redoubt at Pukearuhe, Warre extended the military presence in Taranaki by also establishing redoubts at Warea, 27 miles south of New Plymouth, and one at Opunake, fifty miles from New Plymouth. Cowan, New Zealand Wars, II, p. 55.
58 R. Parris, 'Report Relative to Expeditions to Establish Military Posts at Pukearuhe', 18 May 1865, AJHR, E-8, p. 1. Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 10
Following the initial occupation, the 70th Regiment under Captain Ralston was withdrawn from Pukearuhe and relieved in late August 1865 by No.5 Company of the Taranaki Military Settlers, under the command of Major Baddeley.59 Throughout August 1865 there was intermittent conflict between the garrison and a section of Ngati Maniapoto of Mokau who had camped in the Waipingau gully near the redoubt to compete for the salvage of the cargo of the Alexandra, which had gone ashore a mile north of the redoubt on 9 August.6o On 25 November a party of Maniapoto advanced from the north and shots were exchanged with the militia on the beach near the mouth of the Waikaramarama stream. This was followed by an attempt by Maniapoto to ambush some military settlers who were cutting fern south of the redoubt.61
Throughout the following year fighting gradually subsided and by September 1865 the construction of a redoubt at Pukearuhe was well under way.62 The military redoubt at Pukearuhe was marked out on the east side of the plateau, a trench was dug, parapet erected and raupo, punga and wooden huts built on the site. By the end of the year, a substantial two-storey blockhouse was built.63 The military post was initially called 'Clifton', a name which subsequently passed on to the county.64 Despite the isolation of the post, the garrison was steadily reduced throughout 1866 and 1867. In early 1866 Major Baddeley was relieved from service and the command of the Clifton post passed to Captain W. B. Messenger of No.6 Company of the Taranaki Military Settlers.65
The No.6 Company was replaced in September 1866 by No.9 Company with 56 Taranaki Military Settlers under Captain Page. By the end of 1866 many of the settlers had their wives and families also living in the district near the garrison. In February 1867 No. 6 Company were given grants to their allotted sections of land.66 The settlers then elected a road board of commissioners, according to the proclamation, and obtained £100 to add to the government grant of £200 in order to construct a road to Urenui.67 When in March 1867 the No.9 Company under Captain Page was transferred to the Patea district owing to Maori opposition to the conduct of surveys, some of the No.6 Company were placed back on active service to garrison the redoubt. In May 1867 Captain Page's company
59 'Establishment of the Military Redoubt at Pukearuhe', p. 3, F19, Wai 143.
60 See Cross,'Muru Me Te Raupatu', p. 153; Joan Lawrence and Nigel Prickett, 'Excavations at Pukearuhe (N99/49) North Taranaki, 1968', Record o/the Auckland Institute and Museum, 21 (1), p. 5.
61 Ibid.
62 Cross, 'Muru Me Te Raupatu', p. 153. See Figure 5(a).
63 Prickett, Historic Taranaki, p. 59.
64 For an account of life at the frontier post, see E. S. Brookes, Frontier Life, Taranaki, Auckland, 1892.
65 With a contingent of 80 men, No.6 Company constituted most of the garrison, which never exceeded 140 in total.
66 Cross, 'Muru Me Te Raupatu', p. 154. See Figure 7.
67 'Establishment of the Military Redoubt at Pukearuhe', p. 9, F19, Wai 143. , \. Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 11
left Pukearuhe to a small force of Military Settlers under Lieutenant Bamber Gascoigne. The remaining 25 men were ordered from the post in May 1868.68 Almost all of the sixty original military settlers, with the exception of Gascoigne, Milne and Richards, soon left the district in the absence of adequate employment. 69
6. The Whiteley incident
6.1 The events of February 1869
The historic significance of Pukearuhe, and in particular its status as a Historic Reserve, revolves largeley around the events referred to in the Pakeha historical narrative as the 'Massacre at Pukearuhe Redoubt' .70 On 13 February 1869 a group of about fifteen Ngati Maniapoto from Mokau, led by Wetere Te Rerenga, attacked the Pukearuhe redoubt.71 Lieutenant Gascoigne, his wife and three children, with the military settlers Milne and Richards were killed. Reverend John Whiteley, a Wesleyan missionary who had arrived at Pukearuhe to conduct a service, was also killed.72 It is significant to note here that Ngati Tama were not involved in this raid on the military settlement at Pukearuhe.
In his version of the event, based on Pakeha military records and contemporary oral evidence, James Cowan wrote that the existence of the redoubt at Pukearuhe 'blocking the passage of recruits from Ngati-Maniapoto and Waikato to the camps of the Taranaki Bauhaus, was a continual source of annoyance to the Maoris [sic] at Mokau, for it was regarded by them as a direct challenge.m Cowan went on to suggest that by 1869
it [the military outpost at Pukearuhe] was temporarily defenceless; the military settlers in the district were working their bush farms, and the vulnerable condition of Pukearuhe was a temptation which Wetere and his section of Ngati-Maniapoto
68 Prickett, N. and J. Lawrence, 'Excavations at Pukearuhe (N99/49) North Taranaki, 1968', Record of the Auckland Institute and Museum, 21 (1), p. 5.
69 According to Cross, 77.8% of settlers had sold their rural sections by September 1868; and 77.5% had sold their town sections by the same date. Deed Indexes, Lands and Deeds, New Plymouth. Deed Indexes only record transfers of land and provide no details on land occupancy. Cross, 'Muru Me Te Raupatu', pp. 157-58.
70 Cowan, New Zealand Wars, II, p. 304. For a fuller account of the incident, see Cowan, pp. 304-10. Skinner also refers to the incident as the 'White Cliffs Massacre', Skinner, Reminiscences of a Taranaki Surveyor, p. 40. See also 'The White Cliffs Massacre - Memorial to Victims - Erection by Government', Taranaki Herald, 31 May 1930. See also B. Wells, The History of Taranaki, New Plymouth, 1878, pp. 281-282.
71 Cowan, New Zealand Wars, II, p. 411; James Belich, The New Zealand Wars and the Victorian Interpretation of Racial Conflict, Auckland, 1986, p. 269; Helen Garrett confers that the attackers were 'a small party of Kingite warriors', Helen Garrett, Te Manihera: the life and times of the pioneer missionary Robert Maunsell, Auckland, 1991, p. 288. See Figure 8.
72 J. S. Tu1lett, The Industrious Heart: a history of New Plymouth, New Plymouth, 1981, p. 141.
73 Cowan, New Zealand Wars, II, p. 304. (
Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 12 at Mokau Heads could not resist.74
Maori versions of the incident at Pukearuhe in February 1869 differed, however, calling into question the validity of Cowan's account. Cowan himself noted that '[s]everal conflicting accounts have been given by the Ngati-Maniapoto natives of Mokau regarding the massacre at the Pukearuhe Redoubt, White Cliffs, North Taranaki, in 1869.'75
Historian James Belich has further argued that the Whiteley incident should not be dismissed as 'the isolated act of a few individuals', but instead considered as 'a declaration of war by the King movement'.76 This, Belich has suggested, is because the raid on the Pukearuhe redoubt was sanctioned by the Kingite leadership.77 Unlike the raid on Pukearuhe, however, Whiteley's death appears to have been unpremeditated, and was met with shock from the Pakeha and Maori communities alike. A reprisal raid against Maniapoto is said to have been considered, but did not proceed as the government did not wish to resume fighting in the area.78 Despite this threat, Whiteley's death marked the immediate cessation of hostilities in the area. As missionary historian Helen Garrett has suggested that 'there is no doubt that this incident ... shocked the Maoris [sic] as well as the Europeans and helped to bring peace at last' .79
6.2 Whiteley and the Taranaki Methodist Mission
John Whiteley was born in Nottinghamshire in 1806. He was ordained a minister of the Wesleyan Methodist Church in 1832 and arrived in New Zealand the following year. He was first stationed at Kawhia and then at Pakanae, near Hokianga, for two years, before returning to Kawhia in 1839 to reopen the mission station.80 While ministering in the north, Whiteley concerned himself with all aspects of Maori welfare. 81 He was especially critical of Crown efforts to acquire unoccupied Maori land, arguing that all land in the
74 Ibid.
75 Ibid., pp. 540-542; see also Evelyn Stokes, Mokau: Maori Cultural and Historical Perspectives, University of Waikato, Hamilton, 1988, pp. 122-130.
76 Belich, New Zealand Wars, p. 269.
77 Ibid. See also AJHR 1869, A-3F, pp. 7-8. Cowan states however, that 'Although the leaders of the King party at Tokangamutu tacitly approved of the proposed raid on Pukearuhe, they had no intention of encouraging the slaughter of women and children, much less of a missionary whose work and character were familiar to and respected by al1.' Cowan, New Zealand Wars, n, pp. 308-9;
78 Graham Brazendale, 'John Whiteley, 1806-1869', in The Dictionary o/New Zealand Biography, Volume One, 1769-1869, Wellington, 1990, p. 590.
79 Garrett, Te Manihera, pp. 288-89; see also Ted Andrews, 'The Events That Ended Maori-Pakeha Conflict', Taranaki Herald, 22 February 1969.
80 Graham Brazendale, 'John Whiteley, 1806-1869', The Dictionary 0/ New Zealand Biography, Volume One, 1769·1869, p. 590.
81 Ibid. (I Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 13
country had customary owners, and that Crown possession of unoccupied Maori land contravened the letter and spirit of the Treaty of Waitangi.82 In 1847 Whiteley wrote a tract entitled 'He Rongo Mau: A Call to Peace', in which he argued that Maori had the right to occupy their lands.83 A biographer of Whiteley's, Reverend W. W. H. Greenslade, has referred to him during these early years in New Zealand as 'the Maoris advocate'.84 According to Whiteley's son, 'when he [Whiteley] left Kawhia in 1855 he was proficient in the Maori language ... He was thoroughly versed in Maori history, and traditions, and had a perfect acquaintance with the Maori character, and modes of thought'.85
In January 1856 Whiteley was sent to Taranaki to relieve H. Hanson Turton at the mission post and 'to assist the Government and mission solve the Taranaki native risings'.86 Whiteley and his family lived at T e Henui initially for 12 months, moving out to the mission station in 1857. In addition to his missionary duties, Whiteley was also principal of a Wesleyan missionary school, the Grey institution, and acted as translator and adviser to government officials.87 In 1858 he was appointed to the Taranaki District Native Reserves Commission, as an unpaid Native Land [purchase] Commissioner with Parris and Halse.88 Whiteley witnessed many significant land transactions in the area and was witness and translator in the proposed land sale between Te Teira and Parris in November 1859, to which Wiremu Kingi strongly objected.89
Like many of his contemporary missionaries, Whiteley worked very closely with Maori and gained their confidence and respect. He had frequent contact with Maori, in his various roles as missionary, translator and Native Land [purchase] Commissioner.9o
82 Ibid.
83 W. W. H. Greenslade, John Whiteley, Auckland, 1968, p. 22.
84 Ibid., p. 21.
85 'Life of John Whiteley and Mrs John Whiteley and Whiteley's letter of appeal for help owing to the Taranaki wars of the sixties', (by his son), ts, qMS-2214, ATL, p. 2.
86 Cited in W. A. Chambers, Samuel Ironside in New Zealand 1839-1858, Auckland, 1982, p. 231. See further 'The Rev. John Whiteley - Pioneer Missionary', The Taranaki News, Whiteley Memorial Supplement, Saturday 24 December 1899, 4pp.; and W. H. Skinner, The Gospel Comes to Taranaki: a glimpse at heroic beginnings, Methodist Church of New Zealand, New Plymouth, [n.d.], pp. 1-3.
87 Brazendale, 'John Whiteley, 1809-1869', in The Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Volume One, 1769·1869, p. 590.
88 Greenslade,John Whiteley, p. 30. Whiteley to Richmond, 2 January 1858; Richmond to Whiteley, 28 January 1858, 58/1, Greenslade papers.
89 Greenslade, John Whiteley, p. 33.
90 See John Whiteley, 'Diary 1832-1863', MS 2390, ATL, esp. 8 March 1860, engaged in 'translating the Governor's speech delivered to the Natives on Saturday last .. .'; 28 March 1860 on Te Ropiha; 31 May 1863; 7 June 1863. See also Whiteley's essay, 'The Reverend John Whiteley on the Native Insurrection', MS 2390, ATL. (I Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 14
Whiteley made regular visits to the settlements in North Taranaki, ministering to the faithful from New Plymouth to White Cliffs.91 'It was his custom', wrote Greenslade, 'to ride to this furthest outpost [Pukearuhe], sleep there Saturday night, and begin to preach his way back home to attend the evening worship at the Wesleyan Chapel (Liardet Street)'.92 According to his biographers, Whiteley was held in affection by most Taranaki Maori, and was called 'Te Matua' (the father) by his Maori congregation.93 In The Industrious Heart: a history o/New Plymouth (1981), J. S. Tullett writes that in his work for the Maori Methodist mission in Taranaki, and through his fluency in Maori, 'Whiteley acquired great mana among the various tribes and he [Whiteley] did much to smooth ruffled feelings between Maori and Pakeha'. 94
Whiteley's new mission district, however, had a significant settler community who were both fearful and angry at the disputes over issues of land ownership between Maori and settlers and between Maori. Exposed to these turbulent conditions, Whiteley revised his previous opinion on land ownership and came out in support of the settlers' cause. Where he had once defended the right of Maori to control their lands, Whiteley now believed that the settlers had a claim to purchase and make use of unoccupied Maori land. Whiteley publicly expressed his sentiments in favour of the settler claims for land and called on Britain for support of their cause.95 'I am a Missionary to the natives,' he wrote from Taranaki, 'and as such, am bound to stand by them in all that is right, but in this case my duty is clearly to turn my back upon them; to set my face against them; and by every means to testify my disapproval and disavowel [sic] of their conduct.'96 Moreover, he argued that armed opposition to the sale of this land was tantamount to rebellion against the Crown.97 In 1860 Whiteley made an impassioned appeal against the idea of Maori sovereignty, protesting strongly against 'the upstart kingdom of a Maori sovereign' .98 In a letter sent to the Editor of the London Times in August 1860, Whiteley set out his views on the land selling practices in Taranaki. 'This anti-selling-Iand league', wrote Whiteley,
may fairly be designated as ungrateful, impolitic, unjust, murderous, and violation of the Treaty of Waitangi and in direct opposition to the purposes of Providence . ... It is in violation of the Treaty of Waitangi because that Treaty guarantees
91 John Whiteley, 'Diary 1832-1863', MS 2390, ATL.
92 Greenslade, John Whiteley, p. 39. Taranaki Herald, 31 May 1930. See also B. Wells, The History of Taranaki, pp. 282-287.
93 qMS 2214, ATL, p. 2.
94 Tullett, The Industrious Heart: A history of New Plymouth, p. 140.
95 Whiteley, in MS 2390, ATL.
96 Greenslade, John Whiteley, p. 33.
97 Brazendale, 'John Whiteley, 1809-1869', in The Dictionary ofNew Zealand Biography, Volume One 1769· 1869, p. 590.
98 'An Appeal to the British Nation from Britain's Anitpodes', 29 August 1860, copy published as Letter to the Editor of the Taranaki Herald, 57/13, Greenslade papers, Whiteley Methodist Church, New Plymouth. ( i Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 15
protection to individuals, as well as Tribes, in the possession and use of that which is their own.99
He continued in this vein:
Their lands might be confiscated but this would be small compensation to the ruined settler: small compensation indeed to those whom this savage and unrighteous war has made widows and orphans and robbed of their earthly soiL 100
Where previously he had called for the Crown to honour its Treaty obligations, he now asserted that 'The Maoris should rejoice in Her [the Queen's] protection' .101
Whiteley went so far as to actively encourage Maori to sell their land.102 For some time he had been intervening in land purchase affairs for which he had incurred some criticism. He had, for instance, advised his friend C. W. Richmond to buy all land offered by Maori, even if disputed, and to pay 'as Iowa price as possible for these claims - the lower the better for themselves' .103 Whiteley clearly saw the customary Maori land tenure as an obstacle to prospective land purchasers and therefore advanced the idea of individualising Maori title. 'I think it will greatly benefit the Natives', wrote Whiteley to Richmond on 17 August 1857, 'if they would sell every acre they possess and then each one for himself to repurchase and hold by Crown grant so much only as they individually require' .104
Whiteley's 'converson' from Maori advocate to settler spokesperson was not made without deep concern, but once made, became a deep conviction, as evidenced by the following passage from his Journal:
God knows our wish and desire and efforts have ever been to induce the natives to live peaceably with the Europeans and to part with their lands. Why have we not succeeded? Alas, they have made an idol of their land ... and Providence indicates that now shall this portion of His earth be occupied by those who are able and
99 Whiteley cited in qMS 2214, ATL.
100 Ibid., p. 9.
101 8 March 1860, Diary, ATL. See also Letter Whiteley to Buddle, 9 May 1860, discussing 'mana' and the Treaty, NZ Wesleyan Mission Papers 1856-79, vol 2, MS2178, ATL. See also 17 April, 8 August, 23 July, 3 Oct 1860.
102 See further John Whiteley to C. W. Richmond, 17 August 1857, Richmond-Atkinson Papers, vol 3, Acc. 77-25, ATL; and Allan K. Davidson and Peter J. Lineham, Transplanted Christianity: Documents illustrating aspects of New Zealand Church History, 2nd edn, pp. 119, 121-2.
103 Richmond letters, 17 August, cited in 60/2, Greenslade papers, Whiteley Methodist Church, New Plymouth.
104 57/10, Greenslade papers, Whiteley Methodist Church, New Plymouth. Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 16
willing to bring forth the fruits therefrom. lOS
Whiteley's role in Taranaki clearly was an ambivalent one. On the eve of the conflict in Taranaki in late 1859, for instance, Whiteley visited kainga in the district 'for the purpose of arranging the terms of peace' .106 In early 1863, while the southern tribes still kept themselves aloof from missionary contact, a group of North Taranaki Maori requested the revival of missionary services to their area. Whiteley responded with several visits and was pleased with the results. l07 In 1864 Whiteley petitioned the Superintendent of Taranaki and the Provincal Councillors for a grant towards the building of a Maori chapel at Te Henui.l08 In February 1865 he was still requesting assistance. l09 The chapel was finally built in 1866 with funds raised from a Provincial government grant and subscriptions from members of the Wesleyan Church community yo In January 1867 Whiteley gave funds from the Grey Institute to Maori for funds for native schools and education.ll1 Whiteley himself believed a missionary should act as a conciliator and in an article published in the Taranaki Herald in June 1865, Whiteley defended the role of the missionary as an ambassador of peace. 112
Graham Brazendale, a recent biographer of Whiteley, has suggested that although Whiteley had a genuine concern for Maori, his advocacy of the settler position in Taranaki was ill judged and hampered his missionary efforts.113 Indeed, it would appear that soon after commencing his mission duties in Taranaki, Whiteley had a change of heart and came out strongly in support of the settlers' efforts to acquire Maori land. It can only be assumed that he was under some pressure from his parishioners among the settler community in New Plymouth to listen to their concerns and champion their cause. Whiteley relied on the support of the settler community to ensure the continued survival of his mission post and was therefore compelled to advance their concerns and allay their . anxieties. In addition, Whiteley feared not only for the safety of his community but that of his own family. From his own correspondence and writings, it is evident that Whiteley was clearly dismayed at the conflict - between Maori and Pakeha and between Maori - which he witnessed during the 1860s and his previous sympathy for Maori was no doubt
105 See Whiteley, 'Diary', Journal 18 April 1868, MS 2390, ATL.
106 59/7, Greenslade papers, Whiteley Methodist Church, New Plymouth.
107 63/7, Greenslade papers, Whiteley Methodist Church, New Plymouth.
108 64/3, Greenslade papers, Whiteley Methodist Church, New Plymouth.
109 20 February 1865, 65/1, Greenslade papers, Whiteley Methodist Church, New Plymouth.
110 64/13, Greenslade papers, Whiteley Methodist Church, New Plymouth.
111 60/7, 67/1, Greenslade papers, Whiteley Methodist Church, New Plymouth.
112 Taranaki Herald, 17 June 1865, 65/2; 60/2, Greenslade papers, Whiteley Methodist Church, New Plymouth.
113 Brazendale, 'John Whiteley, 1809-1869', in 1be Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Volume One 1769-1869', p. 591. ) Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 17
undermined by this experience.
There is also evidence that local Maori held equivocal feelings towards Whiteley. In the light of his pro-settler campaign and in his role as an unpaid Native Land [purchase] Commissioner, Whiteley was seen by Maori as an advocate for the opposition. When giving the reasons for his involvement in the killings at Pukearuhe in February 1869, for instance, Wetere Te Rerenga stated that: 'he did not want Whitely coming to Mokau and doing to Maniapoto's land what his influence on the politicians and the military had done to Ngati Tama and their land.'114 Whiteley therefore ha an contradictory role within the Taranaki community; while ministering to Maori for their spiritual needs, he was simultaneously involved in the alienation of their traditional land. George Laurenson, in his Te Hahi Weteriana: Three half centuries of the Methodist Maori Missions 1822-1972 (1972), provides an appropriate summation of Whiteley's work in Taranaki: 'The Apostle of peace who had mediated in so many tribal confrontations had at last become a victim of the unleashed bitterness rising from the clash of the two peoples, and from the long succession 'of wrongs and misunderstandings that had led to the flare Up.'115
7. Military occupation 1872-85
A large majority of the military settlers granted land at Pukearuhe had sold their allotments prior to the events of February 1869. After 1869 land sales were temporarily halted in the area, then resumed at the rate of one or two per year through the 1870s. After the Whiteley incident, Pukearuhe was abandoned for almost four years. The northern frontier of Pakeha Taranaki was withdrawn to the south bank of Papatiki stream at Waiiti. Potential settlers to the area were discouraged by the state of unease. '[It] seems to be generally admitted', wrote Governor Bowen to Earl Granville, Secretary of State for the Colonies in 1869, 'that it was imprudent at the present time to occupy with settlers distant and isolated positions ... [these] positions being in the immediate neighbourhood of the most hostile tribes, and of the most impenetrable mountains and forests' .116 In considering the success of the military settlement scheme in North Taranaki, it appears that the forest clad land surrounding Pukearuhe was not a welcome prospect for potential settlers. In addition to the isolation of the settlement, the nature of the land granted acted as a major deterrent against permanent settlement. It has also been questioned if a 50 acre allotment was an adequate economic base from which a settler could derive a successful livelihood.117 Moreover, there existed no road connecting Pukearuhe to settlements south of Waitara. Settlements had little chance of success in the absence of adequate communication routes. Frontier roads were also essential as links between fortifications
114 G. Parks, Te Ururoa: 1be Flat Coast of Trees, p. 181.
115 George Laurenson, Te Hahi Weteriana: 1bree half centuries of the Methodist Maori Missions 1822-1972, Auckland, 1972, pp. 173-74.
116 Bowen to Granville, 11 March, AJHR, 1869, A-l, p. 56.
117 lone M. Bremner, 'The Early Development of the Patea-Waverley District: A Study of the Problems of Settling Confiscated Land', M. A. thesis, Victoria University, 1962, p. 32. Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 18 to facilitate the transport of troops in times of need. us
After the Whiteley incident in February 1869, two further redoubts were built in the Wai-iti Valley, about two miles south of Pukearuhe. Two redoubts were established here, occupied by the Armed Constabulary and Taranaki Bushrangers. These garrisons regularly patrolled the 4km area north to Pukearuhe. Together with the redoubts at Pukearuhe and U renui, these posts formed an inner guard which protected the northern boundary of T aranaki. 119
It was not until 11 September 1872 that Pukearuhe was reoccupied by the Armed Constabulary under Inspector Tuke who maintained a strong garrison there until 1885.120 A new blockhouse was constructed and a garrison was then maintained at Taranaki's northern frontier post. In 1873 there were 38 Armed Constabulary at the Pukearuhe redoubt. In June 1884 there was still one officer, four non-commissioned officers and 26 men. Pukearuhe was finally abandoned in November 1885.121
There are clear parallels between Ngati Tama and later Pakeha occupation of the land above the Parininihi cliffs at Pukearuhe. Both recognised the strategic value of Pukearuhe in guarding the northern access route into Taranaki. Moreover, both had fortified their position there against Ngati Maniapoto forces from the north. Ngati Tama had been compelled to leave the district when they could no longer withstand the effects wrought by the new weapons in the hands of their old enemies. The Armed Constabulary finally abandoned Pukearuhe when the opening up of the King country to the Pakeha had removed the threat to Taranaki's northern frontier.
8. Block History
8.1 Police reserve
On 4 May 1887 Section 1, Town Belt, Pukearuhe (l1a 3r 35p) was reserved for police purposes under section 227 of the Land Act 1885.122 This Act gave to the Governor authority to 'reserve from sale temporarily ... any Crown lands which in his opinion are required for any of the purposes in the said section mentioned ... '.123 On 19 December
118 Prickett, 'The Archaelogy of a Military Frontier', pp. 336-37.
119 Cowan, New Zealand Wars, II, p. 498.
120 Prickett, Historic Taranaki, p. 59; Prickett and Lawrence, 'Excavations at PUkearuhe (N99 / 49) North Taranaki, 1968', p. 5.
121 Ibid.
122 New Zealand Gazette, 7 July 1887. See also 'Township of Pukearuhe', map by G. Hately, September 1897, DOSLI, New Plymouth. See Figure 8(a).
123 Provision was also made, under section 228 of the Act, that land temporarily reserved may, after one month but not later than six months after publication in the Gazette, be permanently reserved. New Zealand Gazette, 7 July 1887. ( I Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 19
1912 section 11 was also reserved for police purposes.124
8.2 Historic reserve
In 1955 Section 11 and Subdivisions 1 of Section 1, Pukearuhe Town Belt (lOa lr 2p) were together designated a Historic Reserve under section 39 of the Reserves and Other Lands Disposal and Public Bodies Empowering Act 1920.125 The reserve was considered to be of historic significance because it was the site of the military blockhouse and the place where the pioneer missionary John Whiteley was killed.126
In 1982 a new appellation was given to the reserve as Section 18 (formerly subdivisions 1 and 2 of Section 1, Sections 11, 13 and 14, Pukearuhe Town Belt) and classified as a reserve for historic purposes pursuant to section 16 of the Reserves Act 1977.127
8.2.1 The Whiteley memorials
The occasion of Whiteley's death at Pukearuhe in February 1869 is commemorated by two memorials situated on the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve. A small memorial cairn was erected by the Whiteley family and was unveiled by Whiteley's grandson, Whiteley Rawson, at a ceremony conducted on 13 February 1916. The unveiling ceremony was attended by descendents of Whiteley and his family, members of the Methodist Church and others, including Colonel Messenger, Captain Cameron, Mr B. Wells, and Mr Davies, then owner of the property on which the memorial was erected. 128 The inscription on the memorial stone reads:
To John Whiteley Missionary who was killed here 13th February 1869 Erected by his relatives Kia Hone Waitere Mihinare
The larger monument was erected on Friday 2 February 1923 by the Trustees of the
124 New Zealand Gazette, 19 December, 1912.
125 Section 39 of this Act included provision for the 'changing purpose of certain land in Taranaki Land District from reserve for police purposes to historic reserve'. 'Reserves and Other Lands Disposal and Public Bodies Empowering Act 1920', New Zealand Statutes, 1920, p. 493.
126 New Zealand Gazette, 1955, p. 436.
127 New Zealand Gazette, 16 December 1982, No. 152, p. 4325. A reserve was as defined under section 439 of the Maori Affairs Act 1953. The relevent sections in the Reserves Act 1977 provided for the acquisition of land by the Minister for a reserve, with the proviso that no Maori land could be taken or otherwise acquired under the Public Works Act 1928 without the consent of the Minister of Maori Affairs (sec 12).
128 Captain Cameron was in charge of the boat in which the bodies of the Reverend Whiteley, Lieutenant Gascoinge, his wife and three children, and Messrs Richards and Milne were removed to New Plymouth. 'The White Cliffs Massacre Memorial to the Rev. John Whiteley Unveiling Ceremony', Taranaki Herald, 15 February, 1916. See Doc #3, #4. I have not been able to determine if any Maori attended this ceremony, although local Maori representatives attended the commemorative service held for Whiteley in 1969. ( Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 20
Whiteley Memorial and the Waitara Churches at a ceremony conducted by Reverend W. J. Elliot.129 It bears the inscription (in both Maori and English):
John Whiteley, Pioneer Methodist Minister, who was killed on this spot February 13th 1869. Erected by admirers all over this DominionYo
The memorial, a column of 12 feet in height adorned by a simple cross, is made from grey stone taken from the Parininihi Cliffs below the reserve. The existence of the Whiteley monument on the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve is of particular concern for the Ngati Tama claimants, as its presence serves as a symbol of colonial oppression which threatens to erase the previous (and much longer) history of the site as a traditional Ngati Tama stronghold. Some degree of reconciliation over the historic significance of the reserve would, therefore, appear to revolve around the issue of this monument.
There also exists a memorial cairn dedicated to Whiteley in the T e Henui cemetery in New Plymouth. The Whiteley Methodist Church in Liardet Street, New Plymouth, which was originally built in 1897, then rebuilt in the 1960s, also stands as further testimony to Whiteley's missionary efforts in Taranaki.l3l
8.2.2 Poutama Whiria
In February 1923 (co-incidentally the same month that the Whiteley monument was erected on the Historic Reserve), Mr Vincent Wells, then 19 years of age, found Poutama Whiria, on his father's farm at White Cliffs, Pukearuhe.132 This adze is believed to have been brought to Aotearoa in the T okomaru canoe.133 According to tradition, the adze was used to cut bush around the site of the original pa named T e Hawera, close to Pukearuhe. It was also used in warfare, and was therefore considered by Maori to be highly tapu. In The Coming of the Maori (1952), Te Rangi Hiroa recounted the traditional history of the adze and the circumstances of its re-discovery in 1923. 134 He tells how '[o]ne night a young girl of the Ngati Tama dreamt that Poutamawhiria had been found at the neighbouring village of Pukearuhe by a European farmer' and that on visiting the
129 'The Rev. John Whiteley - Monument Unveiled - On Site of Massacre', Taranaki Herald, Saturday 3 February 1923.
130 See Figure 6.
131 The foundation stone of this church was laid on 9 December 1897. The church was destroyed by fire in 1959 and two new cornerstones were laid on 16 September 1961 by Hon. J. R. Hanan, Minister of Maori Affairs.
132 Letter V. D. Wells to Nigel Prickett, [n.d.]; 'Historic Maori Axe discovered at Pukearuhe great interest aroused', Taranaki Herald, 5 February 1923, L8. The adze was found on 4/5 February and the Whiteley Monument was unveiled on 13 February.
133 The Tokomaru canoe was said to have been beached above the mouth of the Mohakatino river. A sister canoe landed at Kawhia, while the anchor of Tainui was deposited at the mouth of the Mokau river.
134 Te Rangi Riroa, The Coming of the Maori, pp. 378-79. (
Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 21
farm, the girl's father, Te Kapinga, discovered that the large stone adze had recently been found. 135 T e Rangi Hiroa states a Mr Black as finding the adze. The Wells and Ellis parties claim, however, that this is an error and that it was actually Mr Vincent Wells who found the adzeY6 Wells later returned the adze to Ngati Tama kaumata who informed him that there would also be a large greenstone buried in the same area. Seventeen years later he found the greenstone on his property.137 At a ceremony held on 30 September 1927, Poutama Whiria was entrusted to the Taranaki Museum.138 Three local Maori chiefs - Kapinga for Ngati Tama, Rangi Matatoro for Ngati Awa, and Noho Te Whiti for Tarankai - were appointed as co-trustees of the Museum to act with the European membersY9 Both the adze and the greenstone are currently on display in the Taranaki Museum in New Plymouth.
More recently, other artifacts have been found on the site of the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve. In 1976 Mr Murray Wells found a piston from the steamer Alexandra which sank off the Parininihi coast in 1865 and a propeller from an RNZAF Mustang aircraft that crashed there in 1953. 140 In 1968 concerns were expressed that the Pukearuhe pa and redoubt site would be destroyed by the Kapuni gas pipeline.141 The site was not, at least on the surface, damaged by the laying of the pipeline. Archaeologist Nigel Prickett has conducted extensive research on the structure of the pre-European Maori settlement at Pukearuhe.142 In October 1986 an Auckland archaeologist, Ken Gorbey, unearthed two Maori food storage pits at the site of the Pukearuhe pa, which further revealed the history of the land as a pa site. 143
In their submissions before the Tribunal, the Wells and Ellis parties state that Vincent Wells was made an 'honorary chief' by Ngati Tama in appreciation of his returning this taonga, Poutama Whiria.l44 Moreover, they claim that Wells 'enjoyed great respect locally and his continued occupation and use of the leased reserve was regarded by the local
135 Ibid.
136 Ibid. Contemporary newspaper accounts concur with the claim that Mr Vincent Wells found the adze.
137 Letter V. D. Wells to Nigel Prickett, [n.d.], L8, Wai 143.
138 'Friends of the Taranaki Museum Newsletter', L8, Wai 143.
139 Skinner, Reminiscences of a Taranaki Surveyor, p. 122.
140 Letter P. L. Robson to Commissioner of Crown Lands, 8 July 1976, 13/183 file, DOSLI, New Plymouth. See Doc #13.
141 'Pipeline May Cost Pa Site', Daily News, New Plymouth, 15 June 1968. See Doc #9. See Doc #7.
142 Prickett and Lawrence, 'Excavations at Pukearuhe (N99/49) North Taranaki, 1968', Record of the Auckland Institute and Museum, passim.
143 'Digging reveals storage pits', Taranaki Herald, 30 October 1968. See Doc #10.
144 L8, Wai 143, p. 3. Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 22
Iwi as in accord with his status and his II right II to use of the land arose not only from the lease but also from his status' .145 The Ngati T ama claimants, however, dispute this claim, claiming that Wells did not have such an honour conferred upon him.
8.3 Grazing
On 1 January 1927 Subdivision 2 of Section 1 (2a 3r 20p), Pukearuhe Town Belt, was leased for grazing purposes under license to Mr Phillip Puhi of Pukearuhe for 5 years at 10 shillings per annum.146 A miscellaneous grazing licence (ML 1154) was further issued by the Department of Lands and Survey to Mr Puhi over Subdivision 1 of Section 1 and Section 11 (7a lr 22p) for a period of 5 years, commencing on 1 January 1927 at 10 shillings per annum.147 Both the lease and the license were issued subject to the area being kept clear of gorse. The area was subject to the Scenery Preservation Act 1908. A field report stated that Mr Puhi, who was elderly at the time, would not, however, work on Section 11 because he considered it tapu.148 Mr Puhi surrendered his tenancy on 31 December 1929. 149 In April 1930 the Commissioner of Crown Lands, on inspecting the reserve, found that gorse had overtaken a large area of the land. The lease on the reserve was then offered to Mr Moodey, who farmed the adjoining land, but Moodey refused on the grounds that it would would be too difficult to farm and suggested instead that one of Mr Puhi's sons might make an offer, or else it would be necessary to consider planting the land in trees.150
Mr Herbert Wells of Pukearuhe, was then issued a 10 year licence to graze from 1 January 1931 at a nominal rent of one shilling per annum, subject to the clearance of gorse and blackberry on the land, under section 3 of the Scenery Preservation Amendment Act 1926. Section 3 of this Act provided the Minister with the authority to 'grant licences to occupy any portion of a reserve for such period, not exceeding ten years in any case, and on such other terms and conditions as he thinks fit'.151 In 1935 the licence was transferred to Vincent Donald Wells and his wife, Clara Maud Wells, after the death of his father, Herbert Wells.152
145 Ibid.; L9, Wai 143, pp. 1-2.
146 Application No. 119, Pukearuhe Historic Reserve file, 13/183, vol. 1, DOSLI, New Plymouth. See Doc #5, #6, #7.
147 Application No. 120, Pukearuhe Historic Reserve file, 13/183, DOSLI, New Plymouth.
148 Field Report 15/3/193, cited in 'Precis - Pukearuhe Historic Reserve', File 13/183, vol I and II, DOSLI, New Plymouth.
149 Ibid.
150 Commissioner of Crown Lands, 26 April 1930, Pukearuhe Historic Reserve file, 13/183, DOSLI, New Plymouth. See Doc #8.
151 Scenery Preservation Amendment Act 1926, New Zealand Statutes, 1926, p. 445.
152 In 1938 the valuation showed CV $80, UV $56 and improvements $24. ( Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 23
The licence was renewed to V. D. and C. M. Wells for a further 10 years from 1 January 1941 at a rate of one shilling per annum for the first 5 years and then one pound for the balance of the remaining 5 years. In 1942 Mr V. Wells purchased the land adjacent to the reserve from Mr Moodey.153 At the same time Mr Wells took over the rights as lessee of the land under a lease from the Commissioner of Crown Lands.154 The licence to V. D. Wells was renewed again for another 5 years from 1 January 1951 at an annual rental of 2 pounds. The grazing licence was again renewed to Wells (Mr Wells since deceased) over Subdivision 1 of Section 1 and Section 11 and also Subdivision 2 of Section 1 for a period of 5 years at 3 pound per annum.155
The licence was renewed to Mr V. Wells for 5 years from 1 January 1962 at 10 pound and 5 shillings per annum under section 29 of the Reserves and Domains Act 1953, which provided for licences to occupy reserves temporarily.156 The licence was renewed to Mr V. Wells for a 5 year term commencing on 1 January 1967 at $30 per annum.
In January 1969 the Minister of Lands, Hon. Duncan MacIntyre, appointed the New Plymouth Scenic Reserves Board, under section 21 of the Reserves and Domains Act 1953, to control and manage the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve (Sections 11 and subdivisions 1 and 2 of Section 1, Pukearuhe Town Belt), an area of 10 acres 1 rood 2 perches, and an early settlers' cemetery adjoining the reserve. 157 Significantly, the appointment of the Board also marked the centenary of Whiteley's death. The Board planned to metal the walking track up to the plateau so that it could be opened to the public as a picnic and park area; to erect a post and rail fence around the cliff edge to ensure the safety of visitors; to open up the walking track to the beach, making it accessible for fishing and swimming; and to plant pohutukawa trees for the purposes of 'shade and effect' .158
In Apri11969 Mr V. Wells was appointed an honorary ranger under the Reserves and Domains Act 1953. 159 A licence was issued by the Taranaki Reserves Board for the balance term to expire on 31 December 1971. The licence was renewed to Mr V. Wells by the Taranaki Reserves Board for 5 years from 1 January 1972 at $30 per annum over lOa lr 02p; then for a further 5 years to 1 January 1977 at $40 per annum, expiring on 21
153 L8, Wai 143, p. 2.
154 Ibid., p. 2.
155 Licence no. SR3. Valuation in 1955 showed CV $280, UV $160 and VI$120.
156 This was amended by section 3, 1955, no. 83, where 'Licences to occupy any public reserve or part of any such reserve for a term not exceeding twenty-one years may be granted .. .'. Reserves and Domains Act 1953, New Zealand Statutes, 1953.
157 This body was a successor to the Local Scenic Boards, appointed under sec 13 of the Scenery Preservation Act 1908. New Zealand Gazette, 30 January_1'162, no. 4, p. 111; 'Pukearuhe to be opened up', Taranaki Herald, 22 February 1969, copy F19, Appendix 4-19, p. 157. See Doc #11.
158 Taranaki Herald, 22 February 1969.
159 Director-General of Crown Lands to Minister of Lands, 14 Apri11969, D. 0.13/183, H. O. 4/448/4, copy F19, Appendix 4-21, p. 159; and M. W. Kearns to V. D. Wells, 12 May 1969, 13/183, p. 240. Pukearuhe Histonc Reserve 24
December 1981; and again renewed to Wells for 5 years 1/1/83 at $210 pa over 4.1531 ha. Wells' licence expired on 31 December 1987. Mr V. Wells died on 21 December 1986.
The land is currently grazed by his son Murray Herbert Wells and his wife Patricia Dulcie Wells under a transfer approved by the Department of Conservation of 18 November 1987. 160 The Wells continue to lease the land from the New Plymouth District Council, with the rental being paid directly to the Pukearuhe Domain Liaison Committee which currently has charge of the Pukearuhe Domain.161
In January 1993 Mr M. Wells and Mrs P. Wells registered their interest in the Ngati Tama claim concerning the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve and the Pukearuhe Domain.162 InJune 1995 the Wells and Mrs Catherine Beulah Ellis presented their submissions before the Tribuna}.163 Mrs C. Ellis, their neighbour, seeks to either retain the right to lease the land or to be offered the opportunity to buy the land at a fair market value. l64 Wells request that their lease on the reserve lands be continued and submit that
... if the reserves were ever alienated from the Crown into private ownership, for practical purposes the only private use to which they can be sensibly put is to be used in conjunction with the adjoining privately owned lands as they are used at present, reserving the rights of the public to use as a walkway or for fishing. 165
The Wells own approximately 23 hectares of land bordering the reserve and lease for farming purposes those parts of the Pukearuhe Domain adjoining their land. They also have a licence to use for grazing purposes the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve. The Ellis family owns approximately 21 hectares of land adjacent to the Wells' property and leases approximately 6 hectares of the reserve land. Mrs Ellis' son now runs the farm. 166 The land is leased through the New Plymouth District Council which administers the land on behalf of the Crown. In 1983 there was a proposal by the Department of Lands and Survey for the Crown to sell the land. The sale was suspended, however, by an objection from a local resident to keep it as a reserve. In their recent submission before the Tribunal, Wells and Ellis state that in the late 1940s, when Mr Vincent Wells and Mr Lawrence Ellis, Mrs Ellis' father in law, were leasing the recreational reserves they arranged
160 'Precis - Pukearuhe Historic Reserve Grazing', Department of Conservation File SR 21 (prior File 8/38).
161 L8, Wai 143, p. 2. See Figure 10, Doc #14.
162 Govett Quilliam Barristers and Solicitors to Registrar, Waitangi Tribunal, 28 January 1993, see Doc #15.
163 L8, L9, Wai 143. The submission of the Wells and Ellis families is also supported by some Ngati Tama, see Ll0, Wai 143.
164 L9, Wai 143, p. 1.
165 L8, Wai 143, p. 3.
166 L9, Wai 143, p. 2. Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 25 for the rental payments to be paid to a local community project rather than to the Crown as they 'wanted the money to be kept in the district'.167 This project was the local community hall, cited as a significant local amenity used for social occasions and meetings. 168 Moreover, the above parties claim that 'the long term leasing of the reserves [to them] has ensured their upkeep while the lease monies have been applied for the benefit of the whole Pukearuhe community.,169 The Pukearuhe community hall is now used very little. 170
9. The Whiteley Centenary 1969
In early 1969 the local Historical Society in New Plymouth wanted to mark the 100 years since Whiteley's death by a full re-enactment of the event, complete with militia and Maori in period costume. The proposal was met with some opposition, however, and the controversial idea was dropped in favour of a simple memorial service. l71 On 15 February 1969 representatives from the Methodist Church and local Maori met to commemorate Whiteley. Mrs I. Ratana, MP for Western Maori was the guest speaker, Mr P. White of Waitara gave a speech on behalf of the Maori people and Mr V. Wells outlined the history of the site. A memorial service was conducted by the Revs L. P. Schroeder and W. W. H. Greenslade. The ceremony was followed by a hangi at the Urenui Pa, which, as the Daily News stated, was intended 'to celebrate the 100 years of peace and friendship which have existed between Maori and Pakeha' .172 The commemoration service took place less than a month after the New Plymouth Scenic Reserves Board had been appointed to control and manage the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve.
10. Sections 13 and 14
Sections 13 (0.0766ha) and 14 (0.1328ha) of Pukearuhe Town Belt together constitute a cemetery reserve (0.2094 ha). The cemetery contains the graves of the settlers Cecil Raymond Seymour (1854-1895) and Mary Thompson (1844-1904).173 Investigations have shown that ten persons were buried here up to 1904, mainly soldiers from the former Pukearuhe redoubt, but only two of the graves are now visible.174 Sections 13 (30.3p) and
167 Ibid., p. 1.
168 L8, Wai 143, p. 2; L9, Wai 143, p. 1.
169 Ibid., p. 3.
170 L9, Wai 143, p. 1.
171 'Ceremony to Mark Death of Whiteley', Daily News, New Plymouth, 1 February 1969.
172 'Ceremony to mark death of Whiteley', Daily News, New Plymouth, 6 February 1969, p. 5, See Doc #12; and 'Tragedy that led to peace remembered', Daily News, 17 February 1969.
173 Ibid.
174 Memo, Appointment of a New Plymouth Scenic Reserves Board to control and manage a historic reserve and a cemetery reserve, D.O. 13/183, 8/159; H.O. 6/7/42, DOSLI, New Plymouth; 'Reserves Act (continued ...) ( Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 26
14 (lr 12.5p) were gazetted as a Cemetery Reserve in 1913 under section 321 of the Land Act 1908. 175 In 1982 the status of Sections 13 and 14 was changed from Cemetery Reserve to Historic Reserve, pursuant to section 24 of the Reserves Act 1977. This was largely due to its physical and historical proximity with the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve, and to facilitate in the management of the reserve. 176
11. The Recreational Reserves: Pukearuhe Domain
The recreational reserves are defined as parts 1 and 2 of section 9, Pukearuhe Town Belt. On 2 January 1891 the land was permanently reserved by the Crown for recreational purposes.177 Part 2 is currently leased by Wells and part 1 leased by Ellis. Ellis also leases part of the Pukearuhe Domain.178
12. Historic significance
The historic significance of the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve is based on four major issues: a. its status as a traditional Ngati Tama pa site and a stronghold of the ancestral Ngati Tama estate; b. its status as a military redoubt; c. its status as the site upon which the missionary John Whiteley was killed in February 1869; d. its status as the site where Poutama Whiria, the adze believed to have been brought to Aotearoa in the Tokomaru canoe, was found in 1923. The Ngati Tama claimants consider the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve to be significant because it was a traditional pa site. In terms of the legislation, however, the importance of the reserve resides in its status as a military redoubt and as the site of Whiteley's death.
13. Current status of reserve
13.1 Ownership and management
The Pukearuhe Historic Reserve and the recreation reserves are currently owned by the Crown and administered by the New Plymouth District Council and the Department of Conservation on behalf of the Crown. Wells currently occupy and use the land for grazing
174(••• continued) 1977, Submission to Commissioner of Crown Lands', HO 6/4/3; DO 8/159, 13/183, Pukearuhe Historic Reserve, 13/183, vol. 2, DOSLI, New Plymouth.
175 New Zealand Gazette, 1913, pp. 896,2833. See Figure 9.
176 New Zealand Gazette, 1982, p. 3397, 'Reserves Act 1977, Submission to Commissioner of Crown Lands, 20 September 1982', File 13/183, vol II, DOSLI, New Plymouth.
177 New Zealand Gazette, 2 January 1891, p. 3.
178 See Figure 10. Pukearuhe Histone Reserve 27 purposes by virtue of a licence granted by the Department of Conservation.179 Parts of the reserve are used as a public walkway, used mainly as an access route to the sea for fishing purposes. The proposal recently put forward by the Department of Conservation for the management of the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve is based on the reserve retaining its status and its Crown ownership. In December 1994, the Regional Conservator for the Department of Conservation, W. F. Carlin, after consultation with the Ngati Tama Trust Board, offered a 13 point plan for the administration and management of the reserve, based on a partnership of mutual benefit between the iwi and the Department.18o
13.2 Condition of the land
Despite the activities of the past 100 years, which have included ploughing, grazing and erosion, evidence of the trenches and ground fortifications still exist to reveal Pukearuhe's history both as a Ngati Tama pa site and as a Pakeha military settlement; although the legislation only acknowledges the latter. An area of 225 x 170 metres includes three main platforms. The northernmost, which commands access to the beach from the Waikaramarama Stream, has the name Punaruku. The redoubts of 1865-69 and 1872-85 were located on the large central platform.181 At the southern end of this platform is the Whiteley memorial. The third main platform of the pa and military settlement contains the small cemetery at the southern end. Terraces exist above the present access road and closer to the sea cliff below the central platform. These were initially constructed by Ngati Tama and were later modified by Pakeha settlers to accommodate the huts and other buildings of successive Pakeha military establishments.182
13.3 The Whiteley Monument
The Whiteley monument stands as a potent symbol of the tension between Maori and Paheha that often characterised colonial race relations. As Heather Bauchop has commented, the monument at Pukearuhe, like other memorials in Taranaki - in Wanganui, Manaia, Normanby, and Ohawe - are one sided records. 183 Bauchop writes that
the labels [on the monuments] again deny the Maori their tactical and strategic ability in their fight, categorise them as wrong doers, and those labels stay in the form of these memorials ... [which] repeat their [British] version of the history to every person who reads them, every day, through the years since they were erected - always more people reading the accounts of a savage people, little knowing the brutal acts they were subjected to by those who glorified themselves as "more
179 LB, Wai 143, p. 5.
180 W. F. Carlin, Regional Conservator to Steve White, Ngati Tama Iwi Development Trust, 21 December 1994, see Doc #16.
181 Prickett, Historic Taranaki, p. 61.
182 Ibid.
183 Heather Bauchop, 'Denigration and Denial: Crown Renaming of the Land, History and Undermining of Iwi in Taranaki', June 1993,119, Wai 143, p. 40. Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 28 civilised" .184
The existence of the Whiteley monument on the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve is currently considered by the Ngati Tama claimants to be of immediate concern. The objections presented by Ngati Tama may be summarised by three main points:
1. it is considered offensive to Ngati Tama that Whiteley was killed by a member of another iwi from the north but the monument to Whiteley is situated on Ngati Tama land; 2. that the Ngati Tama approach to the conflict in North Taranaki at the time of Whiteley's death was one of peace and this monument is a reminder of the violent interaction among Pakeha and members of other iwi; and 3. that oral tradition suggests that Whiteley was warned by Ngati Tama not to proceed to Pukearuhe on the day of his death, but did so at his peril.
Following the Ngati Tama request to have the Whiteley memorial removed, the Methodist Church has recently stated that, ,[c]onsistent with the spirit of the bi-cultural journey commenced by the Methodist Church in New Zealand in 1983, it is strongly recommended that the memorial be either removed or dismantled' .185 Moreover, the Methodist Church has conceded that '[w]hile a missionary to the Maori people, it would appear that Whiteley was a typical Victorian Englishman, loyal to God and Queen and saw no fault in also being a Government agent at the same time. With the hindsight of history this does not rest easy with the people of the iwi.'186 The Church has further proposed that the smaller stone erected to Whiteley by his family be moved to the small cemetery of the edge of the reserve and that the Department of Conservation discuss the matter further with the iwi and surviving members of the Whiteley family.
11. Conclusions/Issues for further consideration
11.1 The Ngati Tama claimants do not appear to consider the Pukearuhe Historic Reserve to be historically significant in terms of its status as the site where Poutama Whirira and other artifacts have been re-discovered. Rather, the significance for them resides in its history as a traditional Ngati Tama pa site.
11.2 The Pukearuhe pa site was alienated from Maori ownership by an Order in Council of 2 September 1865, which declared that part of the Ngati Tama rohe included in the Ngatiawa District confiscated land under the New Zealand Settlements Act 1863. The request by the claimants that the reserve be returned to Ngati Tama must therefore address the issue of confiscation.
184 Ibid.
185 Warren H. Blundell, Supterintendent of the New Plymouth Parish, Methodist Church of New Zealand to Department of Conservation, 9 May 1995, see Doc #17.
186 Ibid. Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 29
Bibliography
Primary Sources
Appendices to the Journals of the House of Representatives (AJHR), 1861, 1863, 1865, 1869, 1913
Daily News, 1968, 1969
Greenslade Papers, folders 57-65, John Whiteley Methodist Memorial Church, New Plymouth
'Life of John Whiteley and Mrs John Whiteley and Whiteley's letter of appeal for help owing to the Taranaki wars of the sixties', (by his son), qMS2214, ATL
New Zealand Gazette, 1865, 1887, 1891, 1912, 1913, 1920, 1955, 1969, 1982
New Zealand Parliamentary Debates, 1903
New Zealand Statutes, 1863, 1908, 1920, 1926, 1953
New Zealand Wesleyan Mission Papers 1856-79, MS2178, ATL
Pukearuhe Historic Reserve File 13/183, DOSLl, New Plymouth
Richmond-Atkinson Papers 77-25, ATL
Taranaki Herald, 1865, 1916, 1923, 1930, 1969
Taranaki News, 1899
Whiteley, John, Diary 1832-63, MS2390, ATL
Secondary Sources Unpublished secondary sources
F20, L8, L9, L10, Wai 143
Bauchop, Heather, 'Denigration and Denial: Crown Renaming of the Land, History and Undermining of the lwi in Taranaki', June 1993, #119, Wai 143
Bremner, lone M., 'The Early Development of the Patea-Waverley District: A Study of the Problems of Settling Confiscated Land', MA thesis, Victoria University, 1962
Cross, Suzanne M., 'Muru Me Te Raupatu: Confiscation, Compensation and Settlement in North Taranaki, 1863-1880', MA thesis, University of Auckland, 1993 Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 30 Prickett, Nigel, 'The Archaeology of a Military Frontier: Taranaki, New Zealand, 1860- 1881', PhD thesis, University of Auckland, 1981
Riseborough, Background Papers (i) 'Confiscation on paper'; (ii) 'Confiscation on the ground', HA2, Wai 143
Phillipson, Grant, 'Northern South Island District Report (District 13)', Working Paper: First Release, Waitangi Tribunal Division: Rangahaua Whanui Series, June 1995
Phillipson, Grant, 'Report to the Waitangi Tribunal on Matters of Relevance to the Chatham Islands', HA16, Wai 64
White, Greg, 'Evidence of Ngati Tama presented to the Waitangi Tribunal, October 1991', F19, Wai 143
Published secondary sources
Allen, R. E., ed., The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English, 8th edn, Oxford, 1990
Anderson, Atholl, Te Puoho's Last Raid, Dunedin, 1986
Belich, J., The New Zealand Wars and the Victorian Interpretation of Racial Conflict, Auckland, 1986
Brazendale, Graham, 'John Whiteley, 1806-1869', in The Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Volume One 1769·1869, Wellington, 1990
Brookes, Edwin Stanley, Frontier Life, Taranaki, Auckland, 1892
Chambers, W. A., Samuellronside in New Zealand, 1839·1858, Auckland, 1982
Cowan, James, The New Zealand Wars and the pioneering period, a history of the Maori campaigns, Volume fl· the Hauhau Wars, 1864·72, Wellington, 1983
Davidson, A. K. and P. J. Lineham, Transplanted Christianity: Documents illustrating aspects of New Zealand Church History, 2nd edn
Garrett, Helen, Te Manihera: the life and times of the pioneer missionary Robert Maunsell, Auckland, 1991
Greenslade, W. W. H., John Whiteley, Auckland, 1968
Hill, Richard, Policing the Colonial Frontier: the theory and practice of coercive social and racial contral in New Zealand, 1767·1867, Part Two, Wellington, 1986
Hiroa, Te Rangi, The Coming of the Maori, Wellington, 1952 Pukearuhe Historic Reserve 31
King, Michael, Moriori: a people rediscovered, Auckland, 1989
Laurenson, George, Te Hahi Weteriana: Three half centuries of the Methodist Maori Missions . 1822-1972, Auckland, 1972
McNab, Robert, The Old Whaling Days: a history of southern New Zealand from 1830 to 1840, Invercargill, 1913
Prickett, Nigel, Historic Taranaki: An Archeological Guide, Wellington, 1990
Parks, G., Te Ururoa: The Flat Coast of Trees, n.d.
Prickett, N. andJ. Lawrence, 'Excavations at Pukearuhe (N99/49) North Taranaki, 1968', Record of the Auckland Institute and Museum, 21 (1): 1-32
Smith, Stephenson Percy, History and Traditions ofthe Maoris ofthe West Coast of the North Island New Zealand of New Zealand Prior to 1840, New Plymouth, 1910
Skinner, W. H., Reminiscences of a Taranaki Surveyor, New Plymouth, 1946
Skinner, W. H., The Gospel Comes to Taranaki: a glimpse at heroic beginnings, Methodist Church of New Zealand, New Plymouth, n.d.
Stokes, Evelyn, Mokau: Maori Cultural and Historical Perspectives, University of Waikato, 1988
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WAI 143
WAITANGI TRIBUNAL
CONCERNING the Treaty ofWaitangi Act 1975
.···.i ' .. AND CONCERNING Taranaki claims
DIRECTION COMMISSIONING RESEARCH
1 Pursuant to clause 5A(I) of the second schedule of the Treaty ofWaitangi Act 1975, the Tribunal commissions Dr Giselle Byrnes, a staff member of Wellington to complete on behalf of the Ngati Tama claimants a research report for this claim covering the following matters:
(a) The alienation of the Maraerotuhia block, the means by which this was effected, and the factors which led to the destruction of the whare at Pukearuhe
(b) The events which led to the Ngarautika block not being returned to Ngati Tama as had been agreed under the West Coast Settlement (North Island) Act 1880 and the West Coast Settlement Reserves Act 1881, how the land was vested in the Public Trustee, and subsequently subdivided and leased,and how the Crown acquired title to ~s land. The r~port will cover all aspects of land ownership change from 1880 to the present day, giving details as to the authority under which subdivision of land occurred, who the beneficiaries were, the location and area of land taken for roading purposes, and the location and area of land taken under the Urenui Development Scheme.
( c) Identification of the individual land blocks in the Pukearuhe Block, those which were returned and those which remained confiscated, and in particular the fate of the three Pukearuhe Town Belt Sections (6, 7, & 8). The location of the land which was offered in exchange for the other town sections should be noted, together with the names of those who were the beneficiaries from the land exchange. Who was involved in the land exchange agreement, and were there.any objections to the proposed exchange. / "\ \
page 2.
(d) The events which led to the 1882 Fenton decision to vest the Mohakatino Paraninihi Block which Ngati Tama claimed by ancestry, in Ngati Maniapoto, and the application of the '1840 rule'.
(e) The action of the Native Land Court in its hearing at Waitara, at which title to the Mokau Mohakatino Blocks was transferred to Ngati Maniapoto, the circumstances surrounding that hearing, and the implications of any leasehold arrangements which may have existed at the (f) The' degree to which exemptions from the provisions of the Native Land Alienation Restriction Act 1884 contributed to the further alienation of Ngati Tama lands, how were the exemptions determined and who the beneficiaries were of such action. . (g) The legal basis for the sale of land west of Mangakawhia to the Mokau Coal Estates Co. Ltd. by the Waikato Maniapoto Maori Land Board, who were the beneficiaries and what was the ultimate ownership of the land. (h) The extent to which the creation of scenic reserves such as Pukearuhe Historic Reserve contributed to the alienation of land, what the justification for the location of these reserves was, and the present status of each block. (i) The extent to which the Crown fulfilled its obligations to protect Ngati Tama lands north of the confiscation b~undary, and, if it failed to meet its obligations, the extent to which this contributed to the alienation of land. 2 This commission commenced on 3 Apri11995. 3 The commission ends on 31 October 1995. 4 The report may be received as evidence and the commissionee may be cross ex~ed on it. cont. page 3: 5. The Registrar is -etc. ", (\. Page 3 5 The Registrar is to send copies of this direction to: Dr Giselle Byrnes Claimants Solicitor General, Crown Law Office Director, Office of Treaty Settlements Dated at Wellington this lfo /-<- day of May 1995. C~~urie Chairperson WAITANGI TRIBUNAL 1(1 o WAr 143 CONCERNING the Treaty of Waitangi . Act 1975 AND Taranaki claims EXTENSION TO DIRECTION COMMISSIONING RESEARCH 1 Pursuant to clause 5A(1) of the 2nd schedule of the Treaty ofWaitangi Act 1975, Dr Giselle Byrnes a member of staff was commissioned in May to prepare a research report for Wai 143 the deadline for which was 31 October 1995. _ 2 An extension to the deadline has been agreed to and the new completion date is 30 November 1995. 3 The Registrar is to send copies of this direction to: Commissionee Claimants Claimant Counsel Solicitor General, Crown Law Office Director, Office of Treaty Settlements Secretary, Crown Forestry Rental Trust Dated at Wellin Ol\this V day of October 1995. /.!J. ~/ /f~ Chief Judge E Chairperson Waitangi Tribunal ,-/7 i}S/i q ::'':;/.·1'-; A.-~O. 84. I UM ON ROADS AND MILITARY SETTLEMENTS THE NORTHERN ISLAND OF NEW' ZEALAND. 1 Government having succeeded in making a considerable addition to the Armed Country, by the introduction of Volunteer Militiamen from Australia and Otago, and other steps demanded by the immediate necessities of the crisis, as lay within its power, the prosecution of the Native war, it Ileem~ to be incumbent upon it to mature some future security of the settlers and the permanent preservation of peace, which may be 'i!3x:ectltiem as soon as the success of the merely mili~ry operations will permit. Government has. in view, ~ stated in the Minute of Ministers of the 31st of July, the present war, if possible, the last that ever shall be waged with the Native opportnnity of renewing it with any chance of success must be left them; This is the the Colony-a demand as natural and reasonable as it is urgent. It may not be fully to satisfy this. demand at present, but as much as can be done in that way must Minute alluded to, Ministers expressed their hope that a victory over the Waikato-the the most powerful Tribe iu New Zealand-would be sufficient to deter any other Tribes against British authority. That this would be the case is probable enough. On the !!tated their opinion that it is possible that even such a conquest might not entirely outbreaks among a people whose whole history has been a series of wars of extermina may be forgotten, and plal:lsible reasons invented by the vanity naturarto barbarians . for our victories, without precluding the hope of better luck for themselves on another gradual withdrawal of the TrooDs which would follow any re-eBtablishment of peace, help to do away with the moral effect of byegone military chasti.sements, especially so difficult to convince a.c; the Maoris are of the truth of any report 01' record of facts wound their self esteem, and destroy that fancy of their own superiority wliich it must our proceedings towards them llave so long fostered. moral effect of one or two decisive victories is not to be relied upon as' a sufficient for future peace without measures which will constitute a material guarantee, mllch more measures be necessary if the evtulive tactics of the Maori should prevent such decisive and the war should degenerate from a conte.at l)etween large Tribes into a guerilla warfare, by the Natives from and among their mountain fastnesses. most C!bvious material guarantees for' the prevention of future wars are the making or ,If! . co\ildbe used by the Military everywJ:1ere throughout the Country; and the inlroduction :t of a.rmed population, formed into defensive settlemenj;s, as would overawe the or if not overawe them, at least be alway~ ready and able to check or punish their depredationf!, Both these measures have heen commenced.. It is now proposed to ~ .. continue them as far as appears to be practicable in the present circumstances of the ; ROAnS AND SETTLEMENTS. first. consi~eration is-What lines.of ro~d to make, and. where to place the settlements ~ r ~pea.KllIlg in. . terms, the Northern Island may be described as one entire expanse of ma,uutain:,e, with the following exceptions :-* belt of country, generally open, stretching from- the·Waikato river mouth on the Olle mouth of the Thames river on the other, and running all the way to Napier; between I the Lake Country, anel an irregular line towards Mohaka (Hawke's Bay) on the North ; and'the,Sea Coast, the ·Ph·ongia and' Rangitoto range~, Lake Taupo, and the end of the JI on t~ South and "\Vest. This b.elt of generally open land, forty or fifby mile.'! wide .\ the last.namedranges, then narrows gradually Southwards down to the coast at Cape r ,J1 round from Cape Turlia.gain to Wairapara, and up the West Coast fl·om Porirua to I imd so round :M:oullt Egmont to New Plymouth and :Molmo, runs a comparatively of open land, running 'up occasionally some distance into the interior, as at Manawatu, c., and forming rich valleys fit for !3ettlement. '1 I the shores of Lake Tau po,' on the West, East, and due South are plateaux or terraces of 1 wooded or grassy, which form a sort of elevated table land in the middle of thp, island, ~[lersed with clusters of high mountains; but soon descending, except on the Hawke's Bay ! I « Vide plan attacbed. I 1 I I' i: \\ ••.. ···\··\··,.. ,,·.. ·.·, .. • .. • .. • .. • .. , .. • .. • .. , .. ' ...... H ...... H ... " ...... " .. , ..... , .• , ... "" ... """" ... ,, ...... ,. : '-.~~~.L""'';''';-':'~':'~o.:!.<"..(!..'''';'''~''r':'''~':'.Y.''''':''.r-~:I.O,'_M';~~,:,-:,~~"" ....,~_"""_",,,~ "•• 1 A..-No. SA. 2 MILITARY SETrLEMENTS. side, into rougher ranges and gullies, forming, especially on the West, from. Kawhia to the u part ofWhanganui river, broad tracts of difficult country sepai'8.ting these central terraces from a.vailable valleys and fiats round the coast. _', We omit the open land on the shores of the Bay of Plenty, as at present there is no OCCf to deal with that part of the country. ' , 4. Now, the most ready way of overcoming this country, by means of roads and settlement first sight would appear to be to strike right through the centre of the island, from Aucklar Napier, and from the Bay of Plenty to Whanganui or Rangitikei, with branches through the 1 ofthe tracts intervening. The first of these lines we propose at least to take a road along; bu " .';') :, doubt the expediency of making others of these central roads at first. At present the Colouy r ,OJ: I, not bear the enormous expense of their construction in addition to others, which must be ma. i: connect the' settled portions of the country; nor if it could, would it perhaps be worth whi ,:;t! I r: incur this expense, unless these roads, if made, could be permanently held and commande , settlements and military posts. This again would require a larger amount of population tha " i, :",1:'I! think the Colony could introduce at present. There is no doubt that were these great trunk t: bordered. and commandedeffectuaUy by chainH of settlements, the bulk of the Native popul "'I P! would be: so·severed and split up, that any combination of a great number of them would, for theft ~ I ,':;1 "I· be rendered impossible. But effectively to do this would require a vast population, as will easi ., l" 'l; . believed when it is recollected what amount of forces is requisite to lceep open the communication . the s~alllength of road between Drury and Pokeno, and to prevent Natives in the country on tho side of tp.e road coming over to that on the other to carry on offensive warfare. But even were grB.1.t. lines so commanded, they would be so far away from the present settlements, and 8uch tracts of rugged and difficult country would be left between the two, that bands of hostile Natives J attack and annoy the old settlements continually, and do great mischief before they could be reach the p.opulation of the central lines, or of the old settlements themselves, as is the case at prt unless, as before said, all ~hese intermediate tracts were thoroughly cut up and permeated every' byroads. , It. seems better, then, to make roads and plant settlers through and about the frontiers present settlements, than on the lines indicated above. ' It is tr'le by so dofug we should be'd with .those parts of the country which are liable to become the scenes of attack and depredation, ' than with the enemy's districts, from which the danger comes. We should be dealing with ~ circumference of assailable districts, rather than with the centres wherein the assailants gather it strongholds. But while the other plan is, we believe, impracticable at present, there is this adVl in that. recommended-namely, that we take as the sites of our settlements either' the plains and v' however far stretching into the interior, still connected. with and continuous from those already s and thus capable of being included with them within one ring of defence; or the open land alOJ coasts; avoiding the narrow inland gullies or isolated plains of the more cimtral parts of the coun' which it would, bc so much more difficult,'to plant Bettlements, and for the settlers to support selv.es when once planted there. ·:1 Notwithstanding this, the roads we propose would still run through the heart of the country I Taupo, and if thought advisable hereafter, from thence down to Rangitikei; while the settlements reach as. far. as. Rangilllwhia, and the upper parts of the great Waikat.o basin. . 5. Before giving particulars of the roads proposed, let us indicate those postponed for the p which,we have,been considering as central roads. These are- 1. The road from Lake Taupo to Taumat.1.mahoe Hill, in that neighbourhood, at the upper. Whanganui River, and thence to New Plymouth, by Waitar31. 2.. From Taumatamahoe, Hill to Whanganui r 3. From Lake Taupo to Maketu (Bay of Plenty), by way of the Lake country. i, 4;: From Napier to Turangarere, which would connect Napier with New Plymouth. :i j. , 5. From Lake Taupo to Rangitikei by Turangarere and Owa (if not included in the list be J " ~ .And the roads proposed to be made are the following:- f :1 Miles. From Auckland'to Taupo, through Waikato 114 ! ... Taupo to Napier ...... •...... 96 ! " Raglan to Otawhao...... '" 35 " 0twwhao'to Tauranga, .. , ... 60 (4. Otawhao to to~ of Waipa (Hangatiki) 50 i 30!' 1. I :: ~:~c%th:ci,\~~~i!~. ::: ...... 106 ! " Waitara, b:y waLof Mount Egmont, to ilie sea coast at W aimate .~. 50 " WhangauUl"to W ellin~n ...... '...... 110, " North Coast of Hawke's Bay Province to, the Runhlne Ranges, at. the gorge of the Tutaekuri River ...... 7.0 " Manawatu River mouth to gorge of the Mnuawatu ...... 56 !. ,,',1,1;: .. Waira1!l1pa (Featherston) to Clive (Napier), by the 4O·mile Bush; or r I! .. Lake Taupo to, Rang,itikei" by Turango.rere and Otara. '" ... 150 . '. j~:. ;j;: ~'. Total miles 927 .. ".,.~., .. ' .. , ,~., •.. ,."."."."'" ..•.. ~" ... " ' ...... "," ., ,,~.~. ,"." ...... " .. . MILITARY SElTLEMENTS. 3 A.-No." SA'. The distance.'t above given are' from measurements carefully scaled by the: Government lIi-I'ev.4Jrs.from.the best maps at their command. Allowing. for !loma, alte!:ations. and additions,.if eaB!ISa.rV. in the above, let. the 'Whole. distance be called lOO.a. miles. DISTRIBUTION OF SETTLEMENTS. To. make these. roads and form the'settlements, twenty:. thousand men wo~d be. quite Let.1l2 no.w consider~how they. would be. distributed in settlements. Take ,the Provinces Auckland. traqt of country. to be settled so as .to form a barrier for the rest of the Province aga,inst ~IMons fl'om the South may be considered as stretching. from Raglan, on the West Ooast, to ~an~:a, on the East-dipping in the centre Southwards, so as .to include some of. the Upper I'm1mTol'V.. This tract would be bounded on the Weat by the Pirongia Ranges (south the South by those of Ra,ngitoto ; on the South~west it. would stretch across the open l\ifa.unlgautat:e.ri·, and on the East be bounded by the Thames or the wooded ranges runiring and a mile or two from its 'Western bank, with a branch down to Tai.lranga itsel£ The line defended should not merely be'a line direct across the island from Raglan to Tauranga, . would have to rUIl irregularly a considerable distance to the southwal'd, within. thirty miles of ; and to the northward, both at its eastern and western extremities, to make the inner country l!Pll~mce(l .by it thoroughly secure. On a rough calculation this line would be in length about 120 It is proposed to place upon. this frontier not 'fewer than 10,000 men. They would be into about 100 settlements, varying in number of inhabitants and distance from each other kicll[)rdin2 to the ~equirements of the country-the average of each settlement being 100 men, and . distance apart little more. than a mile.. Under the Regulations for Volunteer Settl.ers issued, and those it is proposed to issue, the land required for this pUl'Pose would be 600,000 ; that is, for 2,000 men at fifty acres each, 100,000 acres; for 8,000 men atforty, 320,000 acres ; for officers, say 80,000 acres. This would amount to 781 square miles, and would form a belt the whole frontier of 120 miles in length, by an average of six and a-half miles in breadth. is ample land in Waikato and the Thames for these purposes-after leaving enough for atives and.a large .residue for sale-as will be shewn presently. Paranalci . . Taranaki is cut· off' from Waikato by the,' exceedingly rugged. and densely wooded' country. ~chi.J:i~ from Kawhia .arid :M:okau on the North across to Ru~peho and the CE'ntre of the Island. and Taupo Natives can get.round the country: either coastwisethroug~ Mokau on est, or eastward by Lake. Taupo, and the. Taumatamahoe path 'froIll' the Upper Wanganui The N. o~!tern road could.,lbe, by all accounts, completely commanded by possession. of :pukearulte on the Coast, f,d\u1;e,!lnnrl,les North ofWaitara, which cannet be avoided by any Natives taJdDg; . "'It could be held by 200 men in a Bti>ckade (or less) against any Native.force whAtever ;' be easily provisioned by sea, there being a good landing place tbere. .A:. road thence sho~d ,'. to New Plymouth': The Taumatamahoe quarter mltst be guarded against by establishing settle the neighbo'Qrhood ofWaitara on the North, along the path which runs behind Mount to Waimate on the South Coast. This line is practicable for road-making the whole way. ,From northward' for ten or tw.elve miles the country L9 rich and level; then for about twenty int,p.I'SElct(!d by gullies in the Mount Egmont slopes; the last ten level 01' undulating down to The Natives owning the land on ·the, North of these gullies are now in arms aO'ainst us. of the gullies the land belonged to the Ngatiruanui and may be considered ready for sE:!ttlement. .Along the cost from Omata to Waimate. and thence to Waitetara and 'on the Waimate path described there should be located say 4,000 ~men; 1,000 on the North from New Plymouth Waimate path.; another 1,000~on the Ngatiruanui land about the Southern portion of that 2,000 along tbe coast-belt. They would be distributed as. before in about forty settlements . 100 men each. and requiring from .190,000 to 200,000 acres of land. Wellin!lton. "Wanganui appears the most difficult of all the setjilements to defend. Taumatahoe Hill, or some . the Upper Whanganui River,. may be looked upon as a'gateway attaiuable by the Waikato tribes, whence by radiating paths they can reach the coast from the mouth of the Wai that of the Whanganui River, the latter point by the river itself. No doubt the con measure when' possible 'Would be to Ileize t?is central p.oint and comm~nd .0.11 the. radiating For the present the command of several miles of the RIver (Whanganul) mIght be-ta.ken by a point a few miles up it where it makes a great loop. to tho North and doubles back on to the same point. There a military post might be established when necessary. In the . time it is proposed to settle 1,000 men j1l2t North of Whanganui, say at Waitatora, if the land be obtained for the purpose, and anothel' as neal' Whanganui on the South as possible. i i .t:Ii :1, Iii " .. ".' ... ,.. ", "." ... ". """",,,,,,,,,,.,,1\.,,,,,,,,,.',,,, ",,,'",''''' J'J.J •."",.,.",,, ," .. J,,,,, J\ .. .. ,," .. " .. " .. ~." .. "",'" " ." • · ., ..... ~ ... '.: ' .. '..:'~':'~-'~: ~'--"'''''~ c) A.-No. HA. 4 MILITARY SETTLEMENTS. Then With the'additional '3,000 men abont Waimate and along the Taranaki coast this is one of the pi.iucip8J. reasons for settling so many there), ready and able, at a short poUl' down to the assistance of Whanganui, we think the latter place might be considered always considering that for some years, till the central country behind Whanganni is commanded, must rely greatly for its immediate' protection on the military force stationed, or to be soa,ol',onea, there. The coast between Whanganui and Manuwatu would, perhaps. not require much defence, if Natives that might reach it by Whanganni are cut off by the military posts and settlements in last named district. It may, however, be reached from Taupo by,the native track by and Otara.-by Taupo aud Whanganui Natives. At a future day the country along this donbtless be covered with numerous settlements, as mnch of it consists of tolerably level and open grassy valleys, up,to the central Tanpo terraces of grass'land, interrupted by a uU.lIm.t:llIU.U, tract of broken forest land, between Turangarere and Otara. Were this line so settled and 'manded, no doubt aU this coast would be e:a'ectuaUy protected from any Natives in the interior. present we do not know any'better plan than to place here and at :Manawatu, 1,000 or 1,500 and to consider the Manawatu, from the sea-coast to the gorges, a line of defence from the sea , ,great Tarirua and Ruahine Ranges"shutting the Natives on the West side and centre of the from aU approach to the settled districts about Wellington. The Native males, above tOU1'tel;n;' resident from Rangitikei inclusive to Wellington, comprising those in the Hutt Valley, are the last Census as 938 in number. It is proposed to settle a.bout 2,000 men along this Some more, if thought necessary, could be placed here, taken from Auckland or Taranaki. The Eastern side of Wellington Province contains very few Natives. 500 or 1,000 might be located in different places, so as to command the Upper Wail'arapa and the road , Manawatu Gorge pass by the Forty Mile Bush. The Tarirua Ranges form an against the West, especially with the Manawatu Gorge pass' commanded; and if the "t:l.lJle:IlltlUTIl' were placed on:some very fine land for such purposes, which lies at the entrance of the Forty Bush, the approach to Wairarapa would be effectually cut off for any N atives from the buSh. great difficulty in 'settling this part of the country is the distance the settlers would be from a or shipping place. But wit'll Hawke's Bay protected, as is proposed, it would scarcely be J"l'''_'''''''''''] to place any here. ' Hawkd,s Bay. The defence of the Province of Hawke's Bay is, geographically speaking, comparatively a matter. The forested Ruahine Ranges run like a great impassable wall paraliel to the from North to South on its West side, leaving only the openings (besides that of the -1l'_.u~IlM'W"T,ll Gorge, already provided for, and through which indeed there are no Natives near enough ever likely to come) by the Gorge of the Tutaekure River, a little north of the latitude of Napier. and the Northern end of the mountain', barrier, should be connected by settlements with the towards ~e North of th~ Province. As along this line the Province would be open to the and the numerous natives on the great tongue of land between Hawke's Bay and the Bay. (the point of which is the East Cape), it is proposed that at least 2,000 men should be st.ai;ionEldj along it, in (say) twenty settlements, averaging 100 men each. This number is small UU1.'"Ult:C.IDg the numbers of the Nabive tribes who might reach the Province from that quarter; 'but the is forttmately very open and, therefore, less likely to be invaded, as more easily defensible. The distribution of the 20,000 men would then be as follows :- :Men. From Waikato Mouth and Raglan to Tauranga and Thames . . . 10,000 New Plymouth to Waimate pa~h (on the North) • I,GOO Waimate path, South • . 1,000 Coast from New Plymouth to Waitotara 2,000 Whanganni 2,000 f: Manawatu to Pauahatanni 1,000 Upper Wairarapa to l!'orty Mile Bush 1,000 North side of Hawke's' Bay Province 2,000 20,000 Of course this distribution would be altered wherever its practical appliance in detail showed alteration to be advantageoUs. Probably the number set down for Waikato is' som!,what larger than would be reqnired. "!,' . i:' that case the excess might be given to Whanganui and the coast South of it, could land be got " /:;: \j: the purpose. . Ii ,i,i; The above is a general sketch of a scheme of defence by settlement of the country. It I, :' .. to show that 20,000 men are not too great a number for the objects to be attained, and perhaps "J II, be quite sufficient, with the Military aid that must be continued for some years. I.II " , .. ,', t,,, """."~\~"""'" •• ~", ••.•.• ," J\" "., ',' ", .. ," • ,)." ...... " .. '." ,. " .. " . IVllLl'l'A.H. Y S~'l'TLEMENTS. A.-No. S.A.. THE IMMIGRANTS. We wan~;~9,900 ,.1Jlen for settlement, and we want 1,000 miles of road made. The men would be employed upon the roads, say for nine months of working days after The work then to be done would he one mile of road in nine months by twenty men little more than one foot a day for each man. This would leave ample margin for deep "UI'"lU.~'" embankments, ditches,. bush-felling, &c.· Probably they could do much more in the time; so, as there are plenty more roads to make, it would be so much clear gain to the Colony. . A~.0,1,J;~,2,99g,,~e~,ha.ve already been introduced fl'om Australia and Otago:· ... Theyare to serve Mihtia. while reqUlred, and to receive fifty. acres of land and ra~ions for one year after they are - upon the land. These men could be employed at road niaking like the rest; if they preferred . for nine months, as they.probably wonld. .. It is proposed now to makE.' up the 20,000 men by introducing 18,000 from England and . We want them fit for road-work and the use of arms. Ordinary field labourers, of CmtrnCWil', Ij.ud a good l)roportion of 'navvies' would do. Arms and accont.rements would be ·nr,~vi,i"cf for them on board ship, and a drill-sergeant for each shipload, who would dlill and train by turns to the use of the rifle during the voyage. A large proportion of these immigrants, say at least four-fifths, should be young married men. should be all so, but possibly the circumstances of the country, while att"llctive to sinale might make it more difficult to procure married ones. If possible, the number of child~n not average more than .one to each couple. Their wives and children would be brought out and should remain in the nearest town to the part of the roads their husbands were upon. A special condition shouJd be made that a certain portion of the weekly or· monthly received by the men should be paid direct to their wives in the towns. They would thus in-the position of ordinary road-parties throughout the Colony, except that Government would a guarantee that their families would not become a burden to the public. The nine inonths of worki~g days the men would have employment gual'ltnteed them ~ould not necessarily consecutive, but would be extended over a year or eighteen monLhs if they pleased, RllnWlmcr for intervals of work upon their own lands where they could go upon them at once, at the periods for clearing, getting in crops, &c. The above arrangements are based on the supposition that peace may have peen established the immigrants arrive, or at least that the localities wherein it is proposed to place them be so far in our possession that they can proceed with road-making operations without danger very frequent intelTllptions from the enemy. Should the war, however, unhappily continue, the men introduced would have to be paid and treated altogether as the Militia Volunteers introduced, that is, they would receive pay and allowances (of clothing, rations, &c.) as the do, and be stationed temporarily wherever they might be most required to hold Military posts connection with the movements of the regular troops, occupying from time to time the positions . the real' of the latter which might be found necessary to enable the former to advance or more ,e11t'I;OU""J.'y carry out their offensive operations against the N a.tives. Some of these positions might be maintained, and the land laid out for settlement around them, not so much interfering as asSlSting in the execution of the plan proposed, of constituting these settlements in the main along the frontiers. Of conrse, if the immigrants have to be employed in this manner (really as regular troops in I!1I.T1"J.srms) it would be necessary to keep them in pay for a longer period, and entail a much greater Consequently the number to be introduced would have to be proportionably reduced. In all cases, the men for their pay would he required, whenever practicable, to work upon any nearest to their stations which Government might direct to be made. And whether stationed the settlements ultimately and permanently to be occupied or not, they would be during the whole until they received their gt'ants of land, in the legal position of Militiamen calleCl out for active As passages from England would be given to these men and no repayment required, as weli al? of land' and wages guaranteed for the time just stated, it would be sufficient to grant forty of land to .each. The ot·her terms would be similar to those o~ which the Australian settlers are engaged; and paid wages as labourers, Government· should supply rations when necessary, deducting the cost the wages. COST OF THE SCHEME. The next thing is the cost of the scheme. 1. Introduction of Immigrants.-The usual cost of steerage passage from England is under £,15, children under twelve years counted as one adult, under twelve months no charge. There are firms this moment in Auckland who will undertake to collect and bring out emigrants, subject to ..UIJnJYIhl. at the rate of £.6, and even £.5 per head, getting ft'om the emigrants themselves the of the passage money. Probably we might calculate with much security on getting them £10 per head; but it is preferable, in an estimate, to take the price it is certain they could be ...... ' ...... ;.~:..::;:.~." ... ~.<:.:.:... ' ..:.'~7,;. .. ::-.: •.\;';\.; .....-...::.:~~r-:~.:;..;':".:x;~'i:1 ~~..;,;.:.. ~~.. .: •• :.;.,~.:.:.;._ .. .:-..~-~ .. :.::-:~...:~!-.:. .. .,;,:.:.5...:~~..:;;.::.:::~::.~:·;.;!:>O.,:~~\.C:~.:::-..:..:~~~~1.~..Q...:1~:.:~:.: .. :: .. a-.{;;.!:tG.oQ~~~~~..:.i:::io--_..;~...... '""'C~..:...::. ... :..~~~~... ~'·.:.H:."'I..!·..:.·~· .• I:\~.~ 6 MILITARY SETTLEMENTS; imported for; viz., £15 a head. The cost of an Enfield rifle, With accoutrements complete,~ is -£5 .in England. We have then- 18,000 men • £270,000' 14,400 women (four-fifths) 216,000 14,40(} children . . . 108,000 Arms and Accoutrements for 18,000 men 9.0,000 £684,000. COST OF ROADS. The cost of the 1,000 miles of road proposed may be taken at an average of £1,500 a mile· or' £1,500,000; This is sufficient, as a great part of the lines proposed run through open couutry. The Waikato District above Meremere, consists of level and undulating lands, easily traversed, and from .Taupo towards Hawke's Bay occur barren plains, a considerable portion of them covered with pumice stone, over which roads will cost little making. .' . Again, we have seen that 20,000 men employed for nine months of working days Dlight easily' make the amount of roa-i proposed. Say they would be paid the usual rate of wages, or five shillings a day; this would amount to £1,170,000. If paid all Militia, the totrJ. would be somethingJess. . Allow then for .bridges, culverts, tools, and other expenses £330,000, and.it may safely be estimated that £1,500,000 would be sufficient to cover the whole expense. :' .d . I J: MODE' OF RAISING THE REQUISITE FUNDS. The next point is, how to procure the money ~ It is not necessary, and certainly it is not desirable; : c. to raise any of this by additional taxation, whether the Colony could bear it 01' not. It is not right J ·f; that the present generation sh.ould bear the whole expense of measures the benefit of which is to be ; ~ reaped principally by their successors. To borrow on an Estate so rich in undeveloped resources, . and so easily and rapidly improvable, as is a young Colony like New Zealand, and to borrow for the purpose of developing these resources and improving such an Estate, is not only prudent, but the' simple duty of those who have the management of it. Ten or twenty years hence, the burdens now" ., . required to be taken up would scarcely be felt by the Colony. That is certain. Let, then, the power +.. ;. and prosperity, the material wealth that the Colony would necessa.rily grow into.in the course of ,; ·l. twenty or thirty years, be, as far a.'! practicable, forestalled and realized at once. It would crush us to talce the burden 011 ourselves alone; place it on the future; . and while we are saved-nay incal culably strengthened by the proceeding-the very future we shift the bnrden to is equally enriched and benefited. For if near 50,000 souls can ~e introduced and settled in the Northern Island at. ·t present, and the debt caused' by their introduction be got rid of say in tweuty years, will not the Colony be to an altogether incalculable degree richer and more IJOwerf111 than if the twenty years had gone by and no such amount of population had bef'n introduced, and the debt never incurred ~ The; population can be introduced and the debt ca7~ be paid off as supposed. ., ~'.' .AMOUNT OF LOAN REQUlRED. The introduction and settlement of Immigrants, and the making of roads, as . above proposed, would cost in all aoont £2,300,000. But,as money will be wanted for the heavy expenses of the war during the present and possibly the next year, which cannot be safely estimated at less than n. million, it is proposed to add this sum to the Loan. This will be paid for out of the proceeds of the Lands of the Tribes at open war with us. Thus, with other expenses, to be presently alluded to, the total cost of the present scheme will be £3,500,000. While on this subject of a. Loan, it is to be remembered that a..'! the Loan of £500,000 authorized by Act of GeneL'a1 Assembly last Session has not been raised, the expenses intended to be covered by that Loan will still have to be met. The £100,000 for roads will merge in the present Loan for the same objects. The £200,000 for Taranaki re-instatement may be reduced to £140,000 thus.. By the arrangement with the Government of that Province on this subject (detailed in printed .. Papers), the Province.ofTaranaki was to raise £50,000, arid the General Government to payout of the Re-instatement Fund £90;000. But, a.'3 the Provincial Loan could scarcely be raised, except on :" the security of Lands to become sooner or later the property of the Province, and as it is now proposed to apply the proceeds of these Lands to payment of tho new Loan, it will only be fair to charge tl:e amount of £50,000 llpon the present Loan, making, with the £90,000 alL-eady a!!Teed upon, £140,000, as just stated. Out of the lapsed Loan of £500,000 was also to be paid the £200,000 which the Imperial Government has since offered to take as a discharge in full of all former debts of the Colony to itself. We have thus £340,000 to add to the Loan. There are some other outlays, such as £150,000 for the proposed Electric Telegraph, whicp- it is highly desirable MILITARY SETrLEMENmS .. . be made. . To provide· for' all these expenses bY.' one transaotion, G.overi1ment; pI!OpOSe5 a~tota1: .. · '1IXlRn··cn-·· ,,£4; 000,000. . .. It is confidently trusted ·that· the guarantee; of'the· ImperiakGov.ernment,; mayr' be;,. procured. f01'l least ..£3,800,000 of this amOlmt. '. That·. Government has- alreadY'offor.ed 'to, propose: BE-PAYMENT' OF DEBT;' But we have now only to shew how the Colony can meet· the principal of a debt of ..£3,500,000, the amount l'equired for .the present scheme, .and the intt'rest, at 6 per cent.. (allowinK 2. pel" cent. for a sinking fund). . Perhaps it will be considered. quite sufficien.t to shew that· the portion ofthedebt to be incun'ed the settlement of the Waikato· and Taranaki districts alone,. and for the' whole' expenses of the . can be Diet by the probable results of the scheme, as applIed to those two districts·; the iirl'erence fairly' to be·;drawn that the cost qf the settlement,'whenever'necessary, of"other portions of the. couDlIry, without the addition of il.n.y-such large item as ~he war expenditure; would' certairuy be' attenclea. with equally satisfactory prop'ortionate results. . . There are two branches of Revenue out of' the increase to which; by the 'proposed' scheme, the and interest in question must be paid. 1st. The increase to the Customs and Ordinary · K.P.'rP.mlp. by the addition to the population. 2nd. The increase to the Territorial'Reveuue by the additional land to be sold by Government. . · . 1. Increase to Customs Revenue.-A comparison of the totals of 'European population, and of the Customs nt1d Ordinary Revenue in each of the Provinces of the Northern Island, at the end of . each of the last nine cOllsecutive years, will give as an average the sum of .£3 12s. paid by every man, woman, and child to the above branches of Revenue during the whole period. The popUlation in each Province hs-s been during the whole time regl1la"dy increasing; yet the amount paid per head has fluctuated only by a few shillings from the beginning to the end of the period. A similar comparison gives £2 12s. as the average paid per head by the pOp'ulation of the different Provinces of the Middle Island during the same period, exactly £1 per head less than that paid in the Northern Island-a difference, most probably, owing as much to contribution by the Natives towards the Northern Island Revenue, as to any difference in the habits of the European popUlations, (the · Military element in the Northern Island;) and the consequent greater consumption of spirits and duty-paying articles by the latter.'*'·· '. Allo,ving 12s. a-head as a set-off against the probable diminution in the Maori contrilmtions to the Revenue to be caused by the war, it may fairly be assumed that the increase to the Customs Revenue, when the additional population is jntr.oduced,will. be at the. rate of £3 per head. . 2. Increase to the Land Revenut·.-::Thls will be p,roduced by.the sale of the lands forfeited by: :'tllll Natives at war·a.,aainst us.tt\From such land,.however, must be dedu~ted...!L .,.. 1. The.amount required for the Natives themselv.es.'· 2. The amoUnt required for free grants to, the settlers to. be introduced. ·f Now it would certainly be.only just and reasonable that all the lands of the WB.:ikato and Taranaki .' tribes that al'e best adapted for European settlement should De taken for that .purpose, leaving them " the . and plains further up j,n the interior.. These tribes hav:e wantonly and altogether without nrclvol::atlLonmurdered our soldiers and settlers, including old men and boys. They have most 'unequi ''''''fU'''~UV, through then~ mouth-piece, William Tho.mpsoIl, declared in writing their intention to kill all . Europeans they can, whether armed or unarmed. They have literally declared a war sf extermination agniust us. But we do not'advise extreme measures of retaliation, however justifiable. It is not consistent with generosity or good policy, however much so it may be with justice, to inflict upon these Natives the full measure of' punishment that is strictly. their due, or exact from them the full measure of redress that is rightly O\11'S. We have no desire to drive them to desperation and the mountains. It is right and fll,ir-nay, we are forced by the necessity. of self-p!-,eservation, to occupy BO much of their land with settlements as wilirender our own people secure. from them for the '\ future. It is equally right and fair to take for. sale and settlement so. much of their lands, utterly waste and useless for the most part in then' own.hIl,Dds, as will to some extent indemllify.\\s for the losses their wilfulness and barbali.ty have entailed.and, are entailing upon. us. What other.·plan can be devised to prevent them· making the Colony. uninhabitable. for peaceable settlers 1 In what other way can a Colony consisting of 125,000 souls, by the latest and most accurate comp,ntation. (by the i 'Registrar-General,Dr. Bennett), be enabled to take .upon itself the eotire burden of a p.ortion of the I expenses ofthe wa.rs, the pl~eSel1t and the past, comparatively so:.enorIDolls as £1,340,900 as. is now I * Mr. Ricllmond'e es.timntes· of the contributions of the Maori popUlation· to the Customs' Revenue of the l . Northern Island shew, I\S the amount. of such contl'ilmtions, from 1\ fift1~ up to a tll.ircL of .the whole Customs Revenue .1 lI1uch the sz.me proportionate amount as asaumed above, viz., from one·fourth to one· third of the whole Customs ! :Revenue of the N orLhern I~land. , .. : \. A;-No. SA. 8 MILITARY SETTLEMENTS. proposed 1-more than £10 pel' head for every European man, WOlllan, and child in the country. It is difficult to conceive how this expense can otherwise. be prevented. falling upon the .mother country. But security and indemnification attained, it is best to locate the ~ atives on what may be considered the plains outside our boundaries rather than up among the mountains. There are in the Upper Waikato, Waipa, and Thames districts above Ngaruawahia, according to the computation of the Government Surveyors, about 1,392,000 acres of land, described as some of the richest in New Zealand, In Lower Waikato and the Lower Thames districts, a very moderate estimate gives 900,000 acres more-this not so good as the former. The whole number of Natives of the male sex, above fourteen yeal's of age, actually resident in the above districts, is 3,3M-by Mr. Fenton's census, which took each individual's name, and is specially reliable with respect. to these districts. This includes all the Natives-well disposed or rebellious. Say that to leave for these Natives out of the above lands, half a million acres-a quantity far beyond all that they have ever cultivated (which Mr. Fenton estimates at one and a quarter acre per head of the whole population-12 or 15,000 acres), and more than three tim~ the amount for each individual that would be considered sufficient or is proposed to be given to each militaly settler. But further, to provide a fund for the purchase, if necessary, of allY lauds required from fdendly Native chiefs, or for settling perpetual annuities on them and their descendants, sufficient to place them permanently in a position, as to circumstances, far better than they have ever been in, we propose to set aside a sum of £200,000-included in the above loan of £3,500,000. . . For the European settlers would be required, as above stated, 500,000 acres. . At Taranaki the land from the Omata Block to Waimate, and thence to Waitotara, forms a rich belt along the coast, ·eighty miles long, by an average of seven broad-perhaps much more in breadth, and certainly so on the South of Mount Egmont. We may consider this as giving 500,000 acres. The male natives above fourteen, resident on this land, amOlmt, by the same careful census, to no more than 704. Say 100,000 acres were left for these Natives. .: ·For the European settlements, as above, would be required 200,000 acres. This then is the account of land :- ·,Acres. In Waikato and Thames Districts 2,292,000 In T3.ranaki 4. 000,000 ~\ Total 2,792,000 Deduct for Natives-Waikato; &c., 500,000 " "Settlers" " 500,000 " "Natives-Taranaki 100,000" " " .. Settlers " 200,000 1' Total 1,300,000 Leaving for sale 1,492,000 Of this land all the Taranaki and say a million acres of the Waikato land should sell at least for £2 an acre, The Tataraimaka settlers, when Government thought of buying their land, wanted £6 an acre for much of it in a· state of natm'e, and no better than great part of that we are considering. Then we have-supposing the land required for the Natives and the Military Settlements to be ,. taken in equal amonnts from the best and second best land: >l: 700,000 acres at £2 per acre £1,400,000 792,000 acres at £1 per acre 792,000 £2,192,000 This is undoubtedly an under estimate of the value of the Waikato and Taranaki Lands. ., The following table will shew the application of the Customs and Land Revenue above estimated to the liquidation of the portion of the debt proposed. It has been assumed in making i~ 1. That ·the Land would not be all sold in less than fifteen years-a longer time than neces- sary, judging from other Provinces. _ 2. That n<;me would be sold the first year; that £50,000 worth might be sold the second; and the proceeds go on increasing by £25,000 annually for five years more, and that for the remaining eight the average yearly Land Fund would be £190,000. The total in fifteen years would amount to£2,195,000-near enough to the above estimate for our present purpose. 3. That the Immigrants would be brought in in three years in equal numbers each year, the total being 12,000 men (besides the 2,000 from Anstralia), and 9,600 women, and 9,600 children, in the proportions above proposed, viz., four-fifthl:l of the men·to be married, with· children, averaging one to each couple. :.:-. >."-:." ." '" o B 'l!. J, No.1. COMP.Al!.A.TIVE TABLE SROWING (LS I'll .lB OJ.N BB .lBCaar.uNBD) TlIB B17BOl'BJ.N 1'01'tJUTIOli Oil THB 8BVBB.LL l'ltOVIII"CES OIr JIB'" ZB.ILllID or = YIWII 1854 YO 1862: .lLSO TltB OBDIN.lBY BBVlUItrB 01/ NBW ZlULJ,llD i'OB THB 8.1llB YIUBII BBSl'BOTIVBLY. 1854. 1855. 1856. 1857. 1858. 1850. 18GO. 1861. 1862. Total PROVINCES, Total Total Total Total Total Total Total Total Ordinary OrdinAry Ordin&r,y Ordinor,y OrdinAry Ordinary Ordiuary Ordinor,y OrdinAry Popul •• Popula. Popu1&- Popula. Popula· POPlllA· PopulA. Popula. Populo,. Revenue Revenue Revenue Revenue RO"ouue Revenue Revonue Revenue Revenue tiOD. tiol!. tioD.. tlOD. tiOD. tioD., tioD.. tiOD... tiOD. ------. £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ A.UCJt~D ...... 11,010 40,719 12,091 53,084 15,335 48,180 16,316 57,357 18,177 61,082 21,686 G8,429 23,732 72,3G5 24,420 90,836 27,G« 103,518 T.uwr.u:x ...... 2,OM 4,53lJ 2,113 5,«0 2,488 4,718 2,618 4,636 2,650 5,811 !!,72G 5,878 1,239 9,135 2,00 11,296 2,211 11,167 Wn'Llli'GTQH 6,231 32,630 8,124 27,660 10,252 27,349 10,997 -to,913 11,753 40,414 13,044 43,543 13,837 39,043 12,566 .:1,280 13,6'3 48,570 (Inoluding H.;;'ic.,,:&y until 1859) lIA.WlQ's BAY ...... 1,514 .. . 2,028 G,963 2,351 9,092 2,611 10,784 2,805 11,541 N""",,, 5,858 10,024 G,665 11,ISS 7,509 10,184 8,485 18,7SS 9,272 21,103 10,178 21,167 12,000 22,127 9,952 27,232 11,091 81,257 (I.cludin~ M~;iboro~gh u.iii 1860) , M.LR.L:BOnOUOH ••• ...... '" ...... '" '" '" 1,748 2,299· 2,801 2,886 4,203 C.ucTEBBUBY ...... 3,895 7,792 5,847 9,485 6,160 11,351 6,712 21,051 8,907 27,775 12,784 :lG,!)'!1 15,370 41,1GO 10,040 ,147,014 20,432 71,058 OTAGO 2,557 5,859 2.852 4,477 3,796 5,826 4,031 9,612 6,944 13,770 9,010 25,503 12,091 38,3;8 27,163\ 90,877 48,588 211,205 (I.chldi.g S~~thlA~'d until 1862) -'. SollTllT• 1.820 .um ...... - ...... '" '" ...... 3,455 15,641 CmTB..U! &:: STITWAlLT'S IsLAltDS ...... 203 149 136 136 281 137 22 139 60 lOG 26 109 172 .r ORN B. BENNE'IT, Reg;..trar-General. September 18th, 1863. No.2. COMPARATIVE T.A.l3LE SHOlVING THE .llL:OUll'r PER JIEAD CONTRIBUTED TO mE OBDI·NJ.Jl.Y aBVBNUB OF NB\V ZE.1.L.LllD Di' TIlB l'OrUl:.A:rlON' OF THE SB\",ED..l.L PBOl"IHCRS IN lUCH YEa FBO)[ 1854. TO 1862 INCLUSIVB. 186 ______P_R_O_Vl_N_C_E_S. ______.__ __1_85_4. __ __1855. _1_8_56____ 1_85_7_. _1 __18_5_8~ _1_8_5°_'_1 ___ _o_._: __1_8_6_1._1 1862. j\ A~';J~~I 1 I £ ,. £ .. £ •• £ .. £ .. £ .. £ .. £ .. 1-:-..-:\ £ I. AUCKLA.ND 4 4. 3 3 8 3 3 314 TAJUYAltI 211 2 3 2 4 2 i : 1: II : 1:, 2 1 18 7 510 \ . \VELLl.... GTOK (a.s above) 5 4. 3 4. 213 3 15 4 4 3 3 9 , 'I ~ll 1\ 313 HAWKE'S BA.Y 3 -I 0 411 4 S 4 2 NELSO,," (u above) 1 14 1 13 1 7 2 4. 2 G lID 2 15 2 17 2 M.uu.BOllOUOII I -I 1 15 Cn"TRRDURY 2 0 115 1 16 3 5 3 2 2 19 213 218 3 9 215 OT.LGO (AS a.bove) .. : 2 III 110 210 1 19 216 3 0 4. 12 212 SOCTRLAlo"D 410 1~::~::~~: ~id~:ia~~U~!~~asce;o~O~i:~Il;~~~J~ ra!lW:~dor ... ~mittiag •. ~Wke·~.~"y, g IJ~ POl'ul.tlon increased duri.g tho period from 32,554 ,oula to 120, IG7 ,ouls. COST OF THE PllOPOSED llOADS .AND SETTLEMEJ."i'TS IN W.A.IKATO .AND TAJl.!NAKI DISTll.I~S, &C. Ro.LDS- £ Seven hundred miles, at £1,500 per mile 1,050,000 IlrnIOn.1lml- Twelvo thousand Men •.. ••• £180,OOO} Nine thousand six hundred Women •.• 1'4.000 398,000 Nine thousand six hundrod Childre", ••• 72,000 StrnVEYS- . • . Sottle.. ' Lands nnd Land. ror Sale-Two millions three hundred and ninety.two thousand Aore., at Gd. pe. Acre, £59,800, (s.y) 60,000 PuncnUB OF LJ.~D front. or Annuities, for Loyal NativD Chiefs 200,000 EX,J.>ENBES OF pnESE!Io"'T \V.1.U •.• ••• • •• 1,000,000 CoXTIXGE:N'CIES 34,000 2,800,000 Loan to b. raised o"erthreoye.rs :-1st yenr £I,I00,OOOJ As the War expensos would be Immigrants introduced in threo YCllr. in equal numbers :- 2nd year 1.lOO,CKXl incurrL'd in these two years. . 4,000 Men } :lrcl yenr GOO,OOO 3,200 Wellton iu each year. 3,200 Children \ £2,800,000 2,000 Men already illt·rodueed. o ·----·----t;--- -, Interest. Yearly. ll.o-rcnuc. Incroaso. IDoficiencs'\ Surplus. I _'_1· I £ £ £ £ First year (say) six months on £1,100,000 33,000 Customs Royonuo, increase : \ M.D, 2,000, at £3 p.r head 0,000 2i,OOO IS:...... Second year-Twelve months on £1,100,000 nnd six 0", £1.100,000 99,000 {)ustoms Revenue:- I Men ...... 6,000 t: ,Vomen nnd Children... 6,400 I ~ I>- 12,400 £37,200 ... } 87,200 11,800 Land Re".nue (say) ... 50,000 ... ~ Third Year-Twol,.o months on £2,200,000, nnd six On £600,000 ... 150,000 Customs Revenue :- m Men ...... • .. 10.000 t:;;j Women nnd Childr.n... 12,800 ~ H 28,800 £58,400 t-t ... } 143,400 6,COO Land Revenu. (say) ... £75,000 ... t:;;j ~ Fourlh ye:lr-Twelve months on £2,800,o.ro ... 168,000 Customs Revenno:- t:;;j Men ...... 14,000 Women and Children ... 19,200 Z ~ 33,200 £99,600 ~ ... } 199,000 L.nd ne"enne (say) ... 100,000 ... :l1,ooo Fifth year-Twelve months on £2,800,000 168,000 Customs :Revenue ;- M.n ...... 14,000 Women Dnd Children ... 19,000 33,200 £99,000 ... } 2:B,GOO 00,000 Land Revenne (say) ... 125,000 .. , Sixth ycu-Twelvo mo~tbs on £2,800,000 16B,OOO .0 •• Customs ReT'cnue £99,GOO 2,19,000 Land Revenne (say) ... . 160,000 ... }I ~I,UOO Sovonth y",nr-Twolvo months on £2,800,000 16B,OOO Customs Revenuo .. . £99,000 Land .Kevenue (sILY) .. . 175,000 ... } \ :li-J.,600 100,000 Eighth to tifteenth years, e.eh year on £2,800,000 16B,OOO Customsllol"'cnuo ,0' ••. • •• £99,000 Land Revenue (say) •.• ...... 190,000 ... 289,000 121.000 Ditto d,tto ror eight ye ...... }I Total Doficiencies. Total Surplus. Total original Debt ... £2,800,000 £27.000 £31,600 11,800 66,800 Payoff and deduct ... 1,32.,400 at cud of 15 yeors, lond fund having 6,800 81,600 CCQscd. 106,800 D.bt reduced to ... 1,47-1,GOO :£45,400 121,600 Yearly interest, G per eont. on r.duced ..... 398,000 dobt ...... 8B,476 o Eight last year., .ach £121,800 ... 972,600 Annual incr.... of Customs ltovonue .. . !l9,GOO 1,870,800 Deduct deficiency repaid 45,400 .Annual Eurplus from Customs Rovonuo 11,12-1. N ott Surplus !:I,925,4OO --- MILITARY: SETTLEMENTS~ . .. It will be seen from' the foregoing table that at the end of the fifteenth year the nett surplUIJ of to·OOcruefrom these transactions would be· £1,825;400, with which' the debt of £2,800,OOl>· be reduced to £1,474:,600; the annual Interest on which at six per cent. would be £88,476- than the·annual increase ofCustoDis Revenue by £11,:124. '1~ut .the . surplus· ail it accnied'yearly, 'afterrepaying.deficiett!)ies; might be invest¢ The fair conclusion seems to be tbat the raising of a large Loan for the above purposeH is not pnlU~:llli, but profitable. But were it neither one nor the' other, financially speaking, it is an necessity, unless some other plan can be devised for confronting and crushing the Maori iliffillln It;v_ ·The Loan should be made a first charge on the Ordinary and Territorial Revenues of the . after the 1856 debt of £500,000. It would of course benltimatelypaid out of the Te):'ritorial On:iin:l!.rv Revenue of the Provinces of the Northern Island, in proportion to the number of }JIlll1lJ~nts introduced into each, and the amount of money spent on road-making in each. Debentures to be issued should be made payable at the option of Government, any time ten years from the date of their issue. It may be objected to the foregoing plans that they are based solely on the idea. of force j and is true that physical power is the main element of the conception. ," But the adoption of this plan: riot by any.means preclude the employment of moral methods for acquiring influence over the .' or ameliorating their condition, bodily or mental.'~ On the contrary, we are firmly persuaded,. basis of physical power is the best and only one on which to rear the superstructure of' sway. The want of it bas been the one great cause of failure of all the attempts of Govern- to raise and.civilise the Natives. Let respect for its power be once firmly established, and its for the introdnction of "law and order" among the Natives; and for their investment with :IIOll1;ICar powers and rights, will have some chance of success. All the more chance when these are no longer liable to the suspicion of being prompted by interest or fear, nor to the ·danger contemptuously rejected without trial, or found wanting and discarded, because not duly mll1norted by physi.cal force. first-as the only thing that naturally commands the respect of these undisciplined men; . the humauising institutions; ,after it, every wise and mild contrivance to elevate and improve . This is the natural order of things. Until you get rid of the rank growths of savagery, how rear the plants of civilisation ~ The axe and the fire are wanted before the plough and the Cut down the towering notions of savage independence so long nursed by the Maoris 'Tn,nna·in even attractive though they be-root up their ill-concealed P8Sllion for lawless Then you will have clear space and a free soil for the culture of ·the gentler .and products of the heart and the intellect. In conclusion, it may be fairly said in favour of this scheme that- It will commence and calTY to a considerable extent a system of roads !!Which will eventually and render accessible all parts of the Northern Island. It will introduce an armed populationmumerous enough to be capable of defending itself, as as previous and subsequent settlers, against all attacks of the Natives. It will locate this population in such positions as to render possible and safe the colonization"' . settlement of large 1iracts of country lands, besides those tbey inhabit themselves. I'> I'A.-No. SA. 12 MILITARY SETTLEMENTS. i It will expend the-,funds derived from the sales of,lancl,fu the districts it affects on their most legitimate objects-the improvement and settlement of the count~ by immigration and road-making. , It will take nothing from the Revenue {of the Northern Island, bllt greatly increase it in the long run-and it will leave entirely untouched the present and future Revenues of the Middle Islaud. It will go a great way towards the speedy relief of the Imperial Government from the obligation of bestowing the costly Military protection and assistance it is now so generously giving. . It will remove the heavy burdens caused by the war from the Europeans, who suffer by it, to the Maoris, who have wantonly provoked it. ' It will introdu~ andesta.blish the permanent presence of a power sufficient to create and keep alive in the minds of the Natives that respect without which all attempts to civilise them are hopeless. I> It will pave, tlle way to their reductio~ beneath the sway of law and order, and give them a,;. chan!le of escaping a doom otherwise inevitable." . And thus it will render possible the co-existence in New Zealand of both ,races in peace and prosperity•. } ALFRED DOMETT; October 5th, 1863. .. : .. "'- ':.. : .... E.-No.8. 2 PAPE,RS c RELATIVE TO EXPEDITIONS TO ESTABLISH MIJ;i'ITARY ;POSTS AT PUKEARUHE, , , -' NEAR THE WHITE CLIFFS, TARANAKI. ~ .' " . ~. '.. ~ .., " PRESENTED TO BOTH HOUSES OF THE GENEJ;tltL ASSEMBLY, BY OOMMAND OF HIS EXCELLENCY. W ELL I N, G TON. 1865. j'~" . '".?. .:,; ': :', t' '<-.> •.. "~;_ ' .. "•. -_' . . -J ...~ :, ...... I' :::-"-' - ...... 1 .;E.-No. f REP:ORT RELATIVE TO EXPEDITIONS TO ESTABLISH MILITARY POSTS AT. PUKEARUHE. R. P.!.RRIS, Esq., to the Hon. the NATIVE MINISTER. Sm,-, New Plymouth, 18th May, 1865. i, Ad,verting to my report of the 11th instant, I have now the honor to transmit for the inforD?:lI:tion of His ~xcell~~cy's Government, the following rep..E!1: in d.etail relative to th~ different expeditions to establish military posts at Pukearuhe, near the White Oliffs, and at Opunakl, near Te Namn, in the Taranaki District. ., ' , '1. On the 18th ultimo, with the advice ,of the Hon: the Defence Minister, I sent three Waihi Natives inland to the Kirikiringa District, with a yiew ,of ascertaining whether H!tpurona and his people ~eally .desired to withdraw from the rebels, sending them at the same time a copy of the address ,of the Ngatikahungunu Ohiefs to His Excellency th,e Governor, deprecating the murder of Mr. Volkner. :" ' The messengers returned on the 21st to Waihi, and the following day the Ohief Piriki came to town to' inform me of the result of their mission. Hapurona-refused to leave the district, and stated that he was remaining quiet, and not joining in any hostile proceedings ae;ainst the Government; and that he entirely disapproved of the proceedings of William King and hIS followers. Hapurona also informed them, that on the occasion of our Native allies' going to Kaipikari, on the 21st of March last, there were some, Ngatimaniapotos there, with 'the Ohiefs Kaharoa, Wet ere Ia Kerei', and Ngatawa Ia Kerei. That soon after the attack on Kaipak8:ri, these Ohiefs left for the north, with a promise to bring :down reinforcements for William Kin~ from Waikato. (This information was also confirmed by the Natives who came away from Wilham King's, followers, and joined our allies during our overland march fr,om Pukearuhe to Waitara.) Upon this report Oolonel Warre, O.B., and the Defence Minister determined to take possession of Pukearilhe, the occupation of which place completely inter. cepts the passage from Mokau t.e this district. ". ,. ' 2. On'Sunday, the 23rd ultimo, a detachm~nt of the 70th Regxment a.tld,a. ,~ompany of Bushrangers ;: embarked on board ,the s.s. " Phrebe," under the command of Oolonel Mulock~ I also, accompanied them, taJdng with me two Natives. We left New Pl~outh roadstead 'about three o'clock, Monday mornmg, and arrived off tae Whi~ O1i:ffs (Pukearuhe)~ at daybreak. As I was standing on' Hie deck with the captain of the steamer, pointing out to him tlie landing. place, Lieutenant Feneran (Adjutant of the 'lOth Regiment) came up to me and said, "You are to go ashore with the - two Natives III the first boat; those are the orders." In reply I said to him, "Under those circum. stances, I hold myself to be under no one's orders, and shall go ashore. when I think proper." Soon after Oolonel Mulock came up from the cabin, and apologised to me, and stated that he had not instructed Lieutenant Fenerau to order me to go ashore. ,The coxswain of the surf·boat was now ordered to get his crew and pull inshore, and look about. On receiving the order the coxswain asked me to accompany them. I had previously assm;ed them that the landing.place was good, and perfectly safe in such weather as then prevailed; and knowing that any delay in landing would only increase the chance of opposition had there been an., rebels near the· place, which was not far from some of William King's followers, I therefore determmed to go ashore at all risk; the boat was hauled up to the gangway, and I got into it, taking with me the two Natives. After I was in the boat, I asked for some volunteers from the Bushrangers to go ashore with me, when Lieut,enant Free, Sergeant Ju:pp, and ten privates came into the boat. We soon got ashore, and took up a position on the Cliffs (which are rathe~ high), covering the landing. The surf-boat woul~ have taken tl,1irty" and why she was not filled I cannot understand; neither should I have made these remarks a part of my report, but for the fact of having been ordered, to go ashore myself with only two N:atives, to land at a place in every way adapted for ambuscades, from which it would have been impossible to have. escape,d, as the boat was returning to the steamer, which was lying from two to' three miles off shore., I should be sorry to refuse to obey any reasonable order from a commanding officer, but I feel persuaded that it is not the wish oft1?-e ~~vernment t~at its officers (in my ca'pa~ity) flho1lld be subje.ct to such treatm~nt. 3. After landing about SIXty men of the, 70th Regxment under Oaptam Ralston, and thirty-!!ix; :Bushrangers 1lD.der Oaptain Jonas."together with some, tents, two bags of biscuits, and some salt pork, it became low water, 'and the landine; was. not so good, there being a sandbank ab.out half a mile out, upon which ~he surf breaks at low tide, and which I have no,doubt was termed a .heavy sea rising, for, to our astomshment ,ashore, about one or two o'clock the steamer was off, havmg left us without a single 8J?a!i~or axe, and only what ammunition the men had with, them in their.pouches, whereas had they' waIted for flood tide everything might hav;e been 'landed !1B well as in the morning: Previou~ to leavmg New Plymouth, I arranged for about S14ty of our N atlveEi to, go overland, and m the evelllllg after the steamer had left about, fifteen of them' on horseback arrived, and reported that the remainder were on their way; but m consequence of being without supplies, I, sent back to them to remain at Mimi, where they could get some food from Native cultivations. PAPERS RELATIvE TO MILITARY POSTS A:-T PUKEARUHE. 4. Up to Weclnesdaymorning the 26th,.there.was no'appearance ofa stel:tmer, and after with Captain Ralston, who was of opinion that no time shoUld be lost in endeavouring to cOlnm,un:icai~ with New Plymouth, in order to make known to theoOo.1o~el'oCommanding the predicament we been lefh in, I therefore determined to go at once with ..t1;ie,:oNative allies overlana. 'Those who come to Pnkearuhe on horseback went with me so far as Mimi, and, on joining those who had ~h.ere, I se~t the others back to remaitl; wit~ C~ptain. Ralston. D~~g ou~ passage overland we Jomed by SIX men, four women, and SIX children (followers of William Kmg), who came doWn the Ranges and tendered their submission. . One of' the' men, who came down from Tupari, a position inland of Mimi, stated that some more of their frie:p.ds were anxious to come in, and be allowed to go back for them, which I agreed to: but on his returning he found an armed patrolling in front of the place, and without speaking to him he returned, without his ~U"lJ.U";· knowing by the armed sentry that William King's Natives mnst have arrived from .u.<".I,IJw. ... u prevent their coming in. I sliould, have gone to the place with our allies, but for the ne(leSElity getting to town without delay. After getting some potatoes from a cultivation near· Urenui, were cooked for food, we resumed our journey, bringing with us the sixteen who had joined us.; on arriving at Onaero, after instructing the Natives to liold themselves reltdy.to take supplies __ .. _1_,_'" in case there should be no steamer for that service, I left the Natives in order to ride into town night, where I arrived about eight o'clock. . " 5. The following morning the s.s:" W onga W onga" was at anchor in the roadstead, and reporting to Colonel W arre and the Defence Minister the condition of the detachment left at aruha, steps were immediately taken to secure the "Wonga Wonga" to take supplies to them;. supplies were ship;ped at once, and about two o'clock p.m.' we left the roadstead, and arrived Pukearuhe about SIX o'clock; but although dark I went ashore with a boat, and took some fooa ammuuition. The next morning °everything was landed, amI about one 0'c10ck we left for: Plymouth, where, on arriving, I found arrangements had been made for an expedition ' . , occupy Te N amu, 1n Taranaki. The s.s. " Wanganui" was taken up, and troops were emlba:rking. landing, Colonel Warre, C.B., requested me to accompany the expedition (which he command, aud take some Natives, and also a canoe. Weleft the roadstead about twelve arri\'ed off T~ Namu the following morning at dalbreak. Several fires were lit on the cliffs .....LLLLLI'.,u.l,."'" on standing 1U for the Opunake Bar (about a ,mile. and a half south of Te NalJlu). Colonel requested me to send the Natives which I took °with mein the canoe to ascertain if the Natives were willing to communicate, as he had no desire to fire upon them unnecessarily, more . should they proye to be William King, Matakatea, and Arama Karaka's people. Five .. into the canoe, and pulled inshore, when two men came down from some houses by the Waiana on to the rocks, and spoke to our Na.tives. The two men proved to be some connections of Karaka's, who they sa.id was living in the bush inla:q.d. Our Natives told them we were going but if there was no resistance 'no one would' be fired upon. We had two surf-boats with were both filled with troops and Bushrangers immediately the canoe' left the steamer; and by the canoe left to come back we were hali\vay ashore .. The landing on this occasion was corid differell:ly.to the landing at the. White Cliffs. Colonel Warre went ashore himself with·t?{o b.~)atl.oac~ of men, and commanded personally the landing, which was effected without opposition,· . convinced would not have been the case had the Natives had time to assemble.' Opunake'is a;. bay in the form 'of a horse shoe, With.perpendicular cliffaall round it; and on getting u;e over, we rather surprised to find the palisading of' a new po. recently erected close to the cliff, hidden from. on the beach below by some ",ery high flax bushes: '. '.. . '. . )This is the best landing-place on the Taranakicoastj and I have no doub~ the pa was'put for the purpose of opposing the landing of troops, whether with William King's andAraka ..o..~"'°H..lH. . sanction or not is 'difficult to say, but I am inclined to think that, although they ·mi~ht. not harcf opposed it, they were not favorable to its being done. However, shortly after we were m pOBsessio~ . of the place, a Native was seen riding towards us with a white flag, which proved to be a '. . of Arama Karaka's party;named Para (Burrows). He said °that on hearing of oUr a:rrmu .L.L.L"'W"!.::' Karaka had requested him to ride off at once to inform William King, whose place was several off (but the only road to. it was through the pa:rt we were in possession of). Before leaving requested me to send one of our Natives up the track he had come, to meet Arama. Karaka, said was on the way from the bush with his followers, but miaht be afraid to come, to us on had landed. He left to go for William King, and I sent a Native, as desired, to go to meet . Karaka. Our Native had gone but a short distance the other side of the Waiana River when, . meeting Arama Karaka, he fell in with two Natives, who it afterwards proved had just arrived Waimate, and by whom he was very near being shot. Ope of them was a Waikato Native, and other a native of that district. On seeing our Native one of them levelled his gun at h~m, when sung out, " Kati, kati," and retreated, and came back to us in double quick time. 4f the time (lould not understand what it meant, and presently we saw a Native with a gun on a very high cliff, . the opposite side of the Waiana· River. I got one of 0"?x Natives to. call to him, and ask him who was. They both then. drew nearer, and as they appeared to be afraid, Colonel Warre, Wl10 was' me, told me to show a white handkeI:chief, on seeing wh~ch they came down opposite to 'were standing, and asked who the Maori was that they wet:e following, and also asked whose it was.. On Qeing told ~hat it wa.~s the Colqnel and Parris's, he asked where I was. On b~~g ~:V~!W.Q~U.. that I .was p.rjlsent,.he replied" Pai Marir~,"a~d bot~ turned and walked up to a post (nUl.). by somehou!3es of Te·. U a's (the :p,~e of the place IS' ~atakupu, on the. south bank o~ the ".. r,_;_O_·A Riye~, .tb,~ .i'.e,s~denc~.o'of. :r;£oropapa:r?o, Te Va,. froD.l w~ch place h~s faIIllly w.ere· remoyed f~r~l.ghtbe£ore),,~here they performed a short~eremony, after which the Waikat,o Native, rldlllg, ;stll-rted 'off inland to .!,rama Karaka~s. place, !L1l:d .the other went on to the cliffs, an,d nel~:tblrm4~d:°'. .another.~~x:eri:iOJlY, ~ter which we e.awnothipg oft~eIU·. . .. ' .'. '. ;6: .So~>n.a.f~er Qur return to 9punake, Para r~tp.rned.froI,Il Wilhan;J: ~gWlth a. ~essageO was coming .. We were standing close to th~. new p.!!-J and °the Colonel re.quested me tq.o built the pa, to which he very coolly replied, ''''My soldiers bililt it; and liad I· be'eli here' , •• J •••• " •• " •••• , ••••••••••••••• , ..~. ~ ~ '.:' .:':: '.:'~ ~~;.: :':;~:':'~':':"".'" ,~,~ ::',:~.~.~.~:--: -"-~~"'~''-~~'":'\';''~''' .:,'.~.. !-;~'., ••• ~ .... -.•. " .' .--..... l- 1 . P~ERS RELA~IVE TO MILITARY POSTS AT PUKEARUHE. 3 E.-No \:.,. : :. you would not have. bded here, but as you are now here its .aU right." I told him that during his ~. ~bsence our Native,'who,had started: to go to meet Arama Karaka, was very near being shot, when he I'ode oft' to ascertain what it meant, and Bome time afterwards returned with two others, and informed ils that it was two Natives who had just arrived from W aimat~, as before stated. The two Natives who came with him (Thaia and Nikirenia) brought a message from Arama Karaka, to say that it was .aU right for us to come there to see them, but that· he himself could not see us, and recommended that we sliould take away the soldiers. I told them. to go back and teU him that if he and his pe()ple did not come in at once and sign the declaration of allegiance the! would be regarded as rebels. William Xing~B wife came to the camp to re9.uest me to go back to Te N amu to Bee William. I sent her back to teU him to come to the camp, whicli he did soon after with fourteen followers. He appeared low spirited, but was evidently glad to see Europeans once· more, to whom he was always provetbia.l for kindness, .and many years ago tried to get some to settle upon his land, which was refused by the' Government. I asked liim what had become of the things from the" Lord Worsley," to which he very significantly replied, "You had better ask Graham" (Mr. R. GTaham, of Auckland), "who gave everything to the people" (Iwi). The wreck of the" Lord W()rsley" is eviden~ly a sore question With him. I heard .at the time that he was very much hurt at Mr. GTaham's hruiding over everything to the. Warea . Natives after he had taken chirge. He confessed to me that many of their young men had joined the :rebels, but that he and .!rama Karaka had persistently refused' to take any part in hostilities, which 'had caused a bad feeling towards them. After the Colonel and I had gone on board the steamer in the evening: we saw .!rama Karaka coming in under a white flag, but it was too late to go a13hore, -consequentl! I did not see him. On hearing that I had left he refused to come into camp. IJ. We landed at New :Plymouth about eleven O'clock, Saturday night, the 29th April. On - Sunday preparations .1Nere made for an overland expedition to the same place. ·The troops, one .company of Military Settlers, and some Bushrangers, together with the transJ?ort, started Monday morning, seven o'clock. The Oolonel 'and Staff (whom I accompanied, taking with me Edward Stockm.an, Il>S interpreter for the detachment at Opunake, and 8i few mounted Natives, at the request -of·the Oolonel) left about noon, We marched as far as Warea that day, and Tuesday the whole force got to Te Namu. We remained there until Sunday, the IJth. instant. During the week we had very bad weather. During our stay there· William. King's people, sirle.en of them, came in with him and .signed the declaration. .!rama Karaka did not come in,but two of his young men, Thaia and Para, .came in'just as ·we were leaving, Sunday morning. On our leaving the place, Saturday, 29th April, :Para started for Waimate, and returned during the week with a letter from Te Ua Haumene and Tito Ranatawa (Hol!>ni :Pihama), which I sent a copy of to you by letter of the 12th instant. The reason . Assigned for .!rama Karaka's not· coming in was, "That Captain Cay had been up to this place with .some soldiers, that on seeing them they were frightened, and ran away to the bush; that on hearing the big;·w.ms.a few days later thei became more.fri.ghtened" (there were two shots fired fr~m a mortar for practice, by order of Colone Warre.) WIthin an hour after we left (Sunday mornmg, the IJth instant) for tlie home.ward march, .!rama Karaka came in with ten of his men to sign the declaration. 'Oaptain Oay, with one company of the 70th Regiment, and a company of Military Settlers, was in eommand at Opunake, until Major Oolville, of the 43rd Regiment, advanced from Te Namu, where they had been stoEping during the week. Oaptain Cay demanded their guns, and they went back and bronght in seven (7)., and then si~ed the declara.tion. . 8. Major Oolville was left ill command, with some of the 43rd Regiment, a company of the !zOth, and a company' of Military Settlers. The Bushrangers and Transport returned to Warea, Sunday evening; The Oolonel, and Staff, and I, came into town. We had no opposition either way, and the places which used to be occupied near the coast line appeared to have been deserted for some time; and the only place they appear to have adovted as a place of defence is in4nd of Warea, where the worst .characters of the Taranaki tribe are livmg. , 9. On Tuesday, the 9th instant, I went by the s.s. "Wanganui," to the White Oliffs, to withdraw some Natives that had been there. ;'Oaptain Ralston, of the 70th Re~ent, who was in command:i there, had with his men nearly finished a verY fine redoubt. : From the White Cliffs (which place we left about seven o'clock, Tuesday evening) we steamed dire9t to Opunake, without calling at New Pl~outh, and arrived there at daybreak the following morning. Whilst they were landing three boat ~ ::~!.~. . loads of Oommissariat Stores, I Bent Tamati Kaweora for Arama Kara,ka,.when he came down to the 'I· .\, W-aiana River with fourteen of his men to see me. They appeared very anxious to be at peace, and declared their determination not ·to have anything to do with those who were prosecuting hostilities against the Government; but they complained of their ~s being taken from them, and also of the soldiers taking their potatoes and other things from thell' houses, and asked how they were to live when ~ their food was taken from them? As the last boat was going oft' to the steamer (about eleven o'clock a.m:, Wednesday, 10th instant) I had to leave them suddenly, after advising them to remain perfectly quiet, that no one would hurt them from the camp, and that I would return again Boon to see them. Before going on board I recommended Oaptain Oay, who was in the redoubt, not to insist upon their giving up their guns, but he refused to take my advice without instructions from the Oolonel, in consequence of which I went. to Major Colville, who was encamped with the 43rd on an old pa, a short distance off. He at once consented not to compel them to give up their guns if any more Came in, admitting the unreasonableness of doing so, unless they were within our lines for protection. On my return to town I spoke to Colonel Warre on the subject, and he promised me he would send instructions to Captain Cay not to demand their guns. I have, &c., ·R.. p A.lI.llIS,* To the·Hon. the Native Minister. .-k. • Assistant Native Secretary. ;j Tuesday, Februaty;.12a.1212: THE ViHITE CLIFFS MASSACRE MEMORIAL TO THE REV. JOHN WHITELEY UNVEILmG CEllEMONY •...... •• • • • • • • • • "The memory of ma.ny a sincere admirer of his self'-sacrif'icing life has kept in mind the spot where, re£USing to go aravenJ.y baak: when told to do so by blood-thirsty men who already had slain three men, a mother and her three children, he shared their fate: but no visible memorial has hitherto marked the spot. At last, after the'long :Lapse of yeal1 this fitting service has been performed. Relatives of the martyred missiiDnary have pro:vided a memorial stone, and this was unveiled with becoming 'solemnity on Monda.Y. A suggestion has been made that what private affection has done should be supplemented by a more general contribution, in the fom of a suitable pedestal for the stone. Th£i'i.e was a 'J.8.i.ge attendance including' •••••••• Captain C'ameron .:0' who was in charge of the surf' boat in which the bodies of the Rev.Whiteley, Lieut. Gascoyne, his wife and three Children, and Messrs Richards and Milne were removed to New Plymouth•••••• II Address by Rev. A.B. Chappell •••••• "He looked upon the spot upon tihich they were assembled as one of the most sacred spots in New Zealand ••••• Here had happened one of those tragedies ••••• such was the effect of the deed which took place at that spot ••••• they gathered round that spot, 4-7 years a:f'ter his death•••• " Address by Rev. W. Cannell •••• "they were eathered together that day on the spot where he fell." Rev. Chappell •••• II gathering •••• not to show vengeance ••• but solely to mark the spot mere the martyred missionary had laid down his life. He tendered his thanks to those who had provided the memorial which was not there as a result of public subscription or chtn'ch enterprise but purely a private gift, but he hoped that before long a pedestal and tablet would be erected by members of the church •••••• tendered thanks to Mr Davies, the ovmer of the property for a:llow:Lng the memorial stone to be erected there. II Inscription: TO JOHN WHlTELEY WHO WAS KILLED HERE ON FEBRUARY, 13, 1869 ERECTED BY HIS RELATIVES. Beneath this is the same inscription in Maori. Unveiled by Whiteley Rawson, grandson of Whiteley. ( TARAlTAKI HERALD TUesday, Februny, 15th 1916 [' \ "?!EIrE CLIFFS 1fASSACRE .'".. Unveiling Ceremony Names Mentioned l:r 3:. Rawson (grandson of Rev '.'lhiteley) , Mrs H. Rawson, 7/hiteley Rawson (son of H. Rawson) !i:aster Dan Rawson (greatgrand son) 1.:iss Rawson !,:rs Bertalot (nee Hood) (.3'reat grand daughte~ Rev 7/. Cannell Col. Kessenger Cpt Cameron Revs. A.B. Chappell C.H. Olds I~essrs Smart r,..H. Maunder 1':.:'. I.:aunder H. Goodarce.· \7.A. Collis G._~. Corney Rev. T.:;'. ::am:r.ond Cpt Good Kr Davies (oimer of property on wp..ich memorial is erected) ],:esdames ':;,J. Freeth P. "::ells A. Fenwarden Gilbert t::artwright B. ';7el18 A. Davies C. Rowe ~:ilne 130mnan (afternoon tea caterers) s ( . --:-- "-1' \. .: '\ (-- ../ ,/ " Pos-cer ITo.: - .•. -.--.--. '" .. -_. '" - -- .. _._._._----- (see con~~tions ther( S.:=cticn ~. I" c.t-!'-6.e.t:~ ( •.~-~~.-., 'l'enu··;:· A/J ... .1 J. .... -1..!../-.: ___L =- ____. __. __ . Lease ':':0.: /1_5--=,4-1--__ £_----- Date of Lease: I:-.:.!.'JroY;:··:!".:.~ntt includ.ec: ir.:. I::~,:: 1. "::':::.1 V2. luc : C"-' ___ .4i ..... .-:. --'---==-- Lease :;:".=:. ______. Previcusly held: I.oc:].l ~11oc2:ion of rcnt:- 3.e·~r.~:~~;,~:; £ ==--~c=.-=...2 'oJ __-=:._=_ £ Loc.n £ ---""---'::: 2 ___=-_...:::: ~ot~l !':a.lf y.:;arly r(mt .z ____'_0_-_0_ s~ ~(·(·2-7 b . ... -'--- '-1 / (""-.. I ! succc:.,,,ful A:pplicr.nt: ---,,--_ ...... --_ .. ---_ ... _._._',--- --'----.------,' -- -_.- --- .. --.- #- -'-'--" ------.-- -- a.... fr. Po .'.rea: ..-.2... ._"_. __ 3... -. ---_.20 _ ...... -_. ---- i.' ' .. --- Vc:lu.e)per 'Ienur-e : --~--,----"!Yl.L ,)_._--- CE~:it::.~ or ZG~t: )nc=C: ~ ------ Leaso 1:Io.: 1/5'6 ~---=---- '.'--' -- ... ,.- _...... , :';J. tt..: to", ·f..,C(~8!:!: /. I {~ .. 7. £. ------ir~ .:~.~: i ·.~~::.l V;:·.l~~~ ~ _.-'. =- __--=~ ____ C2.. ! i to. 1 -.[r!.lue: 3roken :PGriod: ~ l .::.---=--- . . ;:; I. f ,-'2 '7. --. Cl:;.se: Lease i8e: --_._---- Previc~ely held: Allocet~on of rcnt:- 'i:I."-,,,~--_" ....., ___ v"C- it.~ ---d:.--- Spc:c~.;:.l Gh2.rge .;:. ----- -_... _- _... --_ ...... -- £ ; :,:~". ~i' •• ' , Loe.l1 .::.----- "Thirds" :: ... _----- To'Gc.-.l ::-,alf yearly rent .;:. 1 ( ) \, ' ...... -,. i -I~ ) ) "f -:--: "lL -r -on-rJr, lcth July, 1~2': • ... _.. ' .... ~.~r.) ,H •. Jrett, 7ieLl Ins.?ect'Jr, "': ;::·tJI·J3. .;e Sub.d of~ectio .. 1, :c>ukearuhe Town nelt. Ii t~l ::"eference to the licen:::;e held ay "r.;.':.:i.li·) ::?\.:: OYEr thi8 '2,Xr;£!. ol ;2 G.cr~s .:: :::)~)(13 J.l1d ~t.l ?erci'lea, i'Ol~tlerl:! _iolice :\,Eser7'2 :::.ijd no~~! .!r07:n Land, I have 'co 3ta~e :hat exem.,tion ~·r:-;m. rei t"Jr :1 ',Jerioi or' :;~';o years .:as .::ranteJ, Jr()viJeri the ,-'orr;e.:as '-rub'. ~o ~jlC .~:..ltlGf:.",ction of ~lle 1e')art:::ent. ..,on-cor.r)liMCe :lith :;hesf cC"!1\.!.i·~1·J:1n ',:-as ~_ 0gel'":~te :=0;: ~_ 1Jl'el:~.c~l 'J':,:,~ ""he canciiti'Ji1s of ti1e licenr:e :Y72X ·~h.e ~Iistoric ":r:cer"!le .-;'j.::i:'li;1:; .. ~:: ...: cor:p)ri::i":!~': 7 :\crcs "- ::;':)01.1 ",~,: .!~~ 1erciles. :'he :ce:1t .,:'! :.·~:i~ 'pee-rile in :'1. j'. :rr:~r • .. (; :"Z",'1:' ·7.:~!. ~ ·1!"..:~"';~.·~j12 'j';: C:.1G '::::allet' ''!.re:!. ',~'"1'~il l/:t/·;·... , ·.:e~"1 in '.:, i :.i:J',: :.; ~i~c :~:J.l_"-~"e."".rl·,r :;>"-;:-:-e .~;.: e ··:il1.. !ie .,!. :;?r:.! 'rr ·.:/(i :.'~.1e '.~::: ',~H: ":{?i.":O.:L :~::·O.:. l/:.. ~/.:. 'J ~o 21/~, .. / :::~, .:1.::i ~: .. , '1 'jO ~:\l o~· l/I~i'~' ·~,:.c :::·::.:..;~d. ~''":... ')' ~"'J: ~ '::~·~:·:.::l,i ":.;'S Jee'i1 l~'-!.:&-: ;',1" r. "':;:i for 1~·2/:;·, "? -:~·~\-:e.~.~:;.:;'· :~~1e ;~:2:il"~e :In .1./ ,-' ~'l:..is ::xrG:.~r'.~. I.; ":<::J.J.·i"t:i, ':':,s .:".::-~t.;;;~ ·..:::~o-:c, ~lO ":'en'c i:1 ~;.:c :In·~:i..l .~/·l/:':":" ·~.'l1:t : ~.:{.:.·":.~l :){: .:l;l,Li j,J.."' .. -]U .ill i·~::;e:r'~!ie':.r : r.':'l~l1i ·'t:!.;:!"! ::::~.~.~ '1:1 'j!l:: .~i8~~icJ '.',:",;'1 ex·)l.l.in " . . . ,OC1,~1.}n :;0 _l~:,:. ~------.() NOTE :rOR FILE. Re HistDric Reserve - Pukearuhe. ------I v·jc I inspected this Re serve on the··:.:?3rd instant and found that gorse is spreading over a large portio.n .,Qi;: it. The cemetery Reserve is in a bad way vlith gorse and the Crown Lands section - sub.2 of Section 1 - is also becocing covered wi th gorse. I asked l~r .Koodey if he would. take <,ver the lane!:; ail aflY conditions and he stated he did not wish to consider such·a proposa As he is the adjoining farmer and the land does not lie in \'lith anyone else, it is evident that it will be difficult to have the land farmed. llr .1Ioodey stated, however, that he ·thought one of Puhi's sous might make an offer. !.!r.Uoodey promised to see this youth and let me know what is happening. If nothing satisfactory Eventuates it will be necessary to seriously consider planting this II area in trees. The inscription on the -.Vhi te ley ~.:emorial is as follows: John iVhi i:eley, Pioneer :ie thodist :.:issionary killed 13/2/69, erect~d "~y admirers throughout the Dominion. !n the Cemetery adjacent there is one head-stone erected to the memory of :.Iary 'rhompson, died 17/10/04 and another to Cecil Raymond Seyr.lour, died August 6th, 1895. :: Lands. I . - "¥."~.':.=,~' "-. "" • • ... ,. 1. ;:""'1'.~'-:':'.'.' :.-; :~'~~;~! ~:~\""7"~.... ~-;;.~ .. ,. :··,:r..~~."'.~:tt.:~\'•• ~-r.""."r~r:--:-~:~: ".;r;"f::t, . :""'~'~'~'!"l'.I'~:!i.-:Y,";1iq~'?=';:";'rt:.~_:.:;;:~::'f [.76 .;.,----. Gen. ~ ..... DEPAi:T!tiEl'.'J: OF WIDS lli'ID Slh',VEY ._ .. -.Lands..F= G-34- Ext~c~ ·fro!!V1)a J ~ Ob'4?el ' pUblished at , •.Mz.. --._-.------'--" -. -----~. \~) . \'S \ ( r Gen. 3~ Lands .FOIT.! G;-34 Subject: ----_.".-_.-. __ .----'--.------..... -...--- ... ,.".. -'~----~ ...... -...... _-- ..... _, ...... _._---_.--.--_ ...... _- -r rlf I ABOVE: The toll-hardened hands of Auckland archae .. I ololrist ~Ir Ken Gorbey I bold this greenstone tool . used for tattooing' or fine S carving. RIGHT: lIr Gor Jigging reveal bey working on the per fectly formed ~Iaorl food storage pits at the site ot the Pokearuhe Redoubt. ~Ir Gorbey is crouching on a bell-shaped storage pit. The food was lowered storage pits through the hole by his . feet. which was then }Jlug.. . Two perfectly·formed Maori food storage pits have, bee!! un.covered..a.t' ;~~~.;r~~~I":nlnt~~e I~~:; the site of the Pukearuhe Redoubt by an Auckland geologist, Ken Gorbey t~61' level were made by posts and his wife Deane. ,.hich held racks of food : All the articles have heen ration had been the lack of : and were covered by a roof• . "Similar p.its ha~ve ~eentc3re(ully wrapped and label-I voluntary labour. ! probably of fern. lound througnout ~ew Zea-:led. After the couple havei "If it wasn't for heip ::om! land hut few as perfectlY-!collaled all the information.a fellow .-\.uckland arChael')l-I------1 iormed as ihis," .~aid l\Irllhey need the articles wilt be:o~ist. :\lr Robert Cooper . .=ndi WAHINE CARS: About 50 Gorbey on the site. ahoutlhanded over to the trust. .his wife .Jenny. W'l! ',t°l')uldl _. Jive miles north of wai-1til Asked about the couple'slnot he nearly to the 3ta~e:cars "ahaged from the Beach, yesterda\,. plans. ~fr Gorbey said theyiwe are," he said. I Wahine will be aUCtiOned\ The couple are ~t~emptlngIWOUld return to Aucklandl Although a fe\~ ',\'~ll!nglin Wellington In about three to recover as mucn mforma- where ,he would start \\Tlt- local archaeologists nad ~elp"l lion as possible from the Ing hIs thesIs on early ed at the site on lI'eekends Iweeks. (NZPAI. :;ile before the Kapuni tfaS\MaOri occupation before thelthere had been a lack 0[\ pipeline route to Auckl;nd arrival of Europeans. He eX-\Skiued diggers. cuts throu~h the area. pected the thesis to take ··It's been a hard three about three months to com months work here." he IPlete. uld, looklnr ruefullY at One of the dIsappoInt his hands, scarred and lng features ot the excav- hardened by arduous 1______digging. ' At one stage the couple I ' were digging in a hole which had been used 10 dUmp broken glass. ..It's Impos. sible to J;et away \\;thout some cuts," Mr Gorbey said that apart from the storage pits the most interesting find was :I. t;reenstone chisel. This was found about four inches I 0'--0. helow a layer of soil contain.! --_. inlZ European artefacts but: was evidence of pre- 0 European ~[aorl occupation. I1 '·liost llkely before 1820," he added. TheR~::el A!."!,!C~~obabIY I used for tattooing, and fine I carving. "A greenstone tool I In ltseU is quite a rare I ..tlcle." Mr Gorbey saId. 1 A flaked stone used as a I chopping tool was another of the couple's more inter-! ,;::~nft h~~d~een;\~~nt ~~r~~ i TaranakI Museum. I Hundreds of remnants ~!~_tb~. E?.. r~p:~~_.~~~u~~ ... D.OI il.Oc The Miliater of Landa. ' APPOIITMEKt' or WEill PLYMOUTH SCENIC RE.'1ElitVES SOARD 1'0 CONTROL AN'O MANAGE A IlIS1'OQIC RESERV:; A."ID A CEI4~"TERY RESERVE PROPOSAL: To appoill~ the New Pl:moQth ~o.nl0 Reaervea Board to aontr~ and manage the Fake.ruhe H1atoric aeaerve ana AD adjoiD1Rg cemeto~ reserve. ?ukearuba Hiatoric ReaerYe, ;iecUoll 11 ana subdin.lone 1 and 2 of SectioD 1, PukearWl~ Towll Belt, Block VI. Mimi 3~T81 District. Areal 10 acre a 1 rood 0.2 perohea. Historic R.aerve b1 Kew Zealand Ga.etta 19", page ~36, and Section 39 ot the Reeerve. aDd Other Landa Di.p08al and. Public Bodies JDlpow.ri,l1g .Act 1920. Cemetery neseryel Sections 1} and 14, Puk~arghe TOWIl nalt, Block VI. Mis! SUrTel Diatrict. Areal 2 rooda 02.8 ,el'oh••• Cem.tery aeaerve b1 New Zealaad aa~tte 1913. pages 28}} 1l~4 896. COKTROLc Both reserv.a are controUed. \)7 this Department. LOCATION I Situated. .t the end ot Pukearube Road, 12 miles north ot Urenu. EXPLANATION: The Naw Pl7_outh acenia Reserve. Board controla 18 reaerve; in northern Tarallak1 and baa the COl!lllliaBioner ot Crown Landa as its Cha1rmau. The two reserYea mentionad above have coaeiderable public illterest and are thought ver7 autable tor Board control. The Board agrees to thia proposal. The Pukoarube Historic Reserve waa the site of a military 3lool".boulII, IJIld tbe aoene ot tbo ':;hi te eli!!1!! massacre on 13 Februar7 1869. when the Reverend John ~hitele1, Masara Milne aBd Richards, and the aascoigne family, ~ere killed b;y Maor1a. The adjoining c.metery reserve wae used mainly ae a -'::;;'il::SIONER OF soldiers' burial ground. Investigations show that :.1.2·V/N u,r~DS. persona were buried hora up to 1904 but only two of Date Il}/ 1 16q gravee are now apparent. A plan of the reeerve is attached, tog,ther with a looalit litho. AERIAL PBCTQ: That pureuaat to 3ection 21 ot the aeoervos and Domains Act 1953. :rou IIppoint the He. l'lymouth ::'leenia 'iieservee Board to control and mauage the abovemelltioned reaervee. It 10U concur, the attached notice i. in order for your signature. ploase. 01rector-General. C> Gen. }.!3 ··Lands.Form. G-34- Dc;.te: Subject: Remarks: -"'-"---'---~-. -.-'--.~--"".~'----~----'-"------ .' '", -- ".~ 4', ',' .:-...... " 'oj PUKEARUHE HISTORIC RESERVE - . ~. ,: '-, :.: .~ ..... :...... ,'-::3 J.-.:~ .. RECOVERED ~PISTON' :-aria..·· PROPELLER .- •~' .. J:'.... - ",..... " .. '. - ''','' . .. f' ' •..• " ... , .. I ':visite'd"Mr Murray .Wells '~of PukearUhe'while in the area a:~.o:r:.'p:nig:p..t ... ag.~. after he .. }:l~g..: informed this office he had a ':piston -recovered 'from ··the' steamer 'Alexandra' which ) s~.lfk . /), 0 I. r. ;( . I,-<~IL~___ P L ROBSON Reserves Ranger . 1'~·:,::.:":.:-:':·{1 'Fl::' 14 Brougham Street, New Plymouth 4620,::,.:.::' 1$ .Private Bag 2013, New Z~aland •. '·:\::'i;i::'···:.~::::.• : " ..':",: : . -'I·OV8et~ Te.lephone (06) 758-0884. ." .' '::A'~':," ...... FAX: commerc1a1/Utig~ii;~"<":" ;-:;' .. :." (~;757-Q~' ResldentlafCentreIAccOvnts)· :.' (06) 757-Q201 . ullom Fomfly Centre? ...... (' '.;,.l.;:,; :/r (06) 757-Q2f12 eARRISTERS. & SOLICITORS OX 14028 '. : ":" .'<.i:.: . '. :1,-';,. ;~·-~~~{~r ~tr~:;:..r~~~{~~~i~);gfiJ~:~.: ..:·.;~::.· .. !.·:, Our Ref: avd/Jb/nga·:,'·~\::(;:::·.·· . • . :.': '...... : . '; . ; ::, i', . ' '";.~ , ... ,,'" ,' . .' ..... v.' The Registrar .j,a.\~C(j Waitangi Tribunal ~ ...... ,. . >,., . ~ PO Box 5022 ; ~~.'.Oi.".;l.:~~."'.~ ... ~ ...... : 'LWELLINGTON . ,. ro. "':'o"'llrl," ...... _~:f~_' " rvrl ", ...... ---- .:_----:.;..-.._ ... _---- . '. -_. ' ..... _.-... ,- '. '.' . ':···'·:\~.X';>.;:;:·~j\~~ .~{;!~~;:\:. . .):--., .Dear Sir ".:. ", ;,'''V·< i Re: Claim by Ngatitama Tnbe to Various Crown ReselVes .) .. ·'·;:':jl . . . " . ,.;Weare. the solicitors acting for Murray Herbert Wells .and· Patricia ·Dulc!~;:.Well.s of .., . ~Pukearuhe, North Taranaki. We wish to register our clients' inieres(i~:.the·:I>rC)ceedirigs· . presently before the Waitangi J'ribunal conce~ng various areas of.CrQwn l~d·including . the Pukearuhe Histeric ReselVe and the Pu~earuhe', Domain; arid :vaIious' uilf6rined roads:. ...;.u..'·'·:·-······-,·~which;·are-adjacent.to:·land·Yfhlch is qWiled.by.our clien~ ... ' ~:.::-., .:.: ::: .... :.(.;....;. :.'. " ',';. '. : ... ::., . . . . " .... . ' .. ,' ',. . . :.... ;..... :: .. .'~-.~.;.~:. ';'-- -," .. ~ .:. --' .::---~:-.... For many years, Mr and .Mrs .Wells and Mr. Well~~ fatherbefore·.'Iilin, haye.leased:the .. lands in question under various arrangements with C~oWIl Departments' and Governplent. . and local authorities, most: recently \yith: the Department of Conservation ..' . Mr Wells' ~ather, the late Mr Vincent Wells, was a well known identity of the area and had long standing ties with the local Ngatitama people. Several years ago an important tribal taonga, the Poutama' Whiria which was said to have been from.the"fokomaru . .j"':'; Canoe, was found by Mr Wells Senior' and returned to the tribe. As a result:: of this and "-' ---"'other'actions of the·late .. Mr Wells it is said that he erijoyed a great deal ofmana with the '.. :' .. :. local tribe and Mr Wells' continued occupation of-the leased lands waS rega:rdecf.·bY those·-----·-.. in the area as more than just a lease arrangement. .. Our clients would appre~iate the opportunity to acquaint the Tribunal with this and dther historical background before any recommendation is 'made regarding the return of Crown reserves to the local tribe. . .' On our instructions the present claim which;' is before the 'Tribunal purports to be on behalf of the Ngatitama Tribe as a whole however it has' been ~tiated by and largely . sustained 'by the White family of Pukearuhe. Our clients have for some time been aware of ~pressure by the .White family for the return to their family, of various Crown reserves : and 'our clients feel that this pressure is premature and unnecessary :while .the matter is still under consideration by the Tribunal. PARTNERS Ion Jordon Mitchell. LL.B. , Noel Anthony Walsh. LL.B. ASSOCIATES JOhn Heywood Ross Eagles. LL M. (Hons).. A. ArbINZ.·' Susan Wenay HugheS. B.A. LL.B. Ann Valerie Dravilzki. LL.B. . '.' Emma Smilh. LL.B. Nonon Ross Fanll)orpe. LL.B Paul RODer. Franklin. LL.&. Cathenne Mary Quin, LL.B. Megan Rose Gundesen. LL.B ...... ,... : ...: .. : I'; .. '. ::-. .:", •.•.. '.:-.!, ,'.• ' •. / '.' . -: .::. ' ..:' 2 =:. ' We WO~d be obliged if you wpuld note our clients' interest in the present °pro~~j~gs and ~~p ~ ~onned of progress', . . . Yours faithfully GOVETI QUILLIAM . PER: J- l ~~ IQjL- ······A V DRAVITZKI ... ':' . ',. , ,ASSOCIATE '. 7!' ;~ • . --...... , V ce. The Secretary for Justice Justice Departllient . Private Bag. WELLINGTON .',! ..,: .: .".: ":'~~~I~': .' ;':'; " .:' ',;., ~~~,>'->","~ ':'-, ~.:,. ',r:; '.\:: '::. ' .. ,:":... " . ,'. . :. , ','. : , " ~ .. . .. i' . ·V 'j;" ...... _---- ...... - .~- ...." ...... ~ ... -.... _- ,- .. ' -. .. .. - ...... -.. ",;~...... ' .. ". '0 ,'.' ; ,.' ..... : :'., . .';", .. :, .. /. It, Department of Conservation Te Papa Atawhai File Ref: G 10/20 1 -- 21 December 1994 Mr Steve White C/- Ngati Tama Iwi Development Trust RD44 URENUI Tena Koe Steve Pukearuhe Historic Reserve lam writing concerning the future of Pukearuhe Historic Reserve. The future of the reserve .was touched on at a meeting I had with your Trust on September 10 this year. I agreed in discussions with you following the main meeting to write concerning possible options for the administration and management of the reserve. I am aware that the reserve is a point of contention between your iwi and the Crown and has been part of your submissions to the Treaty of Waitangi Tribunal. I note the general iwi view that the land should be returned to the iwi and its historic reserve status uplifted. I also note that you were interested in other options for the future administration and management of the reserve. I am writing you with my views on the way forward without prejudice to any Tribunal findings or the Crown's position on the reserve. I accept that the reserve land is special to your iwi but I also believe it has considerable importance for pakeha. Therefore my proposal is based on the historic reserve retaining its status and its underlying Crown ownership. If these two propositions are accepted then the current administration and management of the" reserve could be altered to give your iwi a more direct role and greater input into the. reserve's future. The administration and management requirements of the reserve are as follows: 1. Managing Maori cultural features. 2. Managing European cultural features. 3. Protecting any significant vegetation and where appropriate enhancing the reserve with replacement or additional native vegetation. 4. Ensuring adequate fencing is in place. S. Managing and establishing any grazing control needed. 6. Ensuring public access including safety and limiting public impacts re rubbish, parking and vandalism. S:\regcOl1tr\wfcphr.let ~anganuiConservancy Private Bag 3016, lngestre Chambers, 74 Ingestre Street, Wanganui, New Zealand Telephone 06-3452402, Fax 06-3458712 I~"'" I" ( .' 7. _ Maintaining adequate signage. 8. Interpreting the site. 9. Preparation of a plan, dealing with the conservation of the reserve's historic values. This exercise could help resolve the issue of wording on the Whitely memorial which Ngati Tama consider offensive. 10. Ensuring the reserve is adequately recognised in any District or Regional Planning document. - 11. Dealing with any issues relating to the easement for the Kapuni gas pipeline which runs through the reserve. 12. Dealing with neighbours. 13. Dealing with any public enquiries concerning the reserve . .. I believe Ngati Tama could undertake many of the tasks outlined above particularly, 1, 3, 4, 6 and 12. The Department would· continue to deal with 2, 10, 11 and 13. The iwi and th~ Department could jointly cover 5, 7, 8 and 9. Overall the iwi would be much more involved iri the future management and administration of the reserve and thereby gain ~--- - considerable --recognition from the general public-as tangata whenua. I w.ould envisage an agreement being drawn up on the above basis that would be similar to the current marine reserve agreement before the Trust. That is; the respective strengths of the iwi and the Department are recognised and drawn upon while a partnership is forged where mutual -benefit are evident. A suitable resourcing arrangement and annual working plan could be built into the overall agreement. I leave it over to you to consider the above proposal as a positive initiative. We can discuss it when next we meet to talk about the proposed marine reserve at Paraninihi. Yours sincerely ~- ~ W F Carlin Regional Conservator S:\regcon1r\wfcphr.let METr~DIST CHURCH Of NEW ZEALAND ~ TE 'HAHI WETERIANA 0 AOTEAROA ST. LUKE'S CHLRCH - Tukopo St . WHITB.EY MEMORIAL CHURCH - l.....-a ... .s. " FITZROY CHURCH - Devon St West- PARISH OFFICE .. ·NEW PLYMOUTM C/ - Whiteley Church PARISH phone (06) 75S-3592 To stephen White A copy for your information 9 May 1995 The Officer in Charge .Department of Conservation Wanganui, Dear Sir/Madam, PUKEARUHE HISTORIC RESERVE - NORTH TARANAKI '-.-I The dominant feature, as this reserve is approached from the road is the memorial to Rev John Whiteley, Missionary, who was killed while approaching the "Blockhouse" in February 1869. The memorial was ex:ected in his memory in 1923 from funds collected by members of the Methodist Church througho.ut New Zealand at that time. In 1983 the Church in New Zealand in recognition of past grievances and in order to grow towards being one people in AotearoalNew Zealand set out.on a bi-culturaljourney. This has involved giving tino rangitiratanga to its Maori people i.e. Taha Maori, using decision making processes at all levels acceptable to both cultures, and to addressing the causes of past grievances. Ute church has been approached by the Ngati Tama Iwi of North Taranaki to have the memorial removed. "-' It's kaumatua are concerned that: 1. While placed in the area in which he fell, it is offensive to the I wi in that their oral tradition records that he was probably felled by a member of another iwi fro.m the north, possibly while poaching food. 2. While a missionary to the Maori people, it would appear that Whiteley was a·typical Victorian Englishman, loyal to God and Queen, and saw no fault in also being a Government agent at the same time. With the hindsight of history this .does not rest easy with the people ofthe iwi. 3. The Ngati Tama iwi approach to the conflict in North Taranaki at that time was of pace and this monument is also a reminder of the bloodshed of that time and he violent interaction among Pakeha and members' of other iwi. 4. Oral tradition suggests that Whiteley was warned by the ancestors of the iwi not to proceed on that fateful day, there being imminent danger, but did so at his peril. ~;.,~~+------~------~~-----& .. " 5. Given the present unrest the memorial may become a target fo~ • perspective of the kaumatua that would be regrettable but beyon Consistent with the spirit of the bi-culturaljourney commenced by the:Nllt:: Zealand in 1983, it is strongly recommended that the memorial be either ~t:.hOdist Church in New ~moved or dismantled As there are other memorials to John Whiteley in North Taranaki, and h~ _ - . ;0 Cemetery in New Plymouth, the latter would be preferred with the mem~ ~s buried in the Te H . elsewhere in safe keeping. ~al tablet being prese~~~ There is also a small stone nearby marking the spot where he supposedly- apparently disputed. This was erected by the family. ~~I1. The facts are We are not sure of the names ofsurvivi~g relatives in New Zealand (he ~~ could enquire through the church newspaper and a public notice in the l~~ d. tiv~ daughters) but ...... -/ . ql papers. It has also been suggested that this stone be shifted to the small cemetery- ~l::l th . ee~~~~~ If the Department agrees to this course of action then it is suggested that Qj . the iwi and family as how best to proceed and to achieve this action in at::l. sCllssions·be held with ct-}:>Propriate manner. Yours faithfully, Warren H. Blundell Superintendent of the Parish