LETTERS Another curious episode and Conservative councillors department’ into ‘an engine of in Liverpool Liberal history and the anti-Jones portion of the radical reform’. concerns a deselected Labour Liberal group! How did this come The second reason for Dick councillor, Bill Smythe, who won about? How significant was Cyril Taverne’s fulsome assessment was Childwall ward for the Liberals in Carr’s declining health in the Jenkins’ record as Chancellor of though still a member of the whole episode? the Exchequer. He went to the Labour Party. Peter Kilfoyle MP, Finally, if there is to be a resid- Treasury after the disastrous in his excellent book on the city, ual ‘How we won Abercromby’ devaluation and slowly but surely Left Behind, recounts how Smythe style to such a meeting, then, masterminded an economic became Liberal group leader and from an historical point of view, recovery – and is generally recog- leader of the council whilst still we also need to know ‘Why we nised as one of the best post-war being a Labour Party member lost Abercomby’. Chancellors. Still, aspects of his – after being voted for by Labour Michael Meadowcroft stewardship have been criticised in recent years, most notably by Edmund Dell in The Chancel- lors (). Dick Taverne agreed with Dell that Jenkins delayed taking some tough decisions for too long, for example in acting to reduce demand. But he argued REPORT that Dell’s analysis of Jenkins’ budget – that, tough as it was, the measures may still have been too lax – was only made with Roy Jenkins – Reformer, Visionary, the benefit of hindsight. Simi- larly, Taverne mounted a robust Statesman defence of Jenkins’ handling of the sterling balances, arguing that, Fringe meeting report, September 2004, Bournemouth, ultimately, it succeeded. with Dick Taverne, Shirley Williams and Peter Riddell But the meeting was no dry discussion of Roy Jenkins’ many Report by Neil Stockley accomplishments, important as they were. The speakers went n the Sunday night of ‘responsible for its most impor- to some lengths to explain the autumn conference a tant achievements’. By the late personal gifts that made Jenkins Ostanding-room-only s, he was widely seen as such an important political fig- audience, including Dame Jen- the ‘dominant force’ in Harold Jenkins ure. Dick Taverne said that his nifer Jenkins, gathered to hear Wilson’s Cabinet. The first rea- mastery in debate, grasp of his three distinguished guests reflect son was the big list of reforms had taken subject and excellent judgement, on the life and career of the late that Jenkins was responsible for along with his influence over Lord Jenkins of Hillhead. The introducing during his time as over the events and his work as a writer on events had made him one meeting was held to mark the Home Secretary. His roles in Home publication of a new collec- enabling the passage of private of the most outstanding figures tion of essays, edited by Andrew members’ bills to liberalise the Office and of modern political history. In Adonis and Keith Thomas, Roy law on abortion and to decrimi- describing his mastery of the Jenkins: A Retrospective (Oxford nalise homosexual practices turned House of Commons, Taverne University Press, ). The between consenting adults are gave as examples two important speakers were Lord (Dick) Tav- well documented. So are his it from milestones in Jenkins’ ministe- rial life. The first was his skilful, erne, who served under Jenkins work to set in train the Race a ‘heart- as a junior minister at the Home Relations Act and the relaxation incisive reply to the Conservative Office and the Treasury, Baroness of theatre censorship. Taverne breaking front bench in the Commons Shirley Williams, a co-founder also pointed out that Jenkins debate that followed the escape of the Social Democratic Party passed comprehensive, progres- depart- from prison of George Blake. (SDP), and the veteran political sive criminal justice legislation The second was his speech laying journalist Peter Riddell. and drove reforms to improve ment’ into out the tough Budget of , which imposed the largest tax Dick Taverne argued that the ability of the police to bring ‘an engine Jenkins had been ‘the most crime under control. Shirley increases this country had ever significant member’ of the dis- Williams agreed that Jenkins had of radical seen. This time Taverne quoted appointing – Labour taken over the Home Office and with approval the judgement government and that he was turned it from a ‘heartbreaking reform’. of Edmund Dell: ‘Never has 34 Journal of Liberal History 46 Spring 2005 REPORT he mastered ‘the broad themes, looming, we clearly do not live the broad sweeps’ of politics and in the age of Jenkins. still managed to achieve a great The first reason is obvious: deal. He contrasted Jenkins to unlike Margaret Thatcher, he the current Chancellor, Gordon never became Prime Minister, Brown, who was ‘obsessed with let alone the leader of a purpose- the detail of policy’. Riddell ful administration that stayed in said that it was Jenkins’ grasp of office for a long time. But if he the ‘broad historical sweep’ that was so gifted, why did Jenkins linked his roles as a biographer never get to the very top? The and a politician. question is most relevant to his But Riddell also pointed out time as a leading Labour politi- that, in terms of the broad sweep cian, when he had two serious of politics, Jenkins was not ‘a chances to take the top job. Tav- mould breaker’ in the way that erne recounted how, as Wilson Margaret Thatcher had been floundered in , a coterie of and in so doing, brought out Labour MPs plotted to mount a the central paradoxes of Jenkins’ putsch that would install Jenkins career. On social reform, Europe as Prime Minister. But, he said, and the future of centre-left ‘Roy called them off’ because, politics, Jenkins was indeed a he believed, Jenkins thought it visionary. As Home Secretary and would be ‘dishonourable’ to try to – although the meeting did not topple the Prime Minister who really get to it – President of the had appointed him; he consist- European Commission, Jenkins ently supported him in Cabinet achieved a great deal. If he was over some very difficult issues. not a perfect Chancellor, he was A second opportunity came the pain been inflicted with greater certainly a successful and master- following year, after Wilson was elegance’. ful one, who made the very best forced to make a humiliating Shirley Williams acknowl- of a grim inheritance. But the retreat over the reforms to indus- edged that Jenkins was a great so-called Keynesian approach trial relations law set out in the orator with a brilliant command to economic management – to White Paper, In Place of Strife. But of language, whose contributions which he closely subscribed Taverne explained that Jenkins were lightened by his wit and – unravelled not long after he had supported the proposals and use of anecdotes. But she paid left the Treasury in . After believed that it would be oppor- more attention to the depth and the Conservatives ruled for tunistic to use their failure as a breadth of his political vision. eighteen years and Mrs Thatch- basis for mounting a challenge. She contrasted Jenkins with his er’s government turned the old All of this reflects very well on old friend and rival Tony Cros- political consensus on economic Jenkins as a man. land who, despite being the main policy on its head and brought in There were other, more per- philosopher of post-war demo- a new economic orthodoxy. Nei- sonal reasons why he did not cratic socialism, had not devised ther John Major nor his Labour become leader of the Labour the reformist agenda that Jenkins successors have tried to alter its Party or Prime Minister. For pioneered at the Home Office. fundamental tenets. example, Jenkins was often por- For instance, Crosland’s seminal In other areas that were cen- trayed as too aloof, too grand work The Future of Socialism said tral to Jenkins’ political vision, and as something of a bon viveur nothing about issues around race the picture seems similarly bleak. who did not take his political and gender equality, which are More than thirty years after he work as seriously as he might. now ‘part of the meat and drink led the Labour rebellion on join- There was a suspicion that of being a Liberal Democrat’. ing the EEC, Britain still does Jenkins had enjoyed something Williams believed that the attain- not play a full role in Europe. of an easy life and, therefore, ment of social reform was all part Even if his main social reforms expected political fortune to of a ‘learning process’ for the pro- are part of the fabric of national somehow fall into his lap. Here, gressive forces in British politics life – and some have been the speakers vividly and affec- that had been ‘led by Roy’. extended further – the Home tionately brought to life some Peter Riddell argued that it Office under Michael Howard, of the tremendous personal was his grasp of the big picture Jack Straw and David Blunkett qualities that may not have been that made Jenkins so successful as has hardly been an engine of so apparent to most of his col- a minister. Riddell believed that liberal reform. In the wake of leagues – particularly in the rather than being a policy wonk, Belmarsh and with ID cards Labour Party – and the public; Journal of Liberal History 46 Spring 2005 35 REPORT when they started to emerge, Shirley Wil- and parliamentarian during the party in the early s, some it was too late.