LETTERS

Another curious episode and Conservative councillors department’ into ‘an engine of in Liverpool Liberal history and the anti-Jones portion of the radical reform’. concerns a deselected Labour Liberal group! How did this come The second reason for Dick councillor, Bill Smythe, who won about? How significant was Cyril Taverne’s fulsome assessment was Childwall ward for the Liberals in Carr’s declining health in the Jenkins’ record as Chancellor of  though still a member of the whole episode? the Exchequer. He went to the Labour Party. Peter Kilfoyle MP, Finally, if there is to be a resid- Treasury after the disastrous  in his excellent book on the city, ual ‘How we won Abercromby’ devaluation and slowly but surely Left Behind, recounts how Smythe style to such a meeting, then, masterminded an economic became Liberal group leader and from an historical point of view, recovery – and is generally recog- leader of the council whilst still we also need to know ‘Why we nised as one of the best post-war being a Labour Party member lost Abercomby’. Chancellors. Still, aspects of his – after being voted for by Labour Michael Meadowcroft stewardship have been criticised in recent years, most notably by Edmund Dell in The Chancel- lors (). Dick Taverne agreed with Dell that Jenkins delayed taking some tough decisions for too long, for example in acting to reduce demand. But he argued REPORT that Dell’s analysis of Jenkins’  budget – that, tough as it was, the measures may still have been too lax – was only made with Roy Jenkins – Reformer, Visionary, the benefit of hindsight. Simi- larly, Taverne mounted a robust Statesman defence of Jenkins’ handling of the sterling balances, arguing that, Fringe meeting report, September 2004, Bournemouth, ultimately, it succeeded. with Dick Taverne, Shirley Williams and Peter Riddell But the meeting was no dry discussion of Roy Jenkins’ many Report by Neil Stockley accomplishments, important as they were. The speakers went n the Sunday night of ‘responsible for its most impor- to some lengths to explain the autumn conference a tant achievements’. By the late personal gifts that made Jenkins Ostanding-room-only s, he was widely seen as such an important political fig- audience, including Dame Jen- the ‘dominant force’ in Harold Jenkins ure. Dick Taverne said that his nifer Jenkins, gathered to hear Wilson’s Cabinet. The first rea- mastery in debate, grasp of his three distinguished guests reflect son was the big list of reforms had taken subject and excellent judgement, on the life and career of the late that Jenkins was responsible for along with his influence over Lord Jenkins of Hillhead. The introducing during his time as over the events and his work as a writer on events had made him one meeting was held to mark the Home Secretary. His roles in Home publication of a new collec- enabling the passage of private of the most outstanding figures tion of essays, edited by Andrew members’ bills to liberalise the Office and of modern political history. In Adonis and Keith Thomas, Roy law on abortion and to decrimi- describing his mastery of the Jenkins: A Retrospective (Oxford nalise homosexual practices turned House of Commons, Taverne University Press, ). The between consenting adults are gave as examples two important speakers were Lord (Dick) Tav- well documented. So are his it from milestones in Jenkins’ ministe- rial life. The first was his skilful, erne, who served under Jenkins work to set in train the Race a ‘heart- as a junior minister at the Home Relations Act and the relaxation incisive reply to the Conservative Office and the Treasury, Baroness of theatre censorship. Taverne breaking front bench in the Commons Shirley Williams, a co-founder also pointed out that Jenkins debate that followed the escape of the Social Democratic Party passed comprehensive, progres- depart- from prison of George Blake. (SDP), and the veteran political sive criminal justice legislation The second was his speech laying journalist Peter Riddell. and drove reforms to improve ment’ into out the tough Budget of , which imposed the largest tax Dick Taverne argued that the ability of the police to bring ‘an engine Jenkins had been ‘the most crime under control. Shirley increases this country had ever significant member’ of the dis- Williams agreed that Jenkins had of radical seen. This time Taverne quoted appointing – Labour taken over the Home Office and with approval the judgement government and that he was turned it from a ‘heartbreaking reform’. of Edmund Dell: ‘Never has

34 Journal of Liberal History 46 Spring 2005 REPORT

he mastered ‘the broad themes, looming, we clearly do not live the broad sweeps’ of politics and in the age of Jenkins. still managed to achieve a great The first reason is obvious: deal. He contrasted Jenkins to unlike Margaret Thatcher, he the current Chancellor, Gordon never became Prime Minister, Brown, who was ‘obsessed with let alone the leader of a purpose- the detail of policy’. Riddell ful administration that stayed in said that it was Jenkins’ grasp of office for a long time. But if he the ‘broad historical sweep’ that was so gifted, why did Jenkins linked his roles as a biographer never get to the very top? The and a politician. question is most relevant to his But Riddell also pointed out time as a leading Labour politi- that, in terms of the broad sweep cian, when he had two serious of politics, Jenkins was not ‘a chances to take the top job. Tav- mould breaker’ in the way that erne recounted how, as Wilson Margaret Thatcher had been floundered in , a coterie of and in so doing, brought out Labour MPs plotted to mount a the central paradoxes of Jenkins’ putsch that would install Jenkins career. On social reform, Europe as Prime Minister. But, he said, and the future of centre-left ‘Roy called them off’ because, politics, Jenkins was indeed a he believed, Jenkins thought it visionary. As Home Secretary and would be ‘dishonourable’ to try to – although the meeting did not topple the Prime Minister who really get to it – President of the had appointed him; he consist- European Commission, Jenkins ently supported him in Cabinet achieved a great deal. If he was over some very difficult issues. not a perfect Chancellor, he was A second opportunity came the pain been inflicted with greater certainly a successful and master- following year, after Wilson was elegance’. ful one, who made the very best forced to make a humiliating Shirley Williams acknowl- of a grim inheritance. But the retreat over the reforms to indus- edged that Jenkins was a great so-called Keynesian approach trial relations law set out in the orator with a brilliant command to economic management – to White Paper, In Place of Strife. But of language, whose contributions which he closely subscribed Taverne explained that Jenkins were lightened by his wit and – unravelled not long after he had supported the proposals and use of anecdotes. But she paid left the Treasury in . After believed that it would be oppor- more attention to the depth and  the Conservatives ruled for tunistic to use their failure as a breadth of his political vision. eighteen years and Mrs Thatch- basis for mounting a challenge. She contrasted Jenkins with his er’s government turned the old All of this reflects very well on old friend and rival Tony Cros- political consensus on economic Jenkins as a man. land who, despite being the main policy on its head and brought in There were other, more per- philosopher of post-war demo- a new economic orthodoxy. Nei- sonal reasons why he did not cratic socialism, had not devised ther John Major nor his Labour become leader of the Labour the reformist agenda that Jenkins successors have tried to alter its Party or Prime Minister. For pioneered at the Home Office. fundamental tenets. example, Jenkins was often por- For instance, Crosland’s seminal In other areas that were cen- trayed as too aloof, too grand work The Future of Socialism said tral to Jenkins’ political vision, and as something of a bon viveur nothing about issues around race the picture seems similarly bleak. who did not take his political and gender equality, which are More than thirty years after he work as seriously as he might. now ‘part of the meat and drink led the Labour rebellion on join- There was a suspicion that of being a Liberal Democrat’. ing the EEC, Britain still does Jenkins had enjoyed something Williams believed that the attain- not play a full role in Europe. of an easy life and, therefore, ment of social reform was all part Even if his main social reforms expected political fortune to of a ‘learning process’ for the pro- are part of the fabric of national somehow fall into his lap. Here, gressive forces in British politics life – and some have been the speakers vividly and affec- that had been ‘led by Roy’. extended further – the Home tionately brought to life some Peter Riddell argued that it Office under Michael Howard, of the tremendous personal was his grasp of the big picture Jack Straw and David Blunkett qualities that may not have been that made Jenkins so successful as has hardly been an engine of so apparent to most of his col- a minister. Riddell believed that liberal reform. In the wake of leagues – particularly in the rather than being a policy wonk, Belmarsh and with ID cards Labour Party – and the public;

Journal of Liberal History 46 Spring 2005 35 REPORT when they started to emerge, Shirley Wil- and parliamentarian during the party in the early s, some it was too late. Dick Taverne s and early s, Shirley ten years before the SDP was recalled how, as a young MP, he liams was Williams showed just as clearly formed. Shirley Williams recalled got to know Jenkins and entered that as leader of the SDP in how from  to  she had a wide circle of devoted friends. surely right –, he did not find the served in the last Wilson Cabinet ‘No friend could ever say he let Commons a very happy place with Jenkins, who was a reluc- them down,’ he said. Peter Rid- when she to be. Jenkins was simply not tant, recidivist Home Secretary. dell also said that Jenkins was said that used to being interrupted and to He had submitted to the Cabinet very kind to younger people. suffering the brutal heckling of proposals to hold a Speaker’s Shirley Williams suggested the Liberal Denis Skinner and others. She Conference on three important that the apparent remoteness also argued that he was damaged constitutional reforms: electoral was really a kind of shyness and Democrats by the growing and changing reform for the House of Com- that when he contested the role of television because ‘his mons, a human rights bill and  Warrington by-election are ‘Roy’s thinking was too deep’ to be freedom of information legisla- for the SDP, Jenkins reached legacy’. easily condensed in ten-second tion. All three were resound- out to people in a way that he soundbites: whereas Jenkins was ingly rejected. Thirty years later, never had before. ‘There was suited to the ‘age of words’, we proportional representation is no side to him,’ she insisted. lived in ‘the age of images’. Wil- used at a number of levels of She also paid a generous tribute liams was surely correct that this government, there is a Human to the ‘astonishing self-disci- demonstrated the ‘shallowness Rights Act and, now, a Freedom pline’ that he brought to all his of our politics’, but the hard of Information Act. All were a work, including as a writer and truth was that his political style long time coming and Shirley author. Perhaps, however, he was was simply not suited to a more Williams was clear that ‘they all not single-minded or ruthless populist era. started with Roy’. enough to be Prime Minister. More fundamentally, Peter It could be added, however, Indeed, Shirley Williams was Riddell questioned whether, for that we still await electoral clear that Jenkins was never all his mastery of the broad sweep reform for Westminster (which dominated by his own politi- of politics and history, Jenkins Jenkins made a valiant attempt cal ambition. She believed that had really understood the extent to achieve in ), the broader he really coveted the Foreign of what was happening in British purposes behind the Human Office rather than Number Ten. politics during the s. Riddell Rights Act are in grave danger Peter Riddell took us back to did not spell it out, but he was and Labour’s FOI Act is, to quote Jenkins’ successful candidacy for presumably referring to the rise Shirley Williams, ‘castrated’. In the SDP in the crucial Glasgow of more materialist, consumerist these areas, and in others, such Hillhead by-election of . As and, indeed, individualist values as Europe, Jenkins left important the nascent party’s star started to within the electorate as a whole business for others to finish. wane, victory in the cold, wet and the slow acceptance – how- The speakers did not com- and difficult campaign was by no ever grudging – of a more bitter ment on it in detail, but it was means assured. But Jenkins knew political medicine and a greater his  Dimbleby Lecture that he had to fight to win and Rid- demand for tough leadership. started the chain of events that dell reminded us that he did so Riddell believed that Dr David led to the formation of the SDP. with great vigour. Owen did recognise how politics It was also the party’s philosophi- The second reason we do was changing around him – but cal foundation and much of it has not live in the Age of Jenkins the SDP was still promising a stood the test of time, both as a is the failure of the SDP to ‘better yesterday’ or, at heart, critique of the Thatcher and now break the mould of politics trying to create a better Labour of the Blair administration, and as and, more importantly, for the Party. a statement of the shared politi- Labour Party to modernise This is not to suggest that cal credo of modern liberals and itself quickly enough. Margaret the meeting saw Jenkins as, to genuine social democrats. Shirley Thatcher became the political quote Harold Wilson’s former Williams was surely right when giant of the late twentieth cen- spin doctor Joe Haines, ‘a gifted she said that the Liberal Demo- tury and repainted the political failure’. Far from it. We heard crats are ‘Roy’s legacy’. landscape. Nobody could seri- how, in many important respects, ously suggest that any of this, Jenkins was way ahead of his The Journal will be publishing a full or even the fate of the SDP, was time. Dick Taverne reminded review of Andrew Adonis and Keith Jenkins’ fault. Still, the meeting us that as early as  he was Thomas, Roy Jenkins: A Retro- touched on some uncomfort- campaigning for Britain to play spective in issue  (autumn ). able realities. If Lord Taverne a full part in Europe. Similarly, vividly captured the essence of Jenkins had contemplated start- Jenkins’ superiority as a debater ing a new social democratic

36 Journal of Liberal History 46 Spring 2005