The Chianti Five: Using a “Swinging London” Template and the Evanescent Career of the Tigers to Explore the Reshaping of Japanese Pop Culture, 1966-70

Michael Furmanovsky (Ryukoku University) DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.12292370 (May 2020)

On April 18, 1963, Paul McCartney of the Beatles met seventeen-year-old Jane Asher, the daughter of an upper-middle-class couple with ties to the cultural elite (Miles 1998: 102). This meeting and the subsequent relationships between the couple and those who frequented the Asher’s six-level home at 57 Wimple Street where the two future pop icons lived for three years would provide much of the creative fuel that powered so-called “Swinging London.” The latter, a cultural movement documented by scholars Levy (2003) and Sandbrook (2006) as well as documentary filmmakers Tom O’Dell (Going Underground: Paul McCartney, The Beatles and the UK Counterculture, 2013) and David Batty (My Generation, 2017), would make London the acknowledged center of a worldwide youth-based cultural revolution. This transformation was built around a fortuitous coming together of northern working-class and London-based middle- and upper-class personalities from the worlds of music, fashion, film, art, photography, hairstyling, and graphic design. The movement would spread to Paris, New York, and Los Angeles in 1965-66, and would in turn be embraced by an enthusiastic group of pop cultural innovators and artists in Tokyo in the four years after the Beatles’s visit and concert performance in July, 1966. This article focuses on the way in which five Japanese women from mostly elite backgrounds (hereafter the “Chianti Five”) adapted and transformed this movement to the Tokyo context through their mutual friendship, artistic expression, and connections with other cultural innovators associated with Japan’s most popular pop group, the Tigers. While perhaps not always conscious of their ambition, the actions of these five women embodied a desire to use their personal experiences of, and exposure to, European art and fashion to help forge a new popular culture; one that would fuse together the hipness and modernity of 1950s Paris and 1960’s London and engender a commercial success capable of authenticating their unconventional lifestyles and validating their celebrity status. The activities and cultural undertakings of the Chianti Five took place largely as a result of their mutual connection with an Italian restaurant and salon (Chianti) in the fashionable Azabu area of Tokyo, and it is this cultural space that will be used to explore the ways in which the reinvention of Japanese pop culture unfolded in the second half of the 1960’s. The work presented here, much of which draws on the research of the Japanese academic and Tigers archivist Isomae Junichi (2013; 2015), will argue that just as a small group of individuals would, through their relationships and desire to transcend class boundaries, collectively reinvent popular culture in the West End of London, so the Chianti Five, in conjunction with a coterie of primarily male musicians, actors, and artists, would combine the drive and energy of middle-class aspirational teenagers with the refined creativity of a new post-war Tokyo cultural elite, to produce what could in retrospect be called “Swinging Tokyo.” While not a purely comparative study, the exploration presented here will reference, at some length, the main components of the social and cultural forces that created Swinging London as well as some of the talented individuals who shaped it. This will then be used as a tool of analysis for mid-1960’s Tokyo, with a goal of exploring the extent to which the Japanese movement had a comparable impact on mainstream domestic popular culture, and can be considered part of the “global simultaneity of youth mass trends” identified by Michal Daliot-Bul (2014: 1).

1 In part because the Chianti Five are not well known outside Japan, this article uses a biographical narrative approach to explore their individual activities and motivations and to assess the impact of their collective friendship or sisterhood on the key pop culture events of 1966-70. By examining their individual backgrounds and mutual interaction, an assessment of these highly Europeanized individuals’ roles in shaping this popular culture movement and reacting to the challenges presented by the concurrent counterculture, can be undertaken. To facilitate this, a chart with their names and cultural role is presented alongside the Swinging London figures with whom they can most reasonably be compared

London Tokyo Name G Profession/Activity Name G Profession/Activity

Brian Epstein M Manager (Beatles) Watanabe Misa F Manager (Nabepro) Marianne Faithfull F Pop Singer/Style Icon Kaga Mariko F Actress/Fashion Icon John Stephen F Fashion/Designer Koshino Junko F Fashion Designer Anita Pallenberg F Actress/Fashion Icon Yasui Kazumi F Lyricist /Style Icon Jane Asher M Actress/Broadcaster Kajiko Kawazoe F Salon Owner/Designer Paul McCartney M Musician/Songwriter Sawada Kenji M Musician /Singer John Lennon M Musician/Songwriter Kahashi Katsumi M Musician/Singer/Designer Brian Jones M Singer/Fashion Leader Kamayatsu Hiroshi M Singer/Fashion Leader George Martin M Producer (Beatles) Sugiyama Koichi M Producer /Composer

Chart Comparing Nine Key Figures of Swinging London and Tokyo by Gender and Profession (Chianti Five Members in bold italics)

Identifying the Socio-Cultural Components and Key Individuals Behind “Swinging London”

Assessing the factors behind London’s emergence as the capital of the post-war youth-driven cultural revolution—a position it has arguably maintained in the half-century since—is a task that continues to be of interest to today’s scholars and, in recent years, several documentary makers. While most can agree that popular music, made and popularized by young men from working- and lower-middle-class backgrounds, was at the core of the changes, evaluations of the relative importance of innovators in the area of fashion and beauty, photography, film, graphic design, and art usually depend on the discipline or interest of the scholar. Perhaps the most complex issue for researchers to unravel is the degree to which the movement was just another chapter in the long history of the British contribution to western culture or something qualitatively new. Was “Swinging London” merely a new chapter in the capital city’s long history of cultural production, or was it something fresh and unprecedented, a revolutionary social, cultural, and sexual explosion triggered by a fateful coming together of key individuals from lower-middle-class backgrounds with an equally small but powerful cohort of far-sighted cultural innovators from the upper-middle class? Based on the author’s reading of the key scholars, a strong argument can be made that Swinging London was indeed something unique, largely because of a remarkable alignment of events and people. A list of the socio-cultural

2 components or conditions that allowed this movement to develop so rapidly and powerfully in the early 1960’s is presented below for reference:

• The capacity of a small number of aspirational middle- and upper-middle-class individuals, most notably Brian Epstein and Andrew Loog Oldham (managers of the Beatles and Rolling Stones); George Martin (producer of the Beatles); David Bailey, Terence Donovan and Brian Duffy (fashion photographers); Marianne Faithful Terence Stamp, Julie Christie, Anita Annenberg, Jean Shrimpton, and Cathy McGowan (movie and style icons) to break through as role models for talented cultural innovators seeking to use the mass media as a vehicle for challenging the UK’s caste-like class barriers.

• The enthusiasm and interest of a handful of fashion designers for both women and men (most notably Mary Quant and John Stephen), to combine America’s new ready-to-wear clothing culture with a French-Italian boutique aesthetic that bypassed haute couture, thus allowing the increasingly affluent middle-class youth, who were frequenting London’s new cultural spaces, to reinvent their physical personas through unique but affordable fashions.

• The willingness of a select group of aristocratic or upper-middle-class individuals to use their homes or other spaces as a vehicle for connecting the key figures involved in expanding the boundaries of the music- and fashion-based subculture that would emerge as Swinging London. These included the physician-music teacher couple, Richard and Margaret Asher (parents of Paul McCartney’s girlfriend, Jane Asher); the counterculture pioneers Barry Miles and John Dunbar (proprietors of the Indica Gallery and Bookshop (where John Lennon would meet ); and the flamboyant art dealer Robert Fraser.

• The affinity of segments of the British working- and lower-class youth with certain African-American musical styles, and their subsequent ability to reinvent and reshape these into a potent vehicle for the expression of a new identity; one that reflected their frustrations with the limitations imposed by the class system.

• The ability of London-based art schools to provide creative and aspirational lower- middle-class young men and women, many of whom had attended “grammar schools,” with both time and space to socialize in new cultural spaces and to experiment with new forms of self-expression, especially through music and fashion.

As this article will attempt to show, the first three of these factors and social groupings would be present to a surprisingly high degree in Tokyo in the second half of the 1960’s. In combination, they would profoundly reshape Japanese popular culture in ways that have not hitherto been fully explored or understood by western popular culture scholars in part because of the latter’s emphasis on marginalized cultural movements. The relative absence of the remaining two elements, however, would result in the development of a pop-culture expression that would ultimately prove to be less robust and durable than the one fashioned in London. Indeed these missing elements or variations from the London “template” would ultimately impair the ability of the Japanese pop culture elite to sustain and nurture the kind of cultural innovation and

3 creativity that they themselves had helped develop and cause to flourish in the Japanese capital in the mid-to-late 1960’s.

The Making of Swinging London, 1961-1966

Among the difficulties involved in exploring the Chianti Five and their cultural orbit is the absence of any definitive multi-disciplinary study of the popular culture scene in mid-1960’s Tokyo in either Japanese or English. This deficiency requires that the approach taken here borrow from the leading western scholars of the origins and development of Swinging London. While Dominic Sandbrook’s mammoth White Heat: A History of Britain in the (2006) is helpful for its ability to put Swinging London into historical context, it is Shawn Levy’s Ready Steady Go! The Smashing Rise and Giddy Fall of Swinging London with its focus on “the explosion of creativity—in art, music and fashion…that reshaped the world,” (2002 cover copy) that most directly shapes the comparative aspects of this study. Levy’s history commences, not with the Beatles or any popular music-related individuals but rather with the early pioneers in the fields of fashion, style, and photography. Indeed, he begins his book with the early careers of hairdresser Vidal Sassoon, photographer David Bailey, fashion designers Mary Quant and John Stephen, and actor Terence Stamp. His goal here is to identify the key individuals whose intense interest in the creative arts—whether as actual cultural innovators and artists, or as what might be called “patrons”—would lead them to open or make use of a small number of important social spaces in central and west London. It would be in these clothing boutiques, hair salons, cafes, and private homes that a new subculture could be incubated and developed, ready to be fused with the music-based movement that would explode in 1963-4. After introducing the fashion and style pioneers of the late 1950s and early 1960’s, Levy’s book goes on to identify and explore the careers of a group of slightly younger individuals, many of whom had a close connection with popular music. In many cases, it would be the fortuitous interactions of these older and younger trendsetters, at a time of incipient social and political liberalization, that would allow for the development of what soon exploded into a mass cultural phenomenon. The activities of these younger creatives, including musicians Paul McCartney, John Lennon, Mick Jagger, Brian Jones, and Marianne Faithful, as well as their interactions with some from the cohort immediately before them, including their managers and producers, would ultimately determine the contours of Swinging London. In the same way, the interactions of the Chianti Five with the corresponding music and fashion pioneers of Tokyo, would permit the city to join a handful of western capitals as a world center of popular culture. A good case can be made that the most important individuals in the UK pop cultural context were Paul McCartney and the four individuals, other than his Beatles bandmates, who most directly shaped his world in the two years before Swinging London’s emergence on a world scale. These were the business minded, but also culturally sophisticated and pragmatic gay Jewish manager of the group, Brian Epstein; the young actress Jane Asher, whose eccentric upper-class parents accommodated McCartney in their large central London home for 3 years; avant-garde bookshop owner Barry Miles, who introduced McCartney to the counterculture; and record producer George Martin, who engineered and shaped the Beatles’s albums from 1963. It would be Epstein whose protective but hands-off management style made possible the Beatles’s development of their own individual talents and broadly appealing group persona, while Asher, through her family, provided the bridge for the group’s intellectually curious and thoughtful singer to make vital connections with a number of key counter-culture figures (Gould 2007: 313-

4 15; Carlin 2009: 111-13). Although several individuals facilitated the intellectually curious McCartney’s exposure to the counterculture, none were more important that Barry Miles, who in first few months of 1966, introduced him to the world of avant-garde writing and art (Bernard 2006). Finally the Beatles’s producer, George Martin, another upper-class figure, would encourage and develop McCartney’s growing interest in the reinvention of pop music writing and recording represented by the Beach Boys album Pet Sounds and Bob Dylan’s Blonde on Blonde, both released in mid-1966 (Lewis 2014; Womack 2018). Martin’s nurturing of McCartney and co-writer John Lennon’s musicality as well as his willingness to accept their eccentricities in the studio would play a major role in the development of a more complex sound, one that would provide the Beatles access to a more educated fanbase (Gilmore 2016). This in turn would allow them to bring many elements of the counterculture to a truly mass worldwide audience.

Kawazoe Kajiko and the Roppongi Origins of Swinging Tokyo, 1961-66

Levy’s approach to uncovering the origins of the mid-1960’s pop-culture revolution in central (and western) London is, as suggested, one that can readily be applied to the cultural scene that developed in the Roppongi area of Tokyo during the same era. This scene would have its center in and around the Chianti restaurant and salon in Tokyo’s upscale Nishiazabu district, founded in 1960 by Kawazoe Hiroshi, the illegitimate son of a Japanese aristocrat. The role of this aristocratic connoisseur of the arts, born in1913, twenty years before most of the other individuals who will be examined here, is one that is not well known outside Japan. As will be seen later, it bears some similarity to the one played by Richard (b. 1912) and Margaret Asher (b. 1914), the parents of Paul McCartney’s girlfriend Jane Asher, whose home would be a vital retreat and cultural space for the Beatles’s two main songwriters in the mid-1960’s London (Gooden n.d; Gould: 313-14). Although best known for his liaison work with GHQ and for bringing kabuki to the USA in 1954, it was Kawazoe Hiroshi’s love of European sophistication—the product of spending several years in Paris in the mid-1930s—that would lead him to open Japan’s first Italian restaurant in 1960 with his second wife, 32-year old Kajiko. Like her new husband, Kajiko (nicknamed “Tantan”, the Italian word for “aunt”), the daughter of a wealthy Hyogo businessman, had been one of a very small number of Japanese who had studied or lived in Europe. A self- taught sculptor, fluent in English, she used her inheritance money to study in Rome under Emilio Greco, and entered into what was then an extremely rare intercultural marriage with a younger Italian man. The marriage soon failed, however, and in 1956 she chose to return to Japan and marry Kawazoe, sixteen years her senior, whom she had met when he was in Italy with a kabuki troupe. When the two of them connected in 1959, both having recently divorced, they represented a unique coming together of two highly Europeanized middle-aged French-speaking Japanese, who in combination, were determined to recreate the best of European culture in their small pocket of Tokyo (Noji 1994: 64-82; Tetsu no Kocho 2018). The manner in which the Kawazoe couple were able to fashion what would become a three- story retreat for many of the up-and-coming creative talents who emerged in early to mid-1960’s Tokyo, can be understood by looking at three of their innovative approaches to the use of Chianti and its space and location. The first was to offer high-class Italian food, which Kajiko had learned to cook as a housewife in Rome. At a time when only a handful of mostly hotel restaurants offered a menu beyond meat sauce spaghetti, Kawazoe offered a variety of Italian

5 and French dishes, her specialty being basil pesto; Chianti was the only restaurant in Japan serving this dish. The second was to make an additional floor of the building into something akin to a European salon along the lines of Montmartre’s La Coupole. Here the couple provided a comfortable location for the mostly elite intellectuals and artists whom Hiroshi had befriended and helped in the previous decade, while at the same time giving these cultural figures access to the new mostly upper-middle-class aspiring artists that his wife would soon gather around her (Shirīzu Tōkyō 2014). Endowed with an array of abilities and qualities as well as a beauty that became legendary among her associates, Kajiko’s most important characteristic in making Chianti into a cultural space was undoubtedly her hospitality and ability to attract the love and attention of both men and women. Indeed it can be reasonably argued that no other woman in early 1960’s Japan exhibited more glamor, grace, style, and sophistication than the restaurant’s magnetic proprietress. Speaking four languages and always impeccably dressed, the effortlessly elegant former sculptress and accomplished dress designer, a personal friend of Yves Saint Laurent, would play a role comparable to that of Margaret Asher in London (Ishimaru 2017). Asher, who between 1963-66 allowed her large townhouse in central London to be used as a shelter for her daughter’s boyfriend Paul McCartney and his mostly middle- or working-class musician friends, would play a pivotal role in introducing the latter to the cultured world of the educated upper- middle-class and help facilitate connections across the strict class lines of early 1960’s Britain. As will be seen below, Kajiko would play a similar role, arguably going beyond Asher through her own personal relationships with some of the younger men who would come into her orbit. Although the Chianti restaurant would not take on its critical pop culture role until 1966, the seeds of its unique geo-social place in post-war history were laid in the first few years of the decade. This was in part because of its location in Roppongi, an area that had for over a decade benefited from lax nighttime closing regulations, themselves a byproduct of the area's immediate post-war status as a home to many occupation soldiers, especially officers. While Ginza regained its position as the center of post-war nightlife, Roppongi, a suburb with no train station and lacking basic street lighting (even after the opening of Tokyo Tower in 1958), attracted many jazz musicians. These talented young players made a precarious living performing for well-off American officers, or after the occupation, for those elite Japanese with the personal cars needed to access its dark streets (Yoshimi 2003: 439-40; Marx: 2011). Beginning in the early 1960’s, the area also began to attract the new TV studios, especially Fuji TV and TBS. For a variety of mostly economic reasons, a significant number of the initial programming on these stations were musical variety shows, often featuring the station's own big band and a rotating group of young new singers. In most cases these budding starlets had been recruited by scouts for the increasingly influential Watanabe Productions (Nabepro), a vertically integrated talent agency and production company, run as a tight hierarchy by Watanabe Susumu, a well-known big band leader and his business-minded wife Misa, a musical impresario whose enormous impact on Japanese popular culture is explored below (Mitsui 2014: 143). In 1961, a number of these performers, together with some affluent local teenagers, began to meet on an informal basis at a local café, Delica Leo's, in the Iikura area, and adopted the nickname Roppongi-yajukai (Roppongi Beasts Association) for the thirty or so regulars. While the group had no leader, sixteen year-old aspiring singer Tanabe Yasuo was among the most active, and within a few months he found himself scouted by the Nabepro organization, whose The Hit Parade show on Fuji Television was constantly on the lookout for potential new stars. Other members of the group included university art student and later Toei studio actor, Minegishi Toru,

6 future rock musicians Inoue Jun and Kamayatsu Hiroshi, and actresses Ohara Reiko and Ogawa Tomoko (Noji 1994: 159; Tamamusubi Radio Program). Some of these ambitious and mostly upper-middle-class teenagers would, after spending a few hours at Delica Leo's, find their way to the Chianti restaurant, and the restaurant soon gained a reputation for being the only one open until the early hours. Despite having little more than pocket money, the attractive youngsters were welcomed by Kajiko, a remarkable fact given Japanese age-related hierarchies. Taking on the roles of surrogate mother and mentor, she took pleasure in making seemingly unlikely connections across age and background (Kamayatsu Hiroshi n.d). While it would be some years before Chianti would start to attract the domestic and overseas cultural and artistic intelligentsia that would make its reputation, the years 1964-66 saw Kajiko enter into friendships with a group of women who both individually and together would play a major role in changing the trajectory of Japanese popular culture. As will be seen below, one of these was an occasional Roppongi-yajukai member who would come to epitomize the synergy that could result from a coming together of dynamic aspirational youth and adults, unencumbered by the usual Japanese age- and status-related customs and rules.

Kaga Mariko and the birth of the 1960’s Tokyo “It Girl”

Although Kajiko's fashion ideas were developed around two years after Mary Quant's emergence as the premier innovator in youthful London fashion, they were on the cutting edge of fashion in mid-1960’s Japan and would become highly influential (Kawazoe 1968: 143-47). Among those who were strongly attracted by her casual chic was Kaga Mariko, a movie star and fashion icon who has only recently attracted attention from western scholars. Born in 1943 into a prominent family that included politicians and an Olympic swimmer, Kaga benefited from having a liberal- minded movie producer father (Kaga Shiro) and was highly precocious as a child, frequenting both second-hand bookstores and hair salons. As a teenager she took style cues from Audrey Hepburn's late-1950's movies and by age sixteen, had developed a strikingly stylish and coquettish look that matched her petite frame. Around 1959-60, she became acquainted with the Kawazoe’s rebellious stepson Zoro (from Hiroshi’s former marriage) and, finding a kindred

7 spirit in the stylish stepmother of her friend, began to spend time at Kajiko’s home (Noji 1997:143-47; Kikuchi 2014). Scouted by Fuji TV talent hunters in 1960, the fashionable teenager made her debut in a minor drama (I Know Tokyo Tower) in 1960 (Kikuchi: 2014). In the same year, she was scouted on the street by Shimoda Masahiro and Terayama Shuji, two former Waseda University student radicals. These two talented artists had recently broken into the movie business and recruited Kaga to play the role of a waitress who falls in love with a rockabilly singer in a working class Shochiku drama, The Tears, the Lion of the Vertical Hair, set among the machinations of a longshoreman’s union (Tea for One Blog 2013). While not a major success, Kaga’s palpable on-screen combination of innocence and sexuality was enough to lead to an offer to appear in what would be her acting breakthrough, Getsuyobi no Yuka (Monday Yuka). An extraordinarily ahead-of-its-time movie, Getsuyobi no Yuka [Only on Mondays] (1964), a French New Wave-influenced Nikkatsu vehicle, featured Kaga in the central role of a highly sexualized 18-year old ingénue who frequents nightclubs and is willing to accept the role of the mistress to a business client of her father’s to help him close a deal. While the movie has no official costume designer credit, it is clear that great attention was paid to the main character's fashion, and almost every scene features the most up-to-date European-styled dresses, scarves, shoes, and accessories. Also striking are the bobbed and other hairstyles sported by the starlet, as well as her false eyelashes and “devilish” eye makeup—elements of styles that borrowed liberally from Jeanne Moreau and Bridget Bardot (Abiki Blog 2014). It seems highly likely, given her friendship with Kajiko, that these styles were in fact ones that the now much in demand actress had self-selected, possibly with advice from her fashion mentor. Unhappy with the press’s sensationalist stereotyping of her as a party girl, the independent-minded twenty-year- old considered leaving the movie business and in 1964 took a lengthy trip to Paris. Asked by Kawazoe Hiroshi to help with his promotion of the movie Suna no Onna (Woman of the Dunes) (1964) at the Cannes Festival, Kaga had a chance to meet and talk with Françoise Sagan, François Truffaut, Christian Dior, and Yves Saint Laurent, and to spend time observing Paris’s fashion scene (Kaga 2014: 85-96; Noji 1994: 161). As a result of these and other experiences, the young actress, dubbed the Japanese Brigitte Bardot, returned to Japan in with an even more up-to date fashion sense, a strong interest in France’s sophisticated new popular culture expressions, as well as a renewed interest in serious acting. In the following three years, her connection with Kajiko and her new friends from the world of fashion and design would deepen, and the rising starlet would reach a status akin to a combination of movie and style icons Jean Shrimpton and Anita Annenberg in the UK. Her glamour and slightly risqué persona would also attract the attention and interest of the highbrow literary figures and Chianti patrons Kawabata Yasunori and Abe Kobo, and the actress would appear in a number of stylish movies based on their novels later in the decade (Kaga 2008: 147-52). As will be seen, it would be her relationships not only with Kajiko, but with other women and men, forged within the Chianti orbit, that would propel her to become the Japanese actress who perhaps best embodied the lifestyle of the late 1960’s independent elite new woman. Sometime in the early 1960’s Kajiko decided to open a small clothing boutique that would embody her refined and Europeanized sense of fashion. Using the modish moniker, "Baby Doll," the boutique was situated on the first floor of her three-story home. Unimpressed, presumably, by the ready-to-wear fashions available even in exclusive Ginza department stores, her goal seems to have been aesthetic rather than profit-directed and it was the Chianti proprietress herself who often wore the French-inspired designs that she created in her boutique. Indeed, it was her ability to create casual elegance through what today would be termed "dressing down,"

8 that would attract the attention of three other Chianti women, Yasui Kazumi, Koshino Junko, and Watanabe Misa, with whom her life would soon become deeply intertwined (Shirīzu Tōkyō 2014). These cultural soulmates would go on to collectively help reshape Japanese youth fashion and popular culture in the late 1960’s. They would do this using as their primary vehicle the Tigers, a pop group modeled on a combination of the Beatles and the American idol group the Monkees, and managed and controlled by the oldest member of the Chianti Five, Watanabe Misa.

Watanabe Misa: Creating, Promoting, Co-opting, and Exploiting Japanese Youth Culture in the Mid-1960’s

By the time of the Beatles’s short visit to Japan in July 1966, Watanabe Misa, inarguably the single most powerful figure in the Japanese music industry and the impresario behind many of the best selling pop music artists of the previous decade, had become concerned at the potential threat that British rock bands represented to her pop empire. As early as 1965, with well-attended concert tours by the Ventures and Animals, it was becoming clear to the more perceptive members of the Japanese popular music industry that their business could not remain unaffected by the major transformation taking place in the UK and US music establishments. Among the changes that were most obvious were the increasing involvement of members of the most successful British and American groups not only in songwriting and performance, but in the shaping and projection of their on-stage persona and overall artistic identity. Indeed groups such as the Beatles, Rolling Stones, , Yardbirds and Beach Boys were routinely writing and choosing their own material, and were at the very least consulted by their mostly young managers on issues related to how to target their media image to the new youth-driven subcultures that had exploded in London, Liverpool, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and other cities. Of these groups, it was the Beatles who benefited most from the astute, business-minded management that Brian Epstein had provided them, especially in the area of record company affiliation, appearance, and performance style. An additional advantage was the fact that Epstein, whose closeted gay identity was the source of considerable emotional stress, played little role in the selection of material or artistic matters and rarely interfered in non-marketing or promotional matters. This approach was also true of his younger counterpart, Andrew Loog Oldham, manager of the Rolling Stones. Indeed, Oldham actively encouraged the group to write their own songs

9 and focused his activity largely on building the band’s image as the bad boy alternative to the Beatles—with the tacit approval of the band’s members (Hamilton 2018).

In contrast to the management approach of the Liverpool, Manchester, and London-based groups, Watanabe, almost 10-15 years older than most of the artists she managed in the early 1960’s, had run Nabepro with her jazz musician husband as a virtual dictatorship since 1959, personally finding and grooming artists. Indeed, in the case of her most successful act, the Peanuts, this preparation and coaching took place in her own house and extended to every aspect of their public image and performance. By the time of the so-called “British invasion” of the US in mid-1964, she and her tightly-run and hierarchically organized company had already had five years of almost continuous success with a light western pop-kayōkyoku hybrid masterminded by her trusted producer Sugiyama Koichi, the University of Tokyo-graduated composer and arranger of many of the Peanuts’ most successful songs (Furmanovsky 2010). Considerable commercial success and a lucrative connection with Fuji Television had been consolidated and carefully maintained by a reliable team of highly professional musical insiders, management staff, and TV executives, most of whom were in their early thirties and had graduated from elite universities in Tokyo. These highly skilled professionals generally treated the mostly female 17- 23-year-old artists under their wing, such as Ito Yukari, Sono Mari, and Nakao Mie (known as the Sannin no Musume), as virtual blank slates. Indeed, musical materials, movie or TV appearances, as well as costumes and performance style were fashioned by the teams assigned to them by Watanabe. In many cases these teams would include composer Sugiyama and one of a handful of the so-called Sugiyama Family. The latter included fellow freelance composers Tsutsumi Kyouhei and Suzuki Kunihiko and most importantly lyricist Hashimoto Jun, the son of a well-known children’s book writer whose unorthodox but skillful approach to lyric writing would be critical to the early success of the Tigers (Isomae 2013: 94). With such a formidable and proven talent pool, almost all from well-off families, and Watanabe’s top-down approach to working with the young artists, her approach to managing the agency’s first (hereafter GS) act, the Tigers, was, in retrospect entirely predictable.

10

Taming the Tigers: Nabepro’s Reinvention of the Aspiring Rock Band as Mass Culture Pop, 1966-67

British rock critic Julian Cope (2008) and Japanese cultural studies scholar Michael Bourdaghs (113,120-22) have examined the role of the Japanese pop band, the Tigers, within the larger Group Sounds movement. Though taking very different approaches to research, both writers focus on the group’s position as the most manipulated and least authentic or innovative of their late 1960’s contemporaries, the Spiders, Tempters, Golden Cups, Carnabeats, and Jaguars. In contrast to Cope’s focus on the group’s role as tightly controlled puppet-idols, the aforementioned Tigers chronologist and popular culture scholar, Isomae, looks at the wider role of the band in Japanese baby boom historiography. Drawing on his personal interest in the band’s enormous popularity between 1967-69, and a two decade-long exhaustive examination of primary sources, especially teen and entertainment magazines, he is able to show how important the Tigers were within the Swinging London-type revolution that the Chianti group helped bring into existence. He does this by taking seriously the role of each member of the group as well as those around them, much as western academics have looked at what each of the individual Beatles and those closest to them—Brian Epstein, George Martin, Jane Asher, and later Yoko Ono—brought to the larger Swinging London scene. Isoemae is particularly concerned with unraveling the complex relationships that members of the band, especially lead singer Sawada Kenji (nicknamed Julie because of his love for ) had, both with each other and with the personalities who frequented Chianti. While this approach may at times seem pedantic, in the context of the group’s enormous popularity, it does allow the reader a deeper insight into how the symbiosis between the Tigers and the Chianti Five elevated the group into a status and level of influence on youth culture that is at least partially comparable to that of the Beatles in the UK and certainly the equals of the Monkees in the U.S. Formed by a group of late-teenage boys from a lower-middle-class background in Kyoto in late 1965, the Tigers (originally Sally and the Playboys) were, like most other bands, an instrumental act playing Ventures’s and other instrumental covers. Motivated by the recent success of the Spiders, one of just a handful of rock-oriented vocal combos in Japan, the group added a flamboyant 17-year-old high school student, Sawada Kenji on vocals in January 1966 and reinvented themselves as the Funnies, a British pop and rock cover band. By February 1966,

11 the group could boast a fan club of around 300 members and had attained coveted house band status at a popular south Osaka Jazz coffee shop or kissa called Nanba Ichiban. Here their youthful garage band image and energetic cover versions of songs by the Animals and Rolling Stones attracted the interest of visiting headline act Uchida Yuya during the 25-year-old rockabilly singer’s engagement for a multiple night gig at the Nanba Ichiban. Uchida had made a name for himself in the early 1960’s with the Ventures-like Blue Jeans and was working under a Nabepro contract. On his return to Tokyo he urged his manager, Nakai Kuniji, to quickly sign up the group, who had made some connections with members of rival act the Spiders, and bring them to Tokyo as his future backup band. Excited by the offer, the teenage band agreed to a contract that would bring them to Setagaya in Tokyo in late 1966 for strict training and recording under Nabepro staff supervision (Isomae 2013: 35-41; Go: 2019; Rockya Blog). Once in Tokyo, the group would play numerous concerts at the well-known Shinjuku ACB Jazz Kissa and the Western Carnival (held at the Nichigeki Theater), often with Uchida. The positive response to these performances may have been the trigger for Watanabe’s decision to adopt the Funnies as Nabepro’s answer to the GS vocal group boom typified by the talented but somewhat bland Blue Comets and the actor-musician solo artist, Kayama Yuzo. The latter had launched his career in 1963 as a Ventures-style electric guitarist with a smooth voice and considerable cross-generational appeal. In December 1965, he had stunned the music industry with his GS-influenced but essentially kayōkyoku-based pop ballad “Kimi to Itsudemo.” What was remarkable was that the song, which became the top-selling song of the year, shipping an extraordinary three million copies, featured lyrics by veteran old-school lyricist Iwatani Tokiko. This suggested that the ostensibly imported new music could in fact be successfully co-opted and lucratively rebranded by the established kayōkyoku pop industry. With the GS boom now greatly energized by the Beatles’s visit and Kayama’s albums also selling well, the potential to drive record sales with a direct appeal to a demographic based largely on teenage girls was increasingly obvious to those working in and around the music industry (Furmanovsky 2010: 57- 61). Ever the businesswoman and realist, Watanabe’s possible reservations about the commercial viability of this new movement would have been answered a few months later when both the Blue Comets and the Spiders’ scored major hits in mid-1966 with Japanese-lyric songs (“Aoi no Hitomi” (Blue Eyes) and “Yūhi ga naiteiru” (Sad Sunset)) written in a modern kayōkyoku style by professional songwriters and arrangers. With her astute understanding of the behavior and ideals of the Japanese teenager, honed over a full decade as an creator of idols, Watanabe understood that with the photogenic looks of Sawada Kenji as the focus, the exuberant and boyish personalities of the genuinely talented Tigers could be marketed in a manner not unlike that of the “manufactured” American idol pop group the Monkees. The latter’s extraordinary success had begun to rival that of the Beatles in the final two months of 1966 and would now become something of a template for Nabepro’s careful targeting of the huge baby boom female mid-teen demographic. To facilitate this transformation, Watanabe pushed aside the much older rock-oriented Uchida Yuya and placed the Funnies under the supervision of Sugiyama Koichi. The latter’s first move, made without consultation with the group, was to re-rename the Funnies, “The Tigers” (after the Hanshin Tigers baseball team) and propose that each of them adopt a nickname (Isoemae 2013: 59). From this point onwards, the five members would be known in all teen- oriented media outlets as Julie (Sawada Kenji), Pea (Minoru Hitomi), Sally (Kishibe Osami), Toppo (Kahashi Katsumi) and Taro (Morimoto Taro). Despite his low evaluation of the groups’ overall talent, Sugiyama was convinced that he could take advantage of the group’s pleasing

12 vocal blend to create a combination of rockabilly rhythm, Beatles-style pop melodies, and sweet choral harmonies that could change Japanese popular song in a significant way (Isomae 2013: 95-6). This artistic goal was complemented by the largely commercial ambitions of Watanabe. While she did not articulate it directly, it seems clear that she saw the group as a vehicle for attaining a hitherto unimaginably large fandom built around the same demographic as the one targeted by the Monkees’s shrewd management in the USA. This would be done by deploying a multi-pronged approach to the popularization of the group built around the following five promotional ideas:

• Creating distinct Beatles-like personas for each of the groups’s five members and marketing their individual appeal to urban female teenagers through magazines, television appearances, and creatively designed record sleeves that often echoed the cover art of western pop groups such as the Monkees, Paul Revere and the Raiders, , and others.

• Adopting a musical formula built around composer Suigiyama Koichi’s mid-tempo string-filled kayōkyoku-style melodies; the simple but concise lyrics of Hashimoto Jun; the musical chops of seasoned studio musicians; and the precise vocal harmonies of the members.

• Arranging for each single (record) release to have its own elaborate themed costume using original, but or hippy-inspired designs by Kawazoe, Kahashi, or Koshino;

• Allowing the group to have a degree of freedom to play in a more aggressive Rolling Stones-influenced rock ‘n’ roll style in their live concerts, thus providing some degree of outlet for both the rock-oriented and more artistically-minded members;

• pushing the group into movie vehicles that combined the innovative styles pioneered by the Beatles’s A Hard Days Night and Help with the lightweight, but entertaining Monkees TV show in a manner that could solidify their movie performer status with fans.

The multi-dimensional reinvention of the five raw but talented Funnies into a boys band that fused aspects of earlier manufactured “idols,” but also seemed to include some elements of the emerging London-New York-San Francisco-Los Angeles-based counterculture, is one that is still not well understood by Japan Studies scholars. Whether this amalgamation of two seemingly contradictory trends in the persona of the Tigers was a result of the flexible and adaptive nature often ascribed to Japanese culture or because of a unique confluence of socio-cultural and economic winds is perhaps impossible to establish. What is clear is that the alternative or counterculture-inclined Chianti groups’ core female members—Kawazoe, Yasui, Koshino, and Kaga—in conjunction with the creative, talented, but business-minded early middle-age men working under Watanabe, were poised at the beginning of 1967 to realize much of what the lower-middle-class art-school-educated musicians, fashion designers, photographers, and their upper-middle-class media managers and sponsors, had achieved in London just a year or two earlier, albeit with some crucial differences. Much as the year 1967 is linked in American counterculture history with the Summer of Love and in popular culture with the Monkees, so this seminal year is closely associated in Japan

13 with the GS boom in general and the Tigers emergence as the first mass-appeal teen idol pop group of the post-war era. This success was attained through a series of releases and performances of three songs and accompanying campaigns. These were “Boku no Mary” (My Mary) in February, a sweet confection of Ventures-style guitar, sweeping orchestral sweeteners, and Beatles-style vocals that showed off the groups’ close harmony. While not an immediate hit, the song was enough to bring the group to the attention of teen magazines, some controlled by the Nabepro organization itself, and buy time before their next song in May, “Seaside Bound,” an ode to summer built around an infectious Okinawan melody. More important than the latter’s melody or lyrics, was the band’s childish but attractive jump-dance, arranged by upcoming choreographer and dance instructor Doi Tsutomu (Nakamura 2017). The song and dance also echoed the Monkees TV show theme song with its zany dance sequence and would become a major part of the band’s concert repertoire, attracting enthusiastic attention from high school girls. Selling over 500,000 copies, the song was shrewdly followed in August by the sentimental and highly successful string-laden Sugiyama-Hashimoto ballad “Mona Liza’s Smile,” featuring Morimoto’s chromatic harmonica (Isomae 2013: 108: Trans-World '60's Punk Blog). The melodic ballad was performed live for the first time at the prestigious Otemachi Sankei Hall on August 22 and a few days later at the Western Carnival on August 26, this time with the group in medieval suits designed by Kajiko. By December 13, when they performed it again to an overflowing screaming teenage girl audience at Sankei Hall, the group were well on the way to becoming the country’s leading pop group and the only GS group with a significant following outside the big cities (Rockya Blog; Go 2019). By the end of 1967, much like the Beatles two years earlier, the Tigers were dealing with a seemingly endless set of interviews and magazine photo shoots as well as live performances at jazz cafes and a commercial campaign for Meiji chocolate. While Sawada and the others grudgingly accepted or embraced this state of affairs, the increasingly hippie-oriented Kahashi did not hesitate to express his frustrations with the commercialism and strict control of the Nabepro organization, both to the management but also privately to 39-year-old Kajiko with whom he had become close. Indeed, much as Paul McCartney had found refuge and an introduction to art and intellectual ideas in the luxurious West End home of his teenage girlfriend Jane Asher in 1964-65, so, as will be seen, did the Tigers guitarist, who in July moved to his own apartment near the restaurant, increasingly spending time at Chianti, mixing with intellectuals and counter-culture figures while also enjoying the affection and cultural education given to him by Kajiko (Isoemae 2013:100, 118-21). This of course would add an additional element to the complex business and personal (or possibly romantic) relationships that existed in their various permutations, among Sawada, Watanabe, Kahashi, and Kajiko. Despite the success of their first few singles in the first half of 1967, Misa was convinced that only appearances on mainstream TV, including NHK, could break the Tigers nationally and put them ahead of their two main rivals, the Spiders and Tempters. For this to happen, she concluded, the group would have to overcome the mass media’s image of them (and GS bands in general) as unkempt long-haired teenagers, precisely as the Monkees had done exactly one year earlier on their September 1966 TV debut. At the same time, as a group taking its cues from British and American pop bands, the group obviously could not jettison their hairstyles and adopt the still widely prevalent “aibi (Ivy)” or preppy look favored by mainstream elite university students (Narumi; 2010: 419). With her long experience of grooming ordinary teenage girls and turning them into elegant or girl-next-door idols, Watanabe would come up with a shrewd plan to combine the up-to-date western-influenced credibility that long hair offered with a groomed presentable look. Some time in late 1967, she arranged for the group members to visit Taburo

14 (Tableau), a fashionable French-style women’s salon recommended by Uchida Yuya, where they would have their hair cut and styled by stylist Yasuda Tomoko (Isomae 2013: 57;Trans-World '60's Punk Blog). Using her media connections, Watanabe arranged for the salon visit to be covered in depth by the influential girls’ teenage magazine Myojo, thus helping advance the group’s androgynous or pretty-boy appeal at a time when even fashionable Japanese young men would not consider going to a women’s hairdresser. Shortly after this excursion and subsequent publicity, the group received the long-awaited invitation to perform for an NHK music variety program that would be aired in November. Recorded to a screaming and excited audience, the broadcast of the performance would ultimately be cancelled by NHK, partly as a result of injuries to a group of girls at a live GS event held in Nara on November 5th. The event would also contribute to NHK’s conservative president Maeda Yoshinori’s decision to preclude GS participation except by the Blue Comets, Nabepro’s unthreatening rival, on Kohaku, the widely watched New Year variety show, and also led to a call for schools to ban students from attending GS concerts. Ever the media-savvy PR professional, however, the decision was countered by Watanabe’s hastily arranged but successful Tigers fund-raising charity show which would add to growing mass media acceptance of the Tigers as Japan’s answer to the Beatles (Kogure Blog: 2008; Rockya Blog 2016). The evolving societal respectability enjoyed by the Tigers during these months can readily be compared to that experienced by the Beatles, largely due to the efforts of Brian Epstein. Three years before the Tigers, Epstein had, as indicated earlier, remade the Beatles’ image by putting them into styled suits and encouraging them to develop their own toned-down but authentic presentational style on stage and in front of the mass media. In the words of George Martin, this had given the members the “style, taste, and charm,” that would allow them to cultivate an image as unregulated but genuine representatives of their social class and generation (McCombs: 2017). While Watanabe, by contrast, had little interest in encouraging the Tigers, other than Sawada, to make the most of their real personalities or Kansai background, the Nabepro leader possessed a ability and willingness to recognize and promote young talent, especially when it came from an educated and sophisticated background. This was especially true for female talent and as will be seen with the careers of Yasui Kazumi and Koshino Junko. Indeed it was these women who would allow the Tigers to be the vehicle for introducing a range of pop cultural innovations, some infused with attractive elements of the counterculture, that no male figure in the almost entirely male-run Japanese music industry could have conceived.

Yasui Kazumi: Preternatural Mid-1960’s Counterculture Style Icon

Born in 1939, Yasui Kazumi was the studious and precocious daughter of a well-off Yokohama engineer who attended the elite Protestant Ferris High School and studied French, violin, and ballet. While a student at Bunka Gakuin and Ochanomizu in the later 1950s, the music and art- loving student, who looked to France and Italy for her fashion and lifestyle cues, would often buy classical piano sheet music at the newly established Shinko Music, Japan’s first independently run Music Publishing company, founded by a young Waseda University graduate, Kusano Shoichi. Impressed by Yasui’s obvious love of music and unusually high proficiency in both English and French, Kusano offered the talented young woman a chance to translate English and French song lyrics for potential use by young new artists in the Nabepro roster. Her first serious effort would be Elvis Presley’s “GI Blues,” a song that became a hit for rockabilly star Sakamoto Kyu in 1961 and would be followed by translations of a number of Paul Anka

15 songs recorded by idol artists. Yasui’s breakthrough, however, would come following her first meeting with Watanabe Misa at Chianti. In 1964, Watanabe would ask the twenty-five-year-old to write the lyrics for pop idol Nakao Mie’s next song, “Onna Kodamon,” the success of which led the lyricist to be hired as a regular writer for Nabepro and to begin working with some of Japan’s greatest composers. A year later, the unlikely pairing of “Zuzu,” as she would be called by her Chianti friends, and veteran composer Taku Izumi, would co-write a song “Oshaberi na Shinju” (Talkative Pearl) for another Nabepro female idol, Ito Yukari. This simple but elegant elegy would go on to win her the 1965 Japan Records Award for the best lyric of the year. A year later, her translation of the folk song “Donna Donna” would be adopted by NHK’s hugely popular singalong variety show, Minna no Uta, ultimately finding its way into elementary school music books and leading to comparisons with aforementioned Iwatani Tokiko, the country’s most successful female songwriter of the post-war years and another Nabepro associate (Shimazaki 2013: 10-168; TBS Radio 2013). Yasui’s success, as well as her friendship with both Kaga and Kajiko, would bring the fashion conscious, free-spirited lyricist, already a sophisticated consumer of Italian and French wine and fine dining, into the Chianti orbit. It would also help pay for her often extravagant spending, This included a Lotus Elan sports car and Yves Saint Laurent fashions recommended or given to her by Kajiko, a personal friend of the designer (Noji 1997: 153-54; Ishimaru 2017). In combination these would, as will be seen, make her into a style leader, akin to her own heroine Françoise Sagan, the French playwright and chronicler of teenage angst and sexuality. Once inside this rarefied cultural circle, the sister-like bonding with the other members of the Chianti Five, but especially Kajiko, seems to have been immediate, perhaps not surprising given their shared artistic sensibility and affinity for all things fashionable and European. Indeed, the three women, despite their age differences, shared a love of European, and especially French and Italian styles, that would, in later years, come to define them outside their immediate circle. It would also lead to yet another crucial encounter, that between Watanabe and Yasui’s upcoming fashion designer friend, Koshino Junko. With Watanabe looking for new ways to promote the Tigers through performance costumes that might boost the groups’ appeal to teenage girls, the chance to hire a creative talent like Koshino was one that she did not hesitate to take.

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Koshino Junko and the Introduction of Boutique Fashion to Pop Culture

Already in her mid twenties when she first met Kasui and Watanabe, Koshino Junko was the middle of three sisters born to a well-known Osaka dressmaking family headed by Ozano Ayako. Both of her sisters, Hiroko and Michiko, would also go on to major careers in the fashion business, and Koshino consciously sought to differentiate her work from theirs in the years following her enrollment in Tokyo’s Bunka Fukuso Gakuin, Japan’s leading dressmaking and design university, in 1958. The young new student’s background and innate creativity, boosted perhaps by Pierre Cardin’s highly publicized visits to the university in 1958, inspired her work, and in 1959, at age 19, she become the youngest ever winner of the institution’s prestigious Soen Prize. During her four years of study, Koshino absorbed the university’s strong Paris orientation and focus on luxury and haute couture. Graduating in 1961 in a class that included future designers Takada Kenzo (Kenzo) and Matsuda Mitsuhiro (Nicole), Koshino’s ambition would be fueled by fierce competition with her accomplished sisters and peers (Koshino 2019; Sao no Nekobyori 2014). Despite her many advantages, Koshino struggled in the early 1960’s to make a name for herself, running a small shop in Ginza’s Komatsu Department Store. Unable to make much impression in a conservative environment, the young designer would spend hours working on her designs while sitting in her favorite Shinjuku coffee shop. Here, with her distinctive bobbed hairstyle modeled on Man Ray’s muse Kiki of Montparnasse as her calling card, she would make a number of connections with the new crop of budding young avant garde illustrators, artists, and photographers who began to frequent the increasingly trendy student hangout (Kobayashi 2017). Among those who entered her orbit at this time were the photographer Shinoyama Kishin and artist Uno Akira, the founder of the so-called Tokyo Illustrators Club (Kondo 2014). These two modern art pioneers would later take on a status somewhat similar to that of David Hockney and Terence Stamp in Swinging London. In October 1964, Koshino took what was effectively a fashion pilgrimage to Paris in which she was able to visit most of the leading fashion houses. Inspired by her experiences, she returned to Tokyo with a determination to save enough money to open her own boutique, one that would sell limited but non-couture designs. Although this would take several more years, her choice of venue (fashionable Aoyama) and the timing of the opening of the shop—shortly before the visit of the Beatles in 1966—could hardly have been more fortuitous. The logo for the shop (“Collette”), arguably the first “boutique” in Japan, would be designed by the soon-to-be notorious graphic designer Kaneko Kuniyoshi, and the attractively decorated outlet would also benefit from being just minutes away from Ishizu Kensuke’s already iconic Ivy League men's fashion store VAN (Tajima: 2018). In late 1965, while vacationing in the town of Chigasaki, Koshino met 19-year-old kayōkyoku singer Fuse Akira and mentioned that she had a boutique. A fashion-conscious teenager himself, Fuse later visited the shop and asked for an original costume to wear when he performed his newest release. Koshino’s daring response was to fashion him a type of unisex dress-like jacket with an embroidered red rose. Newly signed to Nabepro, the design was noticed by the style-conscious Watanabe who immediately asked about the designer. This exchange would lead, within a matter of months, to Watanabe’s now historic decision to hand the 27-year- old boutique owner a commission to help design costumes for the Tigers and other acts in the Nabepro roster (Ichigoichi 2019). As will be seen, this in turn initiated a fortuitous set of

17 meetings that would not only boost the careers of Koshino and the Tigers, but reshape and strengthen the link between pop music and fashion, especially unisex styles, that would become ubiquitous two decades later. It also added an additional element and personality to the influential cultural melting pot that Chianti was on its way to becoming in 1967. While seemingly having little in common with the boutique owner except a strong interest in fashion and style trends, Watanabe’s decision to hand most of the costuming of the Tigers to Koshino Junko in mid-1967 was yet another example of her ability to make effective use of the most talented and artistic baby boomers of the era. In the next three years, the groundbreaking designer would combine her background as a student of French female fashion with ideas from two new sources of men’s sartorial innovation. These were the pioneering fashions of the so- called “King of Carnaby Street,” John Stephen, owner of fifteen London boutiques catering to the new middle-class mod and proto-hippie demographic, and the carefully customized designs of Gene Ashman, fashion stylist for the Monkees TV show. The new approach to masculinity epitomized by the designs of these two men would be filtered through Koshino’s own unique artistic sensibilities to produce not only many of the Tigers’ costumes but a significant number of those worn by other GS acts. As will be seen, Kawazoe, Kahashi, and others in the Chianti orbit would assist the Collette owner, allowing her to maximize her creativity at the most opportune time.

Like the Beatles manager Brian Epstein, John Stephen was a closeted gay man who identified with the mod subculture’s emphasis on male expression and style. Catering at first to the bohemian and gay community with reasonably priced but distinctive suits, the flamboyant working-class Glaswegian was already a wealthy man by the early 1960’s. He would gain fame, however, by selling Pierre Cardin-influenced collarless mod suits and double button shirts to an increasingly hip clientele that by the mid-1960’s included the leading mod bands of the era: the

18 Who, the Kinks and the Small Faces (Art & Hue Blog 2017). From 1966, the trendsetting boutique king, aware of the burgeoning hippie scene in the U.S., began to introduce colorful “hipster trousers, floral shirts…low-slung elephant cord trousers [and] androgynous velvet double-breasted jackets” (Coyne: 2005). This in turn would lead to the so-called Peacock fashion style embodied by the Rolling Stones guitarist and style icon Brian Jones, who became celebrated in early 1966 for parading around London in crushed velvet striped suits, frilly collared Victorian shirts, brocade waistcoats, multi-colored suede boots, as well as scarves and jewelry. The updated “dandy” style would be delivered to the media through his relationship with his girlfriend, the German-Italian model Anita Pallenberg, and together the golden couple would bring to Swinging London a “revolutionary androgynous look…mixing and matching not only fabrics and patterns, but cultures and even centuries” (A Dandy in Aspic Blog 2011). Coinciding almost to the month with the peak of the John Stephen-Brian Jones-inspired dandy fashion boom in London, the Monkees TV show would bring a similar aesthetic to a vastly broader and diverse audience. Though relatively unknown today, the designs of Gene Ashman for the Monkees helped bring a level of respectability to a colorful feminized approach to male fashion. Just weeks before their TV debut in September 1966, Ashman, in consultation with the group’s leader Mike Nesmith, introduced an updated and reimagined version of a John Wayne cowboy shirt. Usually red or black, the jersey-style shirt featured two rows of buttons that mimicked a double-breasted jacket. Initially these were paired with customized bellbottom pants, a large belt, and Italian made boots. In the weeks and months after the group’s debut, however, the four band members would wear a staggering variety of styles including turtle necks paired with hippie love beads, bringing a somewhat cartoon version of hippie fashions to tens of millions over a period of two years (Ashman1967). A look at the Chianti-inspired outfits worn by the Tigers during their first year shows a clear parallel, albeit with a one- to two-year time gap, of the mod-to-dandy hippie trajectory embodied by Brian Jones and the Monkees members. This can be seen by tracing the development of their album covers and concert outfits during these years. The record sleeve for “My Mary,” which would have been shot in late 1966, featured the group in a Pierre Cardin Cylinder Line-inspired beige mod suits that were made by a men’s tailor in Osaka using prize money won by the Funnies in May 1966 (Rockya Blog 2016). This style, selected by Kahashi, was in fact already two years old at the time, having become the default style of all British groups since the Brian Epstein-managed Beatles had unveiled it in 1964. It had also been adopted by the Spiders on the cover of their early 1966 debut “Furi Furi,” thus predating the Tigers by six months. With the Spiders and other GS bands projecting a rock-oriented persona aimed an older and more male demographic, Watanabe turned to Kawazoe’s expertise to come up with an outfit that would match the title of the group’s “Mona Liza Smile” (Rockya Blog 2016; Etosetora n.d). The result was the now legendary medieval prince costumes, a colorful sartorial leap beyond anything in the UK or U.S at the time. While this highly theatrical approach to costume design would not be repeated, it set the stage for the Tigers to be seen by their low- to mid-teen female teenage audience as a type of visual entertainment infused with a romantic but asexual fantasy element, perhaps not unlike the appeal of a Takarazuka otokoyaku. This fantasy look was rapidly followed by Kajiko’s most iconic design, a combination of white ski pants, black velvet military-style jacket, and ring necklace that would make its debut at the group’s Western Carnival appearance in August 1967 and would again prove highly attractive to the group’s female fans (Nakamura 2019).

19 While Kajiko’s designs boosted the Tigers’ status with the younger female demographic, it would also contribute to the group being perceived by older teenagers, especially male, as lacking a sense of independent masculinity or maturity, especially in comparison with other GS bands, such Kamayatsu’s Spiders. In early 1968, with advice from Kajiko, Kamayatsu set up his own mini brand of Carnaby Street-influenced male fashions under the name “Mush.” While not commercially successful, this move into the fashion business and his own flamboyant clothing choices would make him the GS star who best embodied the new European psychedelic fashion for men in their early to mid-twenties. It would also make for a clear contrast with the Tigers and lead Koshino, Kamayatsu’s close friend, to look for ways to update the Tigers’ fashion persona (Kamayatsu 2002: 118-19). Building on Kajiko’s iconic white ski pants and black velvet jacket, the increasingly well-known designer would now draw on her Paris-centric fashion training and gender-bending design philosophy to come up with several original outfits, many of them featuring French pantaloons (Sao no Nekobyori 2014; Rockya Blog 2016). These costumes, some of which also included Kashashi’s ideas, would be featured in the “The World is Waiting for You” as well as teen magazine features, thus providing opportunities for Tigers merchandising that mirrored the marketing of the Monkees to junior high school girls in the USA (Isoemae 2013: 132-36). By mid-1968, Koshino, who made numerous visits to London in the mid-1960s, had, like Kamayatsu, become increasingly influenced by the Carnaby Street fashion scene. Borrowing aspects of the exaggerated military-style outfits worn by the Beatles on their Sgt. Pepper album, she would move further in the direction of the peacock style and make repeated use of white suits including one with multiple gold chains that would also become permanently associated with the Tigers (Tajima 2018). Contracted to design for several other GS acts, her ahead-of-its-time unisex approach clearly helped open the door to new and more fluid types of masculinity, arguably smoothing the way for the androgynous visual kei of more recent years. At the same time, however, her designs for the Tigers would act to project a manufactured persona for the group at a time when more edgier acts such as the Mops were sporting non- matching, ostensibly self-selected psychedelic fashions, which were perceived by college-age music fans as being more authentic. Perhaps ironically too, the updated idol image represented by Koshino’s designs for the Tigers had by 1969, become increasingly removed from the persona that she had begun to create for herself via her forays into the bohemian alcohol- and disco party-fueled scene that was well under way in Roppongi, in tandem with elements of the counterculture. In 1969-70, Koshino would dive deeply into this world along with several of her Chianti friends, leaving the wearers of her costumes, especially the Tigers’ increasingly estranged hippie-oriented member Kahashi, feeling increasingly alienated and keen to break free of Nabepro and its world.

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In the two years that followed, Koshino would take over many of the design duties and follow a creative but controlled approach to the group’s image. Building on Kajiko’s iconic white ski pants and black velvet jacket, she would draw on her Paris-centric fashion training and gender- bending design philosophy to come up with a number of original and Monkees-inspired outfits, many of them featuring French pantaloons (Sao no Nekobyori 2014; Rockya Blog 2016). These costumes, some of which also included Kashashi’s ideas, would be featured in the “The World is Waiting for You” as well as teen magazine features, thus providing opportunities for Tigers merchandising that mirrored the marketing of the Monkees to junior high school girls in the USA (Isoemae 2013: 132-36). By mid-1968, Koshino, who made numerous visits to London in the mid-1960’s, had become increasingly influenced by the Carnaby Street fashion scene. Borrowing aspects of the exaggerated military-style outfits worn by the Beatles on their Sgt. Pepper album, she would move further in the direction of the peacock style and make repeated use of white suits including one with multiple gold chains that would also become permanently associated with the Tigers (Tajima 2018). Contracted to design for several other GS acts, her ahead-of-its- time unisex approach clearly helped open the door to new and more fluid types of masculinity, arguably smoothing the way for the androgynous visualkei of more recent years. At the same time, however, her designs for the Tigers would act to project a manufactured persona for the group at a time when more edgier acts such as the Mops were sporting non-matching, ostensibly

21 self-selected psychedelic fashions which were perceived by college-age music fans as being more authentic. Perhaps ironically too, the updated idol image represented by Koshino’s designs for the Tigers had by 1969, become increasingly removed from the persona that she had begun to create for herself via her forays into the bohemian alcohol and disco party-fueled scene that was well under way in Roppongi, in tandem with elements of the counterculture. In 1969-70, Koshino would dive deeply into this world along with several of her Chianti friends, leaving the wearers of her costumes, especially the Tigers increasingly estranged hippie-oriented member Kahashi, feeling increasingly alienated and keen to break free of Nabepro and its world.

The Chianti Women and Their Men: Confronting the Challenge of the Counterculture in Swinging Tokyo 1968-69

As was the case in London (as well as Paris, New York, Los Angeles, and Chicago), the years 1968-69 saw an extraordinarily rapid series of socio-cultural events and changes in Japan’s capital city. Using the lifestyle and culture embodied by the Chianti Five as a microcosm and the Swinging London template as a framework, the analysis presented below seeks to unravel the human connections that made or accelerated the development of a genuine mass-level pop culture scene in Japan; one that dwarfed anything from earlier eras including even the café society of mid-1930s Ginza. The complex and intertwined events of these years often involved a connection between the Chianti Five and a rotating group of male artists and innovators with whom they would have a wide range of artistic and romantic interactions. These connections would not only be highly productive and profitable, but would help lay the basis for the development of Tokyo as a leading international cultural space in the three years before the 1970 Expo (an event for which Nabepro would provide much of the entertainment). Indeed, as will be argued, the concrete and definable cultural changes inspired by the Chianti scene would prove of much deeper social significance and longevity than anything produced by the student activists or avant-garde artists that so many western scholars of Japan have given attention to. Just as the Chianti Five in combination inspired ever greater mutual creativity and ambition, some of it perhaps competitive, so a similar coterie of men in their orbit would play a critical role in bringing the new popular culture to the baby boom generation through their musical and fashion personas. Among the most influential of these were the Tigers members, Sawada Kenji and Kahashi Kazumi; rock singer Kamayatsu Hiroshi (of the GS group the Spiders); music composer and songwriter Murai Kunihiko; and Kawazoe Shoro, the older son of Kawazoe Hiroshi from his first marriage. While the two members of the Tigers were from middle-class Kyoto backgrounds, the latter three were from elite families and sophisticated educational backgrounds. As such, like their female counterparts, they were well equipped to use their skills and connections to play a role in developing the image of the Tigers and other entertainers in the Nabepro roster. What is remarkable, however, given the era, is the extent to which these men would openly depend on the guidance and support of the Chianti Five. Indeed, the relationships forged by the latter with the men around them, while not embodying any explicit articulation of feminist ideals, show an ahead-of-its-time resolve to live a life unrestricted by society’s sexual stereotypes and gender lines, and by so doing, fulfill their creative and human potential.

Sawada Kenji and Watanabe Misa: Business Before Pleasure

22 While the actual nature of the relationship between Watanabe and the enigmatic Sawada is still a matter of speculation among fans and commentators, it is clear that the Nabepro chief saw in the handsome twenty-year-old singer an answer to the almost existential dilemma posed by the revolution in pop music triggered by the Beatles and the subsequent rise of rock-oriented Group Sounds bands (Yukiton). For Watanabe, the threat to the professional top-down entertainment machine that she had so painstakingly built up was not in fact the music itself or the tendency to sing in English. Nor indeed was it the hippie-style fashion and hairstyles that deviated so drastically from the clean-cut idol template that she herself had helped create. What was in fact a threat to commercial success was the tendency of the group members to see themselves as authentic musicians and individual artists, capable of writing and producing songs that would appeal to a mass audience. It is not certain whether this approach reflected her feeling that the British groups (who had already proved their ability to do this) were genuinely more talented than their Japanese counterparts, her reservations about the suitability of the Japanese language to expression, or a belief that the Japanese entertainment world was simply too different from the British or American one. It should be noted here, however, that with a handful of exceptions, the major American pop groups of the same era (1966-68) were recording professionally written material with session musicians. As such it is hardly surprising that Watanabe considered it natural to reprise what she had done eight years earlier, when together with her husband, she had successfully tamed and commercialized the male teenage energy- infused rokabiri movement that she herself had helped create in the late 1950’s. This had been done through the vehicle of highly successful music variety shows such as The Hit Parade and Shabondama Horide on TV channels that agreed informally to feature mostly or entirely Nabepro acts including several former rokabiri artists who were reinvented as male idols (Furmanovsky 2008: 55). Despite this success, by the mid-1960’s, the agency’s aging male roster had largely lost its appeal, leaving Watanabe with a handful of mostly female girl-next-door acts, none of whom held much appeal for teenage girls. As such, it was perhaps natural for her to want to repeat her past success by turning the Tigers’ attractive lead singer, for whom she apparently had romantic feelings, into a new kind of male idol. Unlike her early 1960’s toned down, but still conventionally masculine, rockers in suits, however, this new singer would be dressed in ever- changing, flamboyant, androgynous costumes, designed by her Chianti friends. This image would then be relentlessly marketed to the multi-million-strong teenage girl demographic that was already consuming the new style fashion and pop culture products advertised on increasingly ubiquitous color TVs, in record numbers. At the same time, Julie’s position as a pop-rock band lead vocalist would be carefully calibrated so as to maintain sufficient elements of the hippie or counter-culture persona required of a male musical act in the post-Beatles world. Finally too, having seen NHK and other conservative media shun the “long-haired” and edgy Spiders as well as other GS groups deemed dangerous to teenagers, she was determined to make Sawada, whether with or without the Tigers, into the acceptable face of this new phenomena (Rockya 2016) While known for her dictatorial approach to management, the Nabepro vice president understood that leaving the group free to play their own instruments and express their rock‘n’roll credentials at live events would at least delay their breakup. In August 1968 the Tigers became the first Japanese band to play a stadium concert. Featuring the usual British and American cover songs, the event attracted an audience of over 15,000 fans, an unprecedented achievement for a Japanese pop group. Like other live concerts, this performance showed off what Bourdaghs has described as a “simplicity and wildness” that, in his view, make the Tigers worthy of respect as

23 live rock musicians (2013: 23-24). From the point of view of Nabepro, these kinds of concerts, only a handful of which were ever recorded or filmed, were perfectly acceptable as long as they did not interfere with teen magazine interviews or Meiji Chocolate commercial shoots. In December, however, the group would take a promotional trip to the U.S during which Sawada alone would accompany her to Las Vegas. In addition to attending concerts, the still barely out of his teens Sawada would, through Watanabe’s music industry connections, get a chance to meet Frank Sinatra, Sammy Davis. Jr., and Paul Anka, and see the remaining power of the conventional American music industry. Meanwhile the other members, but especially Hitomi and Kahashi, would take in the Greenwich Village hippie scene and come back to Japan with a renewed determination to transcend their roles as idols. Whether for romantic or business reasons, the stage was now set for Watanabe to formulate a plan under which Sawada would become a solo artist and entertainer who could take on a role akin to the company’s new kayōkyoku singer, Mori Shinichi (Isomae 2013: 183-88).

Kawazoe Kajiko, Kahashi Katsumi, and Human Renaissance as a Plea for Artistic Expression and Counterculture Acceptance

The relationship between Kawazoe and Kahashi (Tantan and Toppo) is perhaps the first important older woman-younger man liaison in modern Japanese cultural history. Already renowned among her friends for her unconventional relationship with her much older husband Hiroshi, Kawazoe was also known for her distinctly un-Japanese tendency to initiate connections between talented people of widely different ages. As such, the infatuation of twenty year-old Tigers guitarist and co-lead singer, Kahashi Katsumi, for the forty-year old Chianti owner, was one that she apparently made no effort to discourage and was tolerated by her older husband. Raised in a middle-class Kyoto family, the sensitive and delicate Kahashi possessed a good fashion sense and had in fact hoped to become a graphic designer before meeting the other members of the Funnies (BS Asahi 2015). Sometimes likened to Brian Jones of the Rolling

24 Stones, Kahashi, (like Jones with Mick Jagger), had by late 1967 found himself in a strained relationship with Sawada, one amplified by the fact that Watanabe so obviously regarded the Tigers’ lead singer, with whom she would openly show her romantic interest in, as being the key to the band’s commercial success. Viewing himself as a serious artist and musician, Kahashi was also frustrated with the manner in which Watanabe seemed dismissive of his efforts to develop the band as a Japanese equivalent of the Rolling Stones. At the same time, he would find his own status boosted as a result of his widely praised lead vocal on “Hana no Kubikazari” (Flower Necklace). Featuring a melody by Sugiyama, lyrics partially written by a fifteen year-old girl as part of a magazine competition, and a Bee Gees-style vocal arrangement, the song was performed at the 34th Western Carnival battle of the bands event in May 1968 in an atmosphere comparable to any Beatles or Monkees live event. The performance also saw the unveiling of a flamboyant new Koshino Junko costume, and would lead to a frenzy of coverage in the media that would only escalate following the release of their first movie in the same month, The World is Waiting for You. A contrived, but genuinely creative showcase, the movie was made up of highly staged concert performances of all of the groups’ Hashimoto-Sugiyama hits and a science-fiction-type plotline that put Sawada clearly at the center of group (Isomae 2013: 125-29; Rockya Blog 2016; Kogure Blog 2008). Its success would of course lead to another even more frantic round of teen magazine photo shoot duties, and for Kahashi, made it clear that Nabepro would not deviate from its goal of maintaining the group as essentially idol puppets performing Sugiyama Family compositions and wearing costumes designed for the low teen demographic. Despite evidence that young GS musicians such as Kase Kunhiko, who had co-written the Tigers hit “CCC” with Yasui in 1967, were capable of commercial songwriting, Sugiyama Koichi maintained his tight rein on all aspects of the groups’ recorded output (Etcrec n.d). He often used session musicians on recordings, much as was the case with the Monkees and indeed most American west coast pop groups who relied on the experienced “Wrecking Crew” instrumentalists for their recordings. By contrast, Beatles producer George Martin during this same time would be nurturing and supporting Paul McCartney and John Lennon’s efforts to develop their songwriting and musical skills. Although Kahashi’s widely praised lead vocals on “Hana no Kubikazari” elevated his standing with the Nabepro management, the continued downplaying by the agency of the Tigers’ creative aspirations could hardly have avoided contrast with the relative freedom offered by rival agencies for not only the harder rock sound of the Spiders’ new recordings, but also the psychedelic sonic experimentations of the hippie-style Mops. The latter, together with a minor-label student group, the Jacks, had emerged in the spring of 1968 as an alternative to the excesses of GS commercialism, and their album releases would coincide almost exactly with the Paris Spring and the student demonstrations at the University of Tokyo led by Zenkyōtō radicals. They would also overlap with the growing influence of the so- called futen-zoku hippies congregating in Shinjuku, a group of whom were reported to have screamed abuse at band member Kishibe during a magazine interview on the street in July (Isoemae 2015: 103). The emergence of what seemed like authentic hippie-inspired cultural expression would surely only have added to Kahashi’s feelings of alienation with Nabepro’s inflexible top-down management approach (Bourdaghs 126-32). In response to the events of mid-1968, the precocious twenty-year-old Kahashi, with support from the groups’ art school-educated manager Nakai Kuniji, began working with 23-year-old Keio University graduate, Murai Kunihiko, a close friend of Yasui Kazumi and a Chianti regular. Together with his then lyricist collaborator, 32-year-old Yamakami Michio, Murai worked with Kahashi in mid-1968 to make a concept album that would take cues from the orchestral and non-

25 rock elements of the Beatles’ Sgt. Pepper and the Rolling Stones’ Their Satanic Majesties Request. The theme of the album, to be titled Human Renaissance, would be a plea for world peace based on the principles of humanism in the Old Testament. It seems likely that Kahashi saw this album, built on the delicate compositions of Murai (and featuring one of Kahashi’s own songs as well as his Hendrix-style guitar on the song “Wareta chikyū” [Broken Earth]), as a chance to establish the band as serious artists deserving of both adult and counterculture/anti-war student respect (Isoemae 2013:143-155; Rockya Blog 2016; Bourdaghs 2013; 25). In addition, the album itself, with its hand-colored black-and-white cover and 8-page booklet (featuring photography and design by two rising stars of the art world, Yokosuka Komitsu and Ishioka Eiko), served notice that that the Tigers and especially Kahashi aspired to compete with other more independent groups such as the Golden Cups and Carnabeats as serious representatives of the new hippie generation (Etosetora Records nd). Although panned by some critics as being pretentious or overly orchestrated, the album would be a modest success on its release in November 1968, and can be seen as the first coherent effort to bring the Chianti-inspired fusion of pop- and counter-culture to the rapidly evolving Swinging Roppongi scene (Bourdaghs 2012: 114). In addition, Kahashi’s lead vocals on Murai’s Bee Gees-style orchestrated composition “Haikyo no Hato” (White Dove) would perfectly showcase his capabilities as did the precise harmonies, underpinned by accomplished bass vocals, that he and the group had helped arrange. While there is no direct evidence that Kajiko directly influenced these musical efforts, it was common knowledge that Kahashi had in effect been adopted by the Chianti proprietress. It was also common knowledge that their relationship included a romantic dimension. While this relationship would create a tension between Kajiko and Watanabe, it was clear that the former’s feelings would take precedence over any commercial considerations or her personal friendship with the latter. Indeed Kajiko, who built her post-marriage life on helping talented young people make unlikely but productive connections with older artists, would herself remain a loyal supporter of the man she had personally groomed to become a serious artist and would maintain her support until her untimely death in 1974, four years after the sudden death of her husband.

26 Yasui-Kaga-Koshino: Embodying Swinging Tokyo Through Women’s Upscale Hippie Lifestyle and Sisterhood

The coming together of the teen-age music fandom and commercialism represented by the Tigers with the counter-culture world of young students and artists in Shinjuku in 1969, while both short-lived and full of incongruities, can nevertheless be seen as an important moment in Japan’s cultural history. The contradictions embedded in their brief coming together are carefully delineated by Oguma Eiji who, in his discussion of the rift between “youth engaged with counterculture and the militant student movement,” argues that “for Japanese student activists… rock was often thought of as overly commercial or hedonistic.” Indeed, most activists “avoided cultural activities as petit bourgeois.” He further points out that it was only towards the end of the protest movement that “long hair became increasingly popular and rock concerts were held behind the barricades” (2015: 11). While Oguma’s description of the tension between two loosely defined groups, namely student activists and hippie counterculture youth, is a useful one, an argument can be made that the era in fact saw a three-way split. As is suggested here, the third and perhaps most enduring component of the Swinging Tokyo scene of 1969-71 was one epitomized by the lifestyles and expressions of the three younger members of the Chianti Five, Yasui, Kaga, and Koshino. It would also be one that echoed a similar development in London where working- and lower-middle-class figures such Terence Stamp, Mick Jagger, and Brian Jones went out of their way to spend time drinking, dancing, and working with upper-class and aristocratic figures such as art dealer Robert Fraser and boutique owner Michael Rainey, as well as buying old houses and expensive cars (Sandbrook 2006: 270-71). These three Londoners would at various times be closely associated with their mid-1960’s girlfriends, model-actresses Jean Shrimpton and Anita Pallenberg, and singer-actress Marianne Faithful. While less well known than the others today, it would be Pallenberg, the multilingual, sophisticated “Sixth Rolling Stone,” described by Faithfull as having “almost single-handedly engineered a cultural revolution in London by bringing together the Stones and the jeunesse dorée," who would reshape the career and lifestyle possibilities for lower- and middle-class women, especially those who aspired to work in the performing arts or fashion (Sturgis 2017). While they would not necessarily have known much about the individual lives of these three media icons of Swinging London, the latter’s ever-changing fashions and hairstyles would certainly have been known to Yasui, Kaga, and Koshino through magazines, music, and movies. Clearly, they embodied the way in which the three Chianti women chose to live their lives in the years after the popular and counterculture met and colluded in 1968-70. This lifestyle would be built around the same kind of regime as their London equivalents and usually included a meal at Chianti or Koshino’s apartment, followed by a visit to Mugen and Bybios, the new European- style discotheques that sprang up in Roppongi in 1968 (Motohashi 2010: 133-37). Wearing their own elegant hippie-chic outfits for the dress code members-only Bybios, the three women had a relaxed and modern platonic relationship with their two closest male friends Kamayatsu and Murai, one that would include drinking and dancing until the early morning hours followed by a meal cooked by Koshino at her Roppongi apartment. This hedonistic existence was made easier by the fact that Kaga and Yasui (who had married and recently divorced a Taiwanese businessman), were neighbors in the same celebrity-filled Kawaguchi apartment complex (Kaga 2000; FacesandNemes Blog 2019; Yasui Kazumi TBS Radio Special). Increasingly in the latter half of 1969, their lives would mirror the elite member club parties of their London counterparts as indeed did their frequent get-togethers at the Roppongi apartment of the Queen of Psychedelia, as Koshino was now dubbed in the media (NHK 2012).

27 Despite this party-filled lifestyle, the three women, especially Yasui, maintained a rigorous work schedule during these two years. By 1969, the prolific songwriter had emerged as Nabepro’s default lyricist, replacing veteran Iwatani Tokiko as the most successful female lyricist in Japan. She would soon go on to work with many of the leading post-GS music artists, first with Murai and then from the early 1970’s with her future husband and style partner Kato Kazuhiko. These would include winning the Japan Grand Prix for best song in 1973 with “Kiken no Futari”, a co-write with Kase Kunhiko for Sawada, with whom she would have a brief romantic relationship. In the late 1970’s, she would go on to work with the country’s best-selling female songwriter Arai Yumi (Yuming) and numerous other composers. While she perhaps never equaled her mentor and idol Kajiko’s sophistication and refinement, Yasui also brought to the three younger Chianti women a combination of elegance, style, and up-to-date European chic that no other woman her age could match. Indeed by 1970, following the huge success of Sawada’s first album, she would be on the way to becoming one of the wealthiest self-made celebrities in Japan and a symbol of counterculture-influenced elegance and sophistication (Shimazaki 2013). This image was enhanced by her association with the photogenic Kaga Mariko, who at 28 years was the subject of great media attention for her complex and liberated love life. As such the two modern Japanese celebrities, like Pallenberg and Faithfull in the UK, had by the turn of the decade become role models for aspiring creative baby-boom women hoping to work in the arts or mass media. Photos of the three women together (or with Kamayatsu) taken at the time reveal a swagger and sense of self confidence that is far ahead of its time in confidence and a hipness that can reasonably be compared with anything seen in London, Paris, or New York. Over the next few years, the three women would take trips to Europe including a now legendary road trip to St. Tropez together with designer Kenzo, later described by Koshino as akin to living like the characters in Truffaut’s Jules and Jim (Tokyo FM Radio 2014). These trips and their exposure to the counterculture and mainstream celebrities who frequented Chianti such as Mishima Yukio and Ozawa Seiji, would allow them to continue spreading a modish fashion and liberated lifestyle to the Swinging Tokyo scene that they had helped make, until the mid-to late1970’s.

Kahashi Katsumi, the Chianti Five, and the Co-option of Counterculture Expression, 1969- 70

28

The notion that the actions of a 20-year-old pop group member could be become a seminal event in Japanese popular culture would have beggared belief just a year before Kahashi first began to indicate his dissatisfaction with the direction of Nabepro’s management in the spring of 1968. While the recording of Human Renaissance gave him a creative outlet, by the end of the year, following the group’s brief visit to the United States in December, he would make clear his determination to leave the group. Lasting just a week, the Tigers visit to Los Angeles and New York to film a commercial, would, as indicated earlier, give the members a chance to see the American hippie scene firsthand on both coasts. It seems likely that this firsthand experience of the American counterculture, including a visit to the musical Hair, would accelerate his decision to leave the group on his return. In March 1969, after a band rehearsal, he would go back to his apartment and prepare to leave the country without telling the other members. This action would subsequently lead to a media debacle in which Nabepro, fearing that the popular guitarists’ decision would burst the Tigers bubble, initially claimed that he was missing. The company would later be forced to apologize, but with Kahashi on his way to Europe and Kishibe Shirō, a music journalist (and the non-musician brother of Kishibe Shuzo) hastily replacing him, it had become increasingly clear by mid-1969 that Nabepro under Watanabe’s leadership was in danger of losing touch with the profound socio-cultural changes that the GS movement as well as key elements of the counterculture had put into motion (Isomae 2013; Rockya Blog 2016). Not surprisingly, the domestic media would give intense scrutiny to what was the first ever expression of dissatisfaction by a Japanese pop star with the commercial music business machinery on artistic and cultural grounds. That this episode took place at almost the exact same time as the UK media’s coverage of tensions between John Lennon and the other members of the Beatles, can be seen as evidence of Tokyo’s growing connection to and similarities with the larger western popular culture upheaval. This is not of course because of Kahashi’s actual significance as a cultural innovator, but rather his symbolic role in the rejection by a significant segment of the middle-class baby boom generation of their manipulation and treatment as commercial pawns by the mass media. In the next few months, Kahashi would grow a beard and adopt a hippie physical persona, while working on arguably the first counterculture-style full- length LP in Japanese pop history, Paris 1969, featuring mostly his own compositions with production handled by Kawazoe’s son Shorō and emotional and financial support from Kajiko. The album would be only a modest success in terms of sales and, on Nabepro’s insistence, would be preceded by the fast-selling first solo album by Sawada, Julie 1, a pet project of Watanabe made up entirely of Murai-Yasui compositions. Kahashi’s album did, however, receive considerable media attention and give the ex-Tigers star confirmation that his decision to have moved in a counterculture direction was the right one. The nature of the release of the two solo albums would also be understood by those in the know as a reflection of the complex relationship between the two older women, “Tantan” and Misa, each of which were behind the younger men in their lives (Etosetora; Trans-World '60's Punk Blog). During their six months in Paris, Kahashi and Kawazoe Shorō attended a French production of Hair. Using Shorō’s American connections, the two men began work on translating the lyrics of the hippie musical into Japanese and looked for a company and a set of musicians who could put on the musical in Tokyo. An uphill task to fund and produce, the eventual production owed much to Kawazoe Hiroshi’s connections with Shochiku Theater Company, which decided to take a chance on the daring musical. The production, which opened at the Tokyo Theater in December 1969, featured several genuinely counterculture-type jazz artists including jazz drummer Ichikawa Akira and Okada Paul of the increasingly rock-oriented Carnabeats. Warmly

29 received in Tokyo, it would attract over 100,000 during its 2-month run in the city. In February 1970, however, after moving to Osaka, the show would be permanently cancelled following a police raid in which Kahashi and Kawazoe were both arrested for cannabis possession. While the scandal was a personal setback, the fact that a former member of the Tigers and Chianti regular as well as the son of Kawazoe Hiroshi could play such a central role in this genuinely counterculture event, is clear proof of the impact of the Chianti-based Roppongi set in the coming together of popular culture and the counterculture in 1969-70 (Kogure Blog 2005; Mugicha no Shōwa Natsumero Blog 2010).

The Demise of the Tigers and Bifurcation of Popular Culture in Swinging Tokyo, 1970-72

Although cultural studies scholars and commentators on Swinging London tend to focus on popular music in general and the Beatles in particular, most of their work does attempt to integrate both musical and socio-cultural aspects of the movement’s rise and fall. Like Levy, lengthy narratives by Sandbrook and Miles (2011) also offer an analysis of the long-term impact of the movement following the breakup of the Beatles and the death or drug-related problems of some of its key actors. In general, those writing about Swinging London point to the success of the first baby boomer cohort in bending (though certainly not breaking) the social class system as well as the enormous increase in young people’s personal freedoms, especially in the area of relationships, sex, living arrangements, clothing, and artistic and musical self-expression. By contrast, with the exception of Bourdaghs and Isomae, those interested in the Japanese equivalent tend to be divided between music journalists or fans interested in the GS musical phenomena itself, or cultural studies academics and sociologists who are primarily focused on the political and sociocultural dimension of the student movement and counterculture. As a result of this schism, the role of the Chianti Five, the Tigers, and the talented post-war generation who managed their music and image, in reshaping Japanese popular culture in the second half of the1960’s, has not been well integrated into the existing historical record. This division has resulted in an incomplete understanding of the importance of the individuals examined here, who rarely appear in English language research, but who, as has been suggested, were the drivers of the cultural shift of these seminal years. Many of the personalities introduced here, especially those from elite backgrounds, would, in the years following the Tigers’ final concert at the Budokan in January 1971, go on to become the backbone of the commercial wing of Japanese popular music and its related industries. By contrast, the more art and counterculture-driven musicians would search for a Japanese answer to the Led Zeppelin-Pink Floyd-Deep Purple-Cream mode of rock music that became the default among university students in the UK in the early 1970’s. This exploration, for reasons partly related to the missing components of Swinging London presented earlier, would prove to be a largely unsuccessful journey. Meanwhile, too, unlike their inventive working- and middle-class counterparts in the UK (including not just the Beatles and Rolling Stones but many others), the leading members of the Tigers, Spiders, and other groups, while sometimes able to make a modest career in show business, would largely fail to produce much music of cultural or even commercial value. As has been shown here, the similarities between the overall popular culture scenes of London and Tokyo are perhaps surprisingly strong, given the cultural, linguistic, and geographical distance. At the same time, however, the differences that did exist, would ultimately lead to a different trajectory for the two movements. One of these was the simple fact

30 that the Japanese musicians involved in the creation of Swinging Tokyo were by and large, younger and less experienced than their counterparts at the time of their emergence. It is also clear that they were also less innovative as musicians and songwriters, and less dynamic as media personalities. It is also undeniable that despite their enthusiasm for western music, they lacked a first hand knowledge and understanding of the vibrant African-American and Southern white music traditions that had effectively energized the young men who created the British pop explosion that would literally change the world. Thus where the Beatles, Rolling Stones, and other British bands had grown up spending their pocket money listening to and imitating imported African-American blues and R&B records or the best country music composers and instrumentalists, their Japanese peers heard mostly domestic or imported idol pop. Indeed, the most common non-kayōkyoku music on the radio during the early 1960’s would have been second-hand Japanese-language versions of those pop records and light jazz, often produced by Nabepro idols. Even for those Japanese youth with a sense of adventure, exposure to the best of western pop required a trip to one of the few stores selling western music and the purchase of an LP retailing for the equivalent of around two day’s salary for a working student. While the major cities’ live music scenes partly made up for this obstacle to their musical education, most jazu kissa cafés were run by older aficionados of jazz and country music or geared to the tastes of student folk fans rather than the British pop scene. Nor, despite Tokyo’s well-developed university system and highly regarded dressmaking and fashion schools, did the city have the wide range of state-funded art, polytechnics, and design institutions that, as Simon Frith and Howard Home have argued, made 1960’s UK an incubator of the broadened and class-blurring media culture that would help generate the energetic and ambitious young men and women who made Swinging London (1987: 21-22). In the years following the demise of Group Sounds, the Chianti restaurant would lose much of its former cultural role, largely due to the early death (in 1970) of Kawazoe Hiroshi and Kajiko’s subsequent decision to retire from her position as proprietress. Having refined and developed their skills and connections, many of the elite-background restaurant regulars, including Kaga, Yasui, and Koshino, would go on to take important music, fashion, and mass media positions in the rapidly growing and increasingly prosperous society that was 1970’s Japan. By contrast, the key singers and musicians who helped create the excitement of 1966-68 would, with the exception of Sawada Kenji, struggle to match their western counterparts with only a handful of GS-graduate propelled rock groups such as Uchida’s Flower Travelin’ Band, Kamayatsu’s Vodka Collins, the Sadistic Mika Band, and Happy End achieving any level of success, mostly outside Japan. From 1971-75, Sawada, with help from Yasui, with whom he enjoyed a romantic relationship until his celebrity marriage to the Peanuts twin Ito Emi in 1975, would go onto become the country’s leading solo male pop singer and a media personality (Yukiton Blog 2018). Yet despite enormous commercial success in the mid-1970’s and his major role in broadening the contours of masculine fashion in a manner comparable to David Bowie in the 1980s, it would be the smoother electronic sounds of the elite-university-educated Yellow Magic Orchestra and the proficient but bland hybrid of American soft rock and singer-songwriter introspection epitomized by Murai protégé Matsutoya Yuming that would become the default music of middle-class Japan in the years to come. By the early to mid-1970’s, the Swinging Tokyo of 1966-69 had given way to a mass culture built on a three-way split among the more educated British-rock-following university students who eschewed almost anything domestic; a much larger but still mostly upper-middle-class cohort following Matsutoya, YMO, Sada Masashi, Southern All Stars, and other types of competently played but distinctly non-rock “new music” (later labeled “J-Pop”); and the next generation of mainstream casual consumers who

31 would gravitate to the idol singers produced by Star Tanjō and other TV programs. While this division would be a feature in the U.K too, in the next two decades London (as well as Manchester and Birmingham) would go on to produce numerous music-driven social movements and vibrant youth subcultures including punk, heavy metal, new wave, and Brit Rock. None of these would have a significant Japanese equivalent despite the efforts of a handful of “alternative” bands such as the Blue Hearts and Boøwy. The impact of the Chianti Five and the Tigers on Swinging Tokyo is undeniably a profound one in terms of Japanese pop culture and indeed social history. It is also deeply imbued with nostalgia for those who came of age in the late 1960’s. This can be seen in the rapturous and tear-laden reception of mostly female fans in their early sixties at the Tigers’ momentous full-band reunion concert of December 2013. Held at a full capacity Tokyo Dome, the concert represented a highly symbolic Sawada-Kahashi reconciliation after decades of estrangement. Despite this, it is clear that the movement, for all of its innovations, ultimately lacked some of the key components needed to reproduce itself or indeed to find its way into the country’s collective cultural memory in a way that could match that of Swinging London.

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