ALTERNATIVE ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES IN THREE MEXICAN TOWNS

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Authors Kappel, Wayne Walter, 1941-

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KAPPEL, Wayne Walter, 1941- ALTERNATIVE ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES IN THREE MEXICAN TOWNS.

The University of Arizona, Ph.D., 1977 Anthropology, cultural

Xerox University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106

@ 1977

WAYNE WALTER KAPPEL

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ALTERNATIVE ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES IN THREE MEXICAN TOWNS

by

Wayne Walter Kappel

A Dissertation Svihmitted to the Faculty of the

DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

In the Graduate College

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

19 7 7

Copyright 1977 Wayne Walter Kappel THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

GRADUATE COLLEGE

I hereby reconmend that this dissertation prepared under my direction by Wayne Walter Kappel entitled Alternative Adaptive Strategies in Three Mexican

Towns be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

A L./3Q/T7 Dissertationi Director Date

As members of the Final Examination Committee, we certify that we have read this dissertation and agree that it may be presented for final defense.

Qi>*U

17 /?//

Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent on the candidate's adequate performance and defense thereof at the final oral examination. STATEMENT BY AUTHOR

This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at The University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to bor­ rowers under rules of the Library.

Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source' is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may Be granted by the copyright holder.

SIGNED: PREFACE

I returned from my first trip to Mexico, a two-week vacation

during the early summer of 1962, convinced by severe abdominal cramps

that I would never go back. But like many people, the fascination of

other places is seductive, and Mexico has seduced me a half dozen times

or more since that first encounter. Those rendezvous have led to,

among other things, this dissertation.

I am grateful to scores of people who held my hand and en­

couraged me, or extended hospitality and helped me when I needed it.

Thanks to Dr. Margarita Nolasco, Dr. Manuel Esparza, the local Oaxacan

officials, and the people of the villages where I lived and worked for

their permission to conduct the field research and for their generous

hospitality.

I have also enjoyed the hospitality and friendship of Dr. John

Paddock, Mr. Dario Toro Quero, and Dr. Santiago Barahona Streber ever

since I first visited Oaxaca. Dr. Paddock, who introduced me to

Oaxaca, discussed much of the ethnographic material for this study

with me, as did Mr. Quero. I am deeply grateful for the assistance

and guidance of Dr. Barahona with medically related aspects of this

research. Without his help I could not have written this dissertation.

Dr. Herman Bleibtreu has always been willing to talk about

adaptation with me, and I appreciate his help and stimulation. Dr.

Stephan A. Kowaleski, Mr. George S. Esber, and Dr. Frederick Bredahl-

Peterson have put up with the excruciating torture of listening to me

iii babble about most of the field data that I collected. I am grateful

for their endurance and suggestions. My thanks to Mr. Wayne Zachary

and Mr. Arthur Murphy for the scores of hours that they spent helping

me with computer related problems. I am also indebted to Mr. Edwin

Ferdon, who explained to me how climate and weather work; to Dr.

Ricardo Hofer, who provided useful suggestions regarding field data

collection and interpretation; and to Dr. William Hurley, who showed me

how to collect soil samples. Mr. Eddie Carpenter analyzed those soil

samples, and Drs. Martin Openshaw, K. K.Barnes, and Donald Post helped

me to interpret the results of the analysis. I appreciate their help.

The artistic work of Mr. Robert Hale, who drew all of the plant

illustrations, is also appreciated.

Lastly, special thanks are due to my dissertation committee

members and to Mr. Pausto Olivera Mendoza, Dr. Henry Selby, and to

Pamela, Gretchen and Marshall Kappel. I have benefitted greatly from

the patience, encouragement, and help that Drs. Richard A. Thompson,

Jane Underwood, and Robert Netting have given to me. Without the

assistance and warm friendship of Mr. Olivera I could not have col­ lected the field data for this study. Dr. Henry Selby provided a stimulating atmosphere for data analysis and writing and gave me hours of editorial help. My deepest thanks to Pamela, my wife, and to

Gretchen and Marshall, my children, who sacrificed a great deal more than their intestines over the past few years for me.

This research was partially funded by an N.D.E.A. Title IV

Fellowship and a Commins Foundation Fellowship. TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

LIST OF TABLES viii

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xi

ABSTRACT xiii

CHAPTER

1. A CRITICAL REVIEW OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON ADAPTATION . . , . . 1

Theoretical Preliminaries . 1 Adaptation in Cultural Ecology 2 Adaptation in Personality Psychology 6 Adaptation in Sociology 8 Adaptation in Biology 9 Phenotypic Adaptability .. 10 Genetic Adaptation ..... 12

2. ADAPTATION IN POPULATION ECOLOGY AND ITS USEFULNESS IN ANTHROPOLOGY 23

Index of Total Selection 25 Carrying Capacity 25 Rates of Increase 35 Maintenance of Constancy 41

3. RESEARCH DESIGN 52

4. AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION IN THE VALLEY OF OAXACA 88

The Valley of Oaxaca 88 Land . . 92 Water . , . , 94 LaGor 100 Summary ...... 107

5. RESOURCE UTILIZATION IN FOUR STUDY POPULATIONS ...... 109

San PaBlo Villa de Mitla 110 The Three Ejidos 122

v vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued

Page

6. DESCRIPTIVE DEMOGRAPHY 143

General Description of the Four Populations ..... 148 Births ...... 160 Deaths 218

7. SUMMARY AND INTERPRETATION 236

APPENDIX A. FIELD QUESTIONNAIRE 246

APPENDIX B. FOLK ILLNESSES REPORTED AS CAUSE OF DEATH 262

APPENDIX C. TREATMENTS AND RECOMMENDED PATIENT CARE FOR FOLK ILLNESSES 274

APPENDIX D. MEDICINAL PLANTS 290

APPENDIX E. MONTHLY AND ANNUAL RAINFALL FOR OAXACA DE JUAREZ, 1941-1972 307

APPENDIX F. PERCENTAGE OF OCCUPATIONS RECORDED FOR FATHERS ON BIRTH REGISTERS IN MITLA BY DECADE, 1864-1973 309

APPENDIX G. ANNUAL HARVEST FROM XAAGA SCHOOL FIELD 1938-1973 312

APPENDIX H. MARRIAGES AND MARRIAGE RATES FOR MITLA 1864-1973 318

APPENDIX I. POPULATIONS OF MITLA, .XAAGA, LOMA LARGA, AND CORRAL DEL CERRO BY FIVE YEAR AGE- SEX COHORTS, 1864 TO 1973 . 323

APPENDIX J. ANNUAL POPULATION AND PER CENT INCREASE FOR FOUR TOWNS, 1864 TO 1973 379

APPENDIX K. BIRTH-DEATH RATIOS FOR FOUR TOWNS, 1864-1973 . . , 384

APPENDIX L. POPULATION PROPORTIONS FOR FOUR TOWNS, 1864 TO 1973 390

APPENDIX M. CRUDE.STILL BIRTH RATIOS FOR FOUR POPULATIONS, 1880 TO 1973 396 vii

TABLE OP CONTENTS—Continued

Page

APPENDIX N. BIRTH AND FERTILITY RATES FOR MITLA, XAAGA, LOMA LARGA, AND CORRAL DEL CERRO, 1864 TO 1973 . 400 •

APPENDIX O, AGE-SEX SPECIFIC AND CRUDE DEATH RATES FOR MITLA, XAAGA, LOMA LARGA, AND CORRAL DEL CERRO, 1864 TO 1973 422

APPENDIX P. SEX SPECIFIC MORTALITY RATES FOR FOUR TOWNS 1864 TO 1973 479

APPENDIX Q. ADJUSTED DEATH RATES FOR MITLA, XAAGA, LOMA LARGA, AND CORRAL DEL CERRO, 1864-1973 483

APPENDIX R. ITOMBERS OP BIRTHS BY AGE OF MOTHER AND BIRTH NUMBER FOR ALL REGISTERED BIRTHS, 1963-1972 . . , 540

REFERENCES 543 LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. Final Digit of All Reported Ages of Death, 1864-1973 64

2. Reported Ages of All Deaths Over Seventy, 1864-1973 ... 65

3. Estimated Per Cent Error of Transcription for Twelve Retest Years of Birth-Death Registers 87

4. Kilos of Corn Harvested for Kilos of Seed Planted, Hectares of Land Planted, and Pre-Harvest Man Days Worked in Three Villages ...... 106

5. Registered Births by Migrants to Mitla According to Their Places of Origin, 1864-1973 118

6. Per Capita Consumption and Production for Three Villages, 1972-1973 128

7. Ratio of Barnyard Animals to People in Three Ejidos in 1973 131

8. Reconstructed Total Population and National Census Total Population for Four Towns 146

9. Total Per Cent Increase for All Populations 149

10. Comparison of Number of Years of Positive Growth and Years of Zero or Negative Growth for Four Populations 155

11. Annual Population Growth Rates for Four Towns 157

12. Albumin to Total Protein Ratios for Seventeen Persons in August 1973 Cin mg/100 grams) ...... 190

13. Albumin to Total Protein Ratios for Seventeen Persons in February 1974 (in mg/100 grams) 191

14. Male and Female Death Ratios for Medically Certified Deaths Involving a Nutritional Component in Four Towns, 1956-1973 ...... 193

viii ix

LIST OF TABLES—Continued

Table Page

15. Death Ratios for Medically Certified Deaths Involving a Nutritional Component for Mitla, Xaaga, Loma Larga, and Corral del Cerro, 1956-1973 , 194

16. Stillbirth Ratios By Month for All Towns, 1880-1973 . . . 196

17. Monthly Stillbirth Ratios for Mitla, Xaaga, Loma Larga, and Corral del Cerro 197

18. Live Birth Sex Ratios and Still Birth Sex Ratios by Month for All Towns, 1880-1973 198

19. Neonatal Mortality Rate by Month for Four Towns, 1864-1973 201

20. Neonatal Mortality Rates By Month for Mitla, 1864-1973 202

21. Neonatal Mortality Rates by Month for Xaaga, 1864-1973 203

22. Neonatal Mortality Rates by Month for Loma Largaf 1910-1973 204

23. Neonatal Mortality Rates by Month for Corral del Cerro, 1893-1973 205

24. Mother's Age at First Birth, Mean Number of Children, and Mean Space Between Children for Four Populations ..... 211

25. Twin Ratios By Year for Four Towns, 1880-1971 ...... 213

26. Perinatal Mortality Rates by Town for All Years, 1864-1973 , . • 216

27. Early Neonatal Mortality Rates by Town for All Years, 1864-1973 217

28. Neonatal Mortality Rates by Town for All Years, 1864-1973 219

29. Infant Mortality Rates by Town for All Years, 1864-1973 219 X

LIST OF TABLES—Continued

Table Page

30. Recorded Male and Female Deaths by Town, 1864-1973 220

31. Per Cent of Deaths of Children Zero Through Six 223 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure Page

1. Semantic Analysis of the Folk and Scientific Use of the Term Adaptation 51

2. Chain of Inference for Deducing Cause of Illness 68

3. Map of the Valley of Oaxaca 89

4. Rainfall at Tlacolula Rain Station, 1926-1968 ...... 95

5. Monthly Rainfall for Oaxaca de Juarez 97

6. Relationship Between Limiting Environmental Parameter of the Production System and Marriages .... 140

7. Frequency of Marriages in Mitla by Month, 1864-1973 . . . 141

8. Population Growth for Mitla, 1864-1973 150

9. Population Growth for Xaaga, 1864-1973 151

10. Population Growth for Loma Larga, 1864-1973 152

11. Population Growth for Corral del Cerro, 1894-1973 .... 153

12. Total Births by Month for All Towns, 1864-1973 161

13. Cilantro (.Coriandrum sativum) ...... 174

14. Chepile (Crotalaria longirostrata) 175

15. Epasote (Chenopodium ambrosioides) ...... 176

16. Guajes de Cuaresma (Lencaena diversifolia) 177

17. Madron (Arctostaphylo s arguta). 178

18. Malva (Malavastrum scoparium) 178

19. Manzanita (Ehretia tinifolia) 179

20. Piojito (Karwinskia humboldtiana) ...... 180

xi xii

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS—Continued

Figure Page

21. Ouintonil 181

22. Verdolagas (Portulaca oleracca) 181

23. "Violetas (.Viola odorata) 182

24. Yerba de Conejo 183

25. Stillbirth. Ratios, Neonatal Mortality Rates, and Infant Mortality Rates by Month of Birth of Decedents for All Towns, 1864-1973 206

26. Stillbirth Ratios, Neonatal Mortality Rates, Infant Mortality Rates, and Death Ratios by Month of Death for All Towns, 1864-1973 208

27. Monthly Distribution of Total Reported Deaths for Four Towns 222

28. Schematic Diagram of Synergistic Relationship Between Amoebiasis and Nutrition 232

29. Schematic Diagram of Respiratory Disease in the Upper Piedmont . ... 234 ABSTRACT

The concept of homeostatic adaptation, proposed as a process by which populations adapt to varying environments through behavioral responses, is used to compare differences in survival chances of four populations in the Valley of Oaxaca in southern Mexico. Homeostatic adaptation refers to the relative ability of a population to maintain comparative constancy in vital rates in a varying environment measured by the comparative variation of its adjusted birth and death rates.

Since homeostatic adaptation relies on behavioral responses, four populations were selected for comparisons that are similar in many structural features, such as size, age, history, ethnicity, and political and social organization, but are different in the ways in which they create and use resources. The study area, like the rest of the Valley is subject to annual and seasonal fluctuations in rainfall, the major limiting parameter in ecosystem production. The ecological concept of niche is used to interpret these differences. The hypothesis that in a varying environment a relatively more adapted population maintains comparative constancy in adjusted birth and death rates is accepted. The corollary hypothesis that states that a better adapted population exhibits greater diversification in resource utilization strategies is also accepted.

The populations selected for comparison are three agricultural villages and one sub-regional center. The sub-regional center farms all of the three major physiographic zones of the Valley, supports a

;xiii well-developed cottage industry, engages in long distance trade, and is

the center for regional commerce. It is a local religious, administra­

tive, and economic center. Each of the three villages occupies one of

the three physiographic zones of the Valley respectively, and each

farms its.respective zone by techniques that are adjustments to the

local soil and water conditions. Each of the three villages supple­

ments corn farming with distinctive ancillary resource utilization

activities. The four populations thus exhibit distinctive resource

utilization strategies that range from broad to narrow.

Reconstructed population figures and vital rates derived from

over 23,000 birth and death registers that cover the period 1864 to

1973 permitted a comparison of fluctuations in -the vital rates of the

four populations. Significant differences in the variations of the

birth and death rates, which were adjusted by standard procedures

borrowed from demography, were found between populations. The popula­

tion exhibiting the most diversified resource utilization strategy had

the least annual variation in vital rates; the least diversified popu­

lation exhibited the greatest variation in vital rates.

Annual variation in vital rates was found not to be directly

related to fluctuations in rainfall. However, differential variation in vital rates between populations can be attributed to differences in the resource utilization strategies which differentially place each population at risk of particular and specific disease entities.

Furthermore, the nature of the particular disease entity produces

differential effects on birth rates through biocultural processes that XV enhance or diminish fertility through fetal wastage and reproductive overcompens ation.

The research employs a broad range of data acquisition tech­ niques, including questionnaires, open-ended interviews, participant observation, archival reconnaisance, and biochemical evaluations of nutritional and health status. The results have implications for the anthropological interpretations of community diversification, popula­ tion regulation, and methodological requirements for studying these topics in human populations. CHAPTER 1

A CRITICAL REVIEW OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON ADAPTATION

The term adaptation means widely different things to anthropolo­ gists and related specialists. The various technical and non-technical meanings assigned to the term have lead to abundant misunderstanding and confusion regarding the processes by which human societies adapt to their environments. For example, adaptation may be used in a non­ technical sense to mean "useful response" as in the phrase "the size of the furniture is well adapted to the smallness of the huts." But in addition, adaptation has several distinctive technical meanings. The purpose of this study is to test the ecological principle of adaptation in a few local populations of farmers and craftsmen in southern Mexico.

The object is to estimate the adaptive performance of populations that engage in different cultural practices in a varying environment by comparing their chances for. survival.

Theoretical Preliminaries

The following discussion will elaborate the ecological meaning of adaptation and contrast it with other usages. Generally, anthro­ pologists use adaptation in four topically different contexts: geo­ graphical, psychological, social, and biological. Each usage has a different research goal, focuses on different units of adaptive

1 2

significance, requires somewhat different assumptions about data, and

employs a distinctive research strategy.

Adaptation in Cultural Ecology

The most popularized usage for adaptation in anthropology,

introduced by Steward (1938) in the 1930's, involves the ability of

human societies to use resources. Adaptation refers to adjustments in

social and economic organization that derive from resource utilization

patterns in particular physical environments. This notion of adapta­

tion has characterized the main research goal of cultural ecology since

the 1950's and is synonymous with the idea of geographic adjustment in

Human Geography (Sonnenfeld 1966:74). Cultural ecology studies assume

that individuals are biologically uniform and that differences between

human societies arise from geographic differences. The goal of the cultural ecologist is to demonstrate that population size and structure, aspects of social organization, residence patterns, and culturally

defined wants and needs result from the interrelationship of the factors

of production, such as labor requirements and technology. The mix of the factors of production is thought to be sensitive to the predominant features of and the stresses arising from the environment. In this research tradition societies differ because environments differ.

Both environments and societies are extremely complicated, therefore not all of the features of either are thought of as equally important. It is reasoned that those features most directly related to subsistence resources, such as local soil, precipitation, and vegetation regimes, have a greater and more direct influence on sociocultural 3

organization. These features are designated the "effective environ­

ment." Those aspects of the social structure most directly related to production and consumption, the residence pattern and the kinship system underlying the supply of labor for example, are considered to be most profoundly affected by the effective environment. These aspects are included in the "culture core" (Netting 1965:82).

In a critique of cultural ecology, Vayda and Rappaport (1968:

485-486) have questioned "the existence of the interrelationship of cultural and environmental variables and the degree of inevitability in the association between certain cultural traits (for instance 'essential features' of patrilineal bands) and the ecological adaptations con­ sidered to be causative." It is unclear whether the criticism is a demand for increased quantitative precision for acceptable results, a criticism of the model, or both. Nevertheless some correspondence between selected aspects of social structure and resource utilization techniques has been accepted into the anthropological paradigm. Thus small population size, high group mobility, band organization, hunting, and gathering tend to be associated with marginal environments such as the "coarse grained" (Levins 1968:32) environments of arctic or desert areas. Extended households, scattered residence patterns, and extensive agriculture are generally anticipated in "fine grained" subtropics and savannahs. Intensive agriculture, higher population density, nuclear family households, nucleated residence patterns, and elaborated social stratification all are thought to be related to temperate zones.

A second goal of cultural ecology involves a synthesis of individual cases of geographic adaptation into a scheme of functionally 4

salient levels of "cultural evolution." Although Steward (1955) used

the term "multilineal evolution" to describe the process of emerging

levels of sociocultural integration, evolution in this sense has con­

notations of developmental progress or evolutionism associated with

Spencer and Lamarck and does not refer to Darwinian evolution by selec­

tion (Freeman 1974:211-221, Goudge 1973). Steward (1955), Boserup

(1965), Beardsley et al. (1956), and recently Harris (1975) have produced functional-developmental continua that outline developmental levels of sociocultural complexity. Cohen (1968:41-42, 47) has proposed an underlying rationale by which schemes of cultural development based on adaptation may be constructed. He defines adaptation in man "as the process by which he makes effective use for productive ends of the energy potential in his habitat." Because effective use of energy potential is thought to have increased through human history, Cohen asserts that "man's cultural adaptations have increasingly freed him from the limitations of his habitats." He suggests that populations may be ranked in terms of their "level of adaptation." The levels are the result of "advances in adaptation" experienced by cultures as they have become more complex. Rappaport (1971:264) has criticized similar statements by White (1949) as embodying a nineteenth century notion of

"progress." Alland and McCay (1973) have also criticized attempts to attribute cultural evolutionism to adaptation, a term they reserve for evolutionary change through selection.

If by "effective use for productive ends of the energy potential" Cohen means energetic efficiency, the idea that increased energetic efficiency is characteristic of increased cultural 5 complexity, does not receive support from the energy flow studies in human populations. Ecologists who study energy flow in living systems reason that in any arbitrarily defined area, all of the relations and transactions are structured into what is called an ecosystem. As Elton

(1927) recognized almost fifty years ago some of the most important of these relationships are feeding relationships. The transactions of feeding relationships may be measured as energy. In ecosystems the flow of energy is structured by food chains and food webs that order the interaction between organisms, communities, populations, and species.

At any level in this biological hierarchy efficiency is a measure of energy expended in relation to the amount of energy acquired. Co­ efficients of energetic efficiency for a population can be computed like any cost accounting procedure. The energetic efficiency of a biological population is derived from a comparison of its rate of energy fixing and its rate of expenditure—consistent with the demands of homeostasis

(maintenance of vital functions) and the production of biomass (growth and reproduction) (Boughey 1973:123-134, Odum 1963:39-42, Phillipson

1966:45-53). Efficiency then depends not only upon the structure of the ecosystem, the abilities and techniques by which living forms acquire energy, but also on how energy is expended or allocated. In human societies expenditures are not only funnelled into processes for the maintenance of homeostasis and the production of biomass but also into maintenance of the social structure. That is, the efficiency by which human societies structure energy depends on the complexity and extent of the population's food chains, the physiological properties of the people in the population, the size and structure of the population, 6 and, finally, the energy expended in the maintenance of social organ­ ization. It appears that complex social systems may incur a higher energetic cost because of increased investments into their social system and may therefore be less efficient and less independent of the limitations of their habitats (Odum 1971).

Although animal ecology has influenced thinking in cultural ecology, human geography has been more influential, particularly in the formative years of the subject (Bates 1953; Helm 1962; Geertz 1963:1-9;

Vayda and Rappaport 1968; Damas 1969; Bennett 1969:9-11; Netting 1968:

1-25, 1971; Rappaport 1971). Cultural ecologists follow the geographers in defining adaptation as the adjustment of social organization to environmental features. Correspondingly, they use evolution in a

Lamarckian or Spencerian sense to mean the progressive adjustments of society that arise from internal organization responding to environ­ mental stimuli. The idea that the goal of adaptation is evolutionary progress measured by increased efficiency of resource use and facili­ tated by increased social complexity has only speculative implications for the meaning of adaptation that is used in evolutionary biology and population ecology.

Adaptation in Personality Psychology

A second usage of adaptation in anthropology derives from personality psychology. In psychology, adaptation refers to the maintenance of personality integration and autonomy through the use of coping strategies in anxiety producing environments. Studies in psycho­ logical adaptation focus on the processes by which individuals successfully accommodate or adapt to problems arising from the environ­

ment. Coping mechanisms are regarded as strategies which involve

optimal mixes of defense, avoidance, compromise, delay, retreat, re­

grouping, and regression that enable individuals to achieve mastery and

competence as well as maintain well integrated personalities. As White

(1974) points out the notion of personality adaptation turns the

Freudian concept of defense mechanism on its head. Defense mechanisms

were considered by Freud as neurotic symptoms of individuals unable to

accept or face reality in a clear-eyed fashion. From the perspective

of personality adaptation defense mechanisms are considered adaptive

strategies that people devise to cope with novel or unfamiliar or

threatening situations. Defense mechanisms, then, are neurotic adaptations.

Anthropologists and psychologists have used the psychological definition of adaptation to evaluate the relative success of various coping strategies employed by individuals confronted by a variety of unfamiliar circumstances. These circumstances include new physical environments (Sonnenfeld 1966), environments radically altered by disasters (Burton and Kates 1964), and controlled social environments with values contrary to those of the individuals entering them. The latter would include prisoner of war camps, new neighborhoods, and destinations of long migrations (White 1974:47, Mechanic 1974:32-34,

Murphy 1962). Acculturation studies conducted by anthropologists in the 1950's and 1960's focused on the strategies of psychological adapta­ tion employed by individuals in environments dominated by alien cultural traditions (Vogt and Albert 1952, Devereux 1961, Kluckhohn 1967). The notion that personality changes as a response to the pressure of social

or physical environments, especially in rapidly changing traumatic

situations, has only metaphorical or heuristic value to the study of

biological populations.

Adaptation in Sociology

In sociology adaptation has two related meanings. First,

adaptation refers to the flexibility or responsiveness of social insti­

tutions to alterations or disruptions in the structure of the larger

society. In this usage adaptation refers to social reorganization

necessary to maintain the structural and functional integrity of the

society. Thus (in Galbraith's theory) labor unions are countervailing

adaptations to increasingly intensive capital investment in production.

Black power organizations are social adaptations to impending disinte­

gration caused both by systematic discrimination and white cooptation.

Mormon ecclesiastical organization is an adaptive response to the

social isolation of frontier life.

A second meaning of adaptation in American sociology emphasizes the processes that occur inside social institutions and that bind otherwise alienated individuals together through the sharing of culturally defined common understandings. This emphasis is more sociopsychological. Black power organizations in this view may be regarded not only as integrated components within a society, but also as social units within which individual integration or adaptation is achieved through the development of a concensus of common understandings and definitions for appropriate sentiments and behavior. Thus Black English may be construed as an adaptive strategy, in the sense of a

technique that individuals may employ to evoke acceptance (Stack 1974).

The sociological use of the term adaptation measures the success of a

population by quite different criteria than are used in the ecological

definition of adaptation.

Adaptation in Biology

The concept of adaptation is central to biology (Harris 1960s

59, Stern 1970:39-41), and is concerned with survival of organisms

measured by reproductive success (Dobzhansky 1968:6; Alland and McCay

1973; Hamburg, Coelho, and Adams 1974). Logically and historically the

concept derives from the theory of evolution by selection. Indeed pro­

gressive evolution has been defined as the process produced by adaptation

(Simpson 1958:521). Adaptation, the noun, refers to augmented survival chances of organisms with particular characteristics that inhabit en­ vironments with particular features. Individuals are considered

"adapted" if they possess characteristics that are advantageous for obtaining food and mates, avoiding predators and diseases, and sur­ mounting fluctuations in the adeptic conditions of their' habitats.

Biologists reason skill in these activities enhances reproductive success. To adapt, the verb, refers to the interaction of the organism's characteristics with the environment's features.

Williams (1966:3) notes that adaptation is an onerous concept when it refers to the unspecified success of living systems to survive, or as Vayda and McCay (1975) have suggested to maximize their positions in the "existential game." In the related fields of physiology, 10

genetics/ and ecology the term does have somewhat different applications

and at least three biological usages have been incorporated into

anthropology. They are phenotypic adaptability, genetic adaptation,

and ecological adaptation (Dobzhansky 1968:11, Lasker 1969:1481, Baker

1971:28, Prosser 1964:11, Alland 1967:119-121).

Phenotypic Adaptability

Adaptability refers to the norm reaction of genotypes, measured

on a range of phenotypic responses to various environments. Similar to

Schmalhausen's (1949) "dependent development," adaptability depends on

an underlying flexibility in genetic potential or genetic variance in

adaptive traits. Thus Dobzhansky (1968:11) employs the terms "genetic

adaptability" and "evolutionary plasticity" to label these phenomena.

It is reasoned that phenotypic plasticity, variance of genotypic re­

sponse to environmental stress, enhances adaptation of the organism.

The responses that have been studies in humans include short run physio­

logical changes that may last minutes, sustained conditioning or ac­ climatization, and permanent alterations in the functional anatomy and physiology of individuals. In anthropology, adaptability studies are

usually divided into two types, short run adaptability and developmental adaptability.

Studies of short run adaptability measure the rate at which organ systems are able to functionally respond to changes in the en­

vironment and the impact of these responses on other organ systems.

Red blood cell production, oxygen consumption, shivering response, perspiration, skin temperature control, adrenalin production, and ventilation patterns are measured human responses to cold stress, heat

stress, high altitude stress, and nutritional stress (Baker and Weiner

1966, Harrison et al. 1964, Lasker 1969, Prosser 1964)• The variance

in responses of cohorts such as natives vs. non-natives, young vs. old,

and male vs. female are compared. Significant difference in the

variance of estimated performance between cohorts is attributed to

differences in individual phenotypic plasticity and to differences in

underlying genetic potential that permit or prohibit differential con­

ditioning for the compared cohorts. Physiologists regard controlled

laboratory studies of short run physiological changes as a special case of adaptability (Prosser 1964:11).

Developmental or ontonogenic adaptation refers to the acquisi­ tion of relatively permanent or irreversible phenotypic alterations in the organ systems of individuals that arise from prolonged exposure to environmental stress. For example inhabitants of high altitude areas have distinguisable anatomical characteristics, such as large lungs and hearts, that develop during formative years of maturation in response to low atmospheric oxygen. Stature, weight, respiratory and circula­ tory systems, and whole somatotypes have been shown to be responsive to nutritional, high altitude, cold, and heat stress (Baker and Weiner

1966, Harrison et al. 1964). The research design of developmental adaptation is similar to that used in short run plasticity studies.

Phenotypic characteristics are measured and the performance of cohorts with similar characteristics is compared. Developmental adaptability is attributed to underlying flexibility in genetic potential. The assumption of a flexible genetic potential rests on the assumed high 12

polygeny and pleitropy in human populations. No attempt has been

successful at demonstrating the assumed allelic basis of adaptability.

In both types of adaptability studies it is reasoned that

phenotypic alterations contribute to differential adquate functioning

in. life sustaining activities that are translated into reproductive

capacity. Increased reproductive success and longevity for develop-

mentally adapted individuals has been shown in high altitude populations

in Peru and in Nepal (Baker 1969, Weitz 1973, Thomas 1973).

Genetic Adaptation

Geneticists restrict the use of the term adaptation to mean

relative chances for survival of individual organisms who possess

particular genes. Genes, strands of DNA that code for the production

of specific proteins, give rise to phenotypic characteristics that are

differentially advantageous in particular environments and contribute

to differential reproduction. Thus genetic adaptation is a cybernetic

abstraction based on the mutual relationship between alleles and en­

vironments that results in fitness (Dobzhansky 1968:21). Most geneticists insist that adaptation should be purged of all genetically irrelevant meanings and they invoke historical precedent as the justi­ fication for the purge (Williams 1966, Alland and McCay 1973,

Dobzhansky 1968, Cavalli-Sforza and Bodmer 1971:136).

To demonstrate genetic adaptation geneticists compare the reproductive performance of cohorts that have alternative phenotypic traits in what are considered simpler polymorphic systems. Since the traits are products of alternative alleles at a specific loci, selection or adaptation is defined as differential reproductive success of geno­

types. Estimates of differential reproductive performance for

genetically dissimilar cohorts are used to establish coefficients of

selection or conversely coefficients of mean fitness for genotypes

(Wright 1931). Generally geneticists assume uniform environmental con­

ditions (Levins 1968:5) and carefully control environmental conditions

in laboratory experiments to satisfy that assumption.

Selection or fitness coefficients are indices of the success of a particular gene-environment interaction. Organisms that have particular traits function more adequately and thus are able to repro­ duce more successfully than those that do not. Harris (1960) has criticized the circularity or tautological reasoning of genetic adapta­ tion. A trait is useful because it survives; survival is the measure of the usefulness of a trait. Williams (1966:3-20) has argued that the alleged tautology results from a failure to discriminate truly functional relationships from spurious correlations of genotypes and reproductive performance. He cautions that a demonstration of enhanced reproductive success of organisms that have particular traits is a necessary but not a sufficient cause to invoke selection. A gene- environment interaction can only be construed as adaptation (the result of selection) if the "means and mechanisms" by which the trait con­ tributes to reproductive success can be demonstrated to arise from the non-fortuitous "goal or purpose" of that trait. That is, differential selection of alternative alleles measured by differential reproductive success must be demonstrated to arise from "design" and not chance.

Fortuitous associations are not adaptations. They may occur because of 14

sampling errors introduced for example by mating patterns of the popula­

tion (drift) or by mutation. Mere existence of life is not prima facie

evidence for adaptation.

Although adaptation by selection has evolutionary consequences

for a population it must be emphasized that selection operates on indi­

vidual phenotypes. Genetic adaptation focuses on individual fitness.

The short term fitness is indexed by a fitness coefficient for particu­ lar genotypes in a population. The coefficient reflects the mean probability that a cohort of genotypes in a population will survive in a particular environment. "Selection actually operates on individuals as a whole . . . and the results of differential effective fertility are manifest in populational terms" (Birdsell 1972:395). Selection is considered a "force" of evolution because it changes gene frequencies in populations by operating on individuals. Evolution has been there­ fore defined as a process whereby populations survive as a result of individual adaptations.

There are a few demonstrations of genetic adaptation in human populations. These involve studies of abnormal hemoglobins (sickle cell, G6Pd, thallassemia) wherein individuals heterozygous at some particular locus have increased fitness in malarial environments. For example it is believed that the fitness value for the heterozygote is about 1.25 that of the normal in the case of sickle cell, but data on the effect of the sickling gene are not sufficiently detailed to present a biologically convincing case acceptable to •Williams' demands that the sickle cell gene improves fitness. It may be anticipated from initial survey research that polymorphic enzymes may also operate in humans to confer an advantage under specific conditions (McCracken 1971). But

this is only one possible interpretation of enzymatic polymorphisms

that requires testing. The meager number of cases of demonstrable genetic adaptation in humans in no way detracts from the explanatory power of evolution by selection. The theory is not refuted because it cannot account for all genetic variation. Technical limitations and theoretical problems are complicated in genetic research. An assessment of these limitations and problems may be useful here to introduce some recent attempts in biology to build a more inclusive concept of adapta­ tion. The technical difficulties and theoretical problems arise from the complex nature of biological systems and the assumptions that geneticists must make to deal with the complexity.

Genetic studies are largely limited to examining relatively simple polymorphisms. To study comparatively more complex polygenic and pleiotrophic systems the products from the interaction of multiple allelic systems (epistasis) must be weighted and the genetic- environmental interaction that produces phenotypic conditioning must be sorted out. At this time those procedures are technically difficult to implement. Therefore such interesting characteristics as I.Q. are political and not biological topics. Secondly, some recent demonstra­ tions of the enormous genetic variability in polymorphic systems indi­ cate that selection experiments would have to control many, perhaps thousands, of variables in order to examine the action of one gene with necessary precision. In an electrophoretic study of proteins, Hubby and Lewontin (1966) have shown that an extremely large number of proteins are polymorphic. Using a species of Drosophila they showed 16

that nine of twenty-one (40%) randomly selected structural and enzymatic

proteins were polymorphic. Selander, Hunt, and Yang (1969) found in a

similar experiment using house mice that forty per cent of forty-one

loci were polymorphic. Harris (1966) found three of ten (30%) randomly

selected human enzymes are polymorphic. Lewontin (1967) concluded that

about 36 per cent of all loci affecting blood antigens in the English

population are polymorphic. Thus many proteins seem to occur in at

least two genetically determined forms and Lewontin notes that "it is

the rule, rather than the exception, that there is genetic variation

between individuals within populations" (Lewontin 1968:382).

The history of study of human hemoglobins provides an example

of how complicated polymorphic systems may be. Since the discovery of

the sickle cell trait in 1910 many genetically based variants of hemo­

globin have been identified. By 1953 it became obvious that more than

just a few different alleles existed and the decision to assign letters

to each variant was made to facilitate nomenclature. Because of re­

finements in electrophoresis (which measures the migration time of

proteins in electrically charged media and permits their precise

identification) new variants were detected so fast that the nomenclature

soon became unworkable. By 1968 eighty-two different alleles had been discovered and there appears to be no decrease in the rate of discovery

(Perutz and Lehmann 1968). Variant hemoglobins are caused by mutations that change one amino acid on one of the hemoglobin chains. Hemoglobin, although very important for metabolic processes, is no longer than most other proteins. Therefore it should have no more mutations than other proteins. Undoubtedly, other proteins are as varied as hemoglobin, but the range of variability is less knowji simply because they are not

studied as intensively. Given the amount of known and suspected

genetic variability in humans, Lewontin (1968) estimated the amount of

variation between and within such commonly described groups as demes,

races, and species. By calculating the amount of heterozygosity in

seventeen blood groups for a sample of 171 human populations divided

into seven races, he demonstrates that

The mean proportion of the total species diversity that is contained within populations is 85.4%, with a maximum of 99.7% for the Xm gene, and a minimum of 63.6% for Duffy. Less than 15% of all human genetic diversity is accounted for by differences between human groups! Moreover, the difference between populations within a race accounts for an additional 8.3%, so that only 6.3% is accounted for by racial classification (Lewontin 1968:396).

Lewontin (1968:396) concludes that the "largest part by far of human

variation can be accounted for by the differences between.individuals."

The possibility has been suggested that the enormous amount of observed individual genetic variability cannot be explained by adapta­ tion derived from classical genetic theory. The probability would be small that the frequencies of so many different alleles could be accounted for by an equilibrium between selection and mutation rates or by the selection of "superior" alleles replacing other alleles. The probability would be small because the cost of maintaining balanced polymorphisms or of replacing alleles with "superior" ones in terms of individual deaths would lead to extinction if it was too great. The esimates of the number of variable loci in several species, including humans, is higher tiian estimates of the number of loci that can be 18

affected by either form of selection without extinction (Haldane 1957,

Kimura and Crow 1964, LeBlanc n.d.).

From another perspective King and Jukes (1969) have shown that

many alleles do not affect the fitness of organisms. That is, contrary

to traditional thinking in biology (Mayr 1963) many genes may be

selectively neutral. In examining the changes in single amino acids of

proteins that are selectively neutral, King and Jukes (1969) note that

the precise configuration of amino acids on loci of some proteins

appears to be unimportant for the functioning of the proteins. The

amino acids occupy these loci as fillers or spacers in the total con­

figuration of the macro-molecule. In terms of protein functioning,

there seem to be structurally equivalent amino acids and therefore

functional equivalence of alleles that produce them. Additionally the structure of some proteins (such as cytochrome C and insulin) that perform specific metabolic functions has a rate of change ten times less than the structure of other proteins (such as fibrinopeptide) whose precise configuration seems to be much less critical for normal functioning.

The great amount of genetic variability, the inability to account for it by classical evolutionary theory, and the evidence for selectively neutral alleles that have no apparent effect on fitness suggest that the frequencies of some alleles may be attributable to factors other than selection.

A second technical problem that may account for the paucity of evidence for genetic adaptation in humans involves the practicality of dealing with miserable experimental organisms that have relatively long generation intervals and mating patterns beyond experimental control.

To measure reproductive success of human genotypes requires waiting

years for progeny to appear and difficulties in constructing cohorts with comparable pedigrees. Other species are much better experimental subjects. Spuhler (1966) reports that some geneticists have reached similar conclusions for other reasons.

A third problem involves the rather unrealistic assumption that environments are uniform (Lewontin 1957:395, Levins 1968:5). Just as populations are exceedingly variable so are the environments in which they live. Ecosystems, the units of field biology and ecology, are enormously variable. Mature or generalized ecosystems are complex units distinguished by high species diversity and large numbers of food chains woven into elaborate food webs. Immature or specialized eco­ systems occur in zones where the scarcity of one or more environmental factors limits development of complexity. Immature ecosystems tend to be simple in that they contain a comparatively smaller number of species and fewer food chains. Typologically, these two kinds of ecosystems may be considered polar ends on a continuum with many (theoretically an infinite number of) intermediate categories. Just as ecosystems are variable in structure they are behaviorally diverse also and they change at only incompletely understood rates. If environments are permitted to vary as they do in nature the problems of studying variable genetic systems in varying conditions approaches theoretically unsolvable proportions (Margalef 1968:6-8, Levins 1968:5).

Lastly, studies of genetic adaptation have recently been attacked as reductionistic (Koestler 1969, Weiss 1969, Wilson 1975, Bethell 1976). Selection of individual genotypes, which are relatively

low levels of biological organization, cannot completely account for

adaptation of larger and more complicated systems such as communities

or populations. These larger units, it is argued, have organizational

properties that affect survival and transcend mean individual per­

formance. Hamburg et al. (1974:403) conclude a survey of human

adaptation and coping mechanisms with the conviction that social be­

havior is a critical aspect of survival:

Although biological adaptation is the result of natural selection, it certainly involves behavior as a vital element in shaping evolutionary change (because) . . . behavior has become exceedingly important in meeting adaptive tasks which contribute to survival. . . . adaptive behavior functions through a social system. The role of behavior in adaptation is not only a function of individuals but of groups as well.

This position has been accepted by renegade geneticists such as Cannon

(1932), Waddington (1953), and Wynne-Edwards (1962) who have proposed

"group selection" as the mechanism by which populations survive and by

which evolution occurs. Group selection refers to (Weins 1971:117)

"the success or failure of entire groups of individuals; it is simply

stated, natural selection operating at the group level." The concept of group selection has been vigorously opposed by classical geneticists who regard it as an artifact of selection at the individual level

(Williams 1966, Chitty 1971). At the heart of the quarrel is propri­ etorship of terminology. Classical geneticists insist that if dif­ ferential survival of groups does not have a genetic basis demonstrated by selection, then it may not be called adaptation. However if group survival can be attributed to selection of alternative alleles, the term "group selection" is unnecessary. Classical geneticists, some of whom tend to engage in a form of semantic imperialism about the term

adaptation, have rejected group survival as adaptation since all demon­

strations have failed to show that differential reproductive success

results from the selection of alternative alleles. Advocates of group

selection retort that the organizational basis of populations exceeds

the structural complexity of lower levels (the whole is greater than the

sum of its genetic parts), and survival results from the higher-organ­

izational complexity. That is, selection of alternative alleles is

insufficient to explain adaptation of populations. The main error

committed by the advocates of group selection lies in their attribution

of the social mechanisms of population regulation to selection (Weins

1971). Group selection is attributed to traits, such as "altruism,"

manifesting themselves in such social behaviors as sharing, adoption,

organized defense, altruistic suicide, and extreme sacrifice (Wilson

1975). The underlying genetic basis of these traits is a matter of

projection and fantasy, not electrophoretic segregation.

The adaptation of populations has been stimulated by converging

lines of evidence from the newly emerging fields of ethology and social

biology. Without demonstrating genetic bases, ethologists emphasize

that particular species-specific behavior may adapt populations to physical and social environments (Tinbergen 1951, Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1970).

Social biologists note that the social organization of species of insects, birds, and rodents affects survival of populations of these animals as a whole. Evaluations of the findings of these latter studies by geneticists have been filled with skepticism (Wade 1976).

On the other hand, ecologists have found these studies useful for 22

understanding the possible mechanisms of population regulation that have

a social basis (Netting 1973, Flannery 1973). Human ecologists, anthro­

pologists among them, are closing ranks with the renegade geneticists,

ethologists, and social biologists with whom they share an interest in

groups, behavior, and variable environments. In anthropology interest

in the social basis for human survival has stimulated several program­

matic statements about its cultural basis (Fox 1975, Durham 1976,

Vayda and McCay 1975, Alland 1975, Ruyle 1973, Rappaport 1971, Sahlins

1964, Vayda 1969, Bennett 1976). CHAPTER 2

ADAPTATION IN POPULATION ECOLOGY AND ITS USEFULNESS IN ANTHROPOLOGY

Ecological studies focus on the relations and transactions among and between all living systems (organisms, populations, species, communities, ecosystems, etc.) and their non-living physical environ­

ments that may be explained in terms of a few general principles (Allee

et al. 1950:1, Rappaport 1971:237-239, Bates 1953:500). These prin­ ciples are "notably those concerned with conservation and dissipation of energy, with the maintenance of homeostasis and with adaptation"

(Rappaport 1971:239). Since living systems and their environments vary in structure and behavior, the relations and transactions may differ.

These differences are measurable in terms of energetic efficiency, stability, and survival of living systems. By testing the principles of energy flow, homeostasis, and adaptation ecologists can evaluate the differences in living systems by estimating relative performance under differing conditions.

To estimate the performance of a living system ecologists (both animal ecologists such as Elton [1927] and Andrewartha [1971] and plant ecologists such as Cody [1974]) focus on variations in behavior of its component parts that affect the adequate functioning of the whole system. Thus the nesting, mating, and feeding behavior of bird com­ munities may limit the energy flow, stability, or survival of eco­ systems. If an increase or decrease in adequate functioning can be

23 related to the particular relation between structured behavior of popu­

lations and ecosystems, then the principles of ecology are supported.

Thus ecology emphasizes the cybernetic relationship between the

structure of groups of organisms and the structure of their environments

(Margalef 1968). populations vary as ecosystems vary and vice versa.

The principle of adaptation is studied by population ecologists with

this perspective in mind.

Ecological adaptation is concerned with the relations and trans­ actions between populations and their environments that can be shown to

enhance or diminish chances for survival of the population. It

attributes survival to differential success of populations to obtain

food, mates, avoid predators and pathogens, and to withstand the changes

of climate and weather (Andrewartha 1971:20). That is, adaptation

depends on the ability of populations to perform tasks for meeting the minimum prerequisites for life. Hamburg et al. (1974:409) note that,

"Although biological adaptation means reproductive success of a popula­ tion, the important variable can never be numbers alone. Reproductive success means progeny able to utilize environmental opportunities and avoid catastrophies."

Ecologists regard adaptation as the result of a relation between a population's social organization and environment. It refers to the relation of intrinsic characteristics of populations to extrinsic factors of environments (Solomon 1971a). Thus adaptation studies in ecology usually assume genetic uniformity within populations (Levins

1968:5). In studies of natural populations the assumption is defended by regarding the great genetic variability known to exist within 25

populations as an approximation of randomness of alleles. In laboratory

studies the use of carefully bred populations satisfies the assumption.

At the level of the model, the assumption is required in order to obtain

results that are not too complicated to be interpreted. The measures

that have been used to estimate ecological adaptation include Index of

Total Selection, carrying capacity, and intrinsic rates of increase.

Index of Total Selection

The Index of Total Selection, developed by Crow (1958), attempts

to define the amount of selection that may be attributed to genotypic

from phenotypic selection. It measures the maximum amount of differ­

ential fertility and mortality in a population (Johnston and Kensinger

1971, Cavalli-Sforza and Bodmer 1971:316-322) and accounts for the

amount of genotypic selection by computing the amount of variability .

that can be attributed to heritability. The Index is potentially useful

because it may permit identification of the amount of selection that may

have an underlying behavioral cause. Like Wright's (1931) mean fitness

(W), Crow's Index measures differential performance of cohorts within populations. It is not a measure by which populations can be easily compared. It does not permit inferences about the nature of non- genotypic fitness or stochastic variations in the measures, which

Johnston and Kensinger (1971) have shown may be very high in very small populations.

Carrying Capacity

A second measure of ecological adaptation is carrying capacity.

Carrying capacity is logically derived from Liebig's Law of the Minimum 26 and perhaps Haekel's definition of ecology as the study of the "economy of nature" (Bolsche n.d., Bates 1953:500). It has been defined as the size and density that a local population would achieve corresponding to

the lower limits of resources (McLaren 1971:6-8). That size and density is sometimes called its maximum carrying capacity. It is thus concerned with the numbers of organisms that can be adjusted to resources.

Maximum population size or maximum carrying capacity is rarely, if ever, achieved by local populations (Cody 1974, Solomon 1971a, McLaren

1971, Cowgill 1975). Therefore some ecologists (Cody 1974) have recommended distinguishing three types of carrying capacity: Maximum,

Optimal, and Critical. Maximum is the figure that corresponds to the lower limit of resources. Optimum refers to the hypothetical highest number that may be achieved by a population that periodically overshoots its maximum. Critical carrying capacity is concerned with the popula­ tion size or density at which changes are introduced into the environ­ ment from which resources are derived.

The definition of carrying capacity most frequently used by anthropologists (and human geographers) was developed by Allan (1949).

It is the maximum number of people that a given land area will maintain in perpetuity under a given system of land usage without land degrada­ tion setting in. This definition most closely resembles the concept of critical carrying capacity.

The concept has been criticized as theoretically unsound and methodologically difficult to operationalize. The implications of these criticisms are summarized by Solomon (1971a) and McLaren (1971) for field biology; by Street (1969) for geography; and by Hayden (1975), Hassan (1973a), Sahlins (1972), and Douglas (1966) for anthropology.

The first problem involves sorting out and weighting the various

intrinsic and extrinsic factors involved in population regulation.

Extrinsic factors are the environmental parameters, such as food,

weather, and other populations and space. Intrinsic factors refer to

the demographic structure and behavior of a population (McLaren 1971,

Margalef 1968). Both extrinsic and intrinsic factors affect reproduc­

tion, mortality, and migration. They vary geographically and through

time. Ecologiest and demographers attribute periodic changes in size

and density of populations to changes in rates of birth, death, and

migration (Peterson 1961, Wrong 1967, Wrigley 1969, Andrewartha 1971).

Fluctuations in limiting factors in the environment were intensively

studied by ecologists during the 1920s and 1930s. The fluctuations of

rain, temperature, and vegetation regimes were shown to directly limit

some populations by creating adverse conditions in resource avail­ ability beyond the tolerance limits of the organisms (Solomon [1971a]

has reviewed the status of this research in ecology.) Weather was studied first (Solomon 1971b), then space and territory (McLaren 1971), and lastly food resources. It was during this period in the history of ecology that competition studies became fashionable (Allee et al. 1950,

Wynne-Edwards 1964). Although populations can be shown to fluctuate in nature according to changes in extrinsic factors, studies of a number of species (such as snowshoe hares and lemmings) did not lend support to the proposition (Deevey 1960).

These cases were attacked both by adjustments and refinements in methodology and later by a change in focus. The measurement of biomass, 28 a measure sensitive to individual size differences of organisms within natural populations, replaced the counting of individuals as a measure of population size. Pood, the result of complex interactions of space, weather, soil, and the genetic constitution of the relevant species, was replaced by energy and nutrient flow studies (Bormann and Likens

1970, Phillipson 1966). The refinements tremendously augmented the accuracy of population fluctuation studies (McLaren 1971:6-7), but they also altered the perspective and focus of ecology from populations to ecosystems- Additionally, the refinements did not contribute to under­ standing the periodic explosions and crashes of particular populations

(such as deer on the Kaibab range in Arizona). Because methodological tricks do not always work, anomalous cases remained as a suggestion that there was only partial order in nature's universe (Deevey 1960, McLaren

1971).

The variables of predators and parasitic disease replaced re­ sources as limiting factors. This led to profitable results, for example in studies of the Arizona deer. In anthropology disease has been suggested as a population regulating mechanism by Angel (1969),

Armelagos and McArdle (1975), and Motulsky (1960). It has been demon­ strated as a limiting factor in human populations by DuBos (1965), May

(1957), and Langer (1972). However, the study of disease and predator-prey behavior as mechanisms for population regulation bogged down in a definitional morass. In ecology the question became, "Were behavior and disease extrinsic or intrinsic factors?" Carrying capacity calculations refer to density dependent limitations. However without a clear consensus about the meanings of density dependence and density independence, carrying capacity is impossible to compute. Fuzzy

phrases, such as semi-dependent, partially dependent, and density in­

fluenced, designed to accommodate the data and bail out the concept,

came into common usage (Solomon 1971a:23-28) and finally led to recom­

mendations that the whole matter be abandoned. The problem did not

involve an inability to deal with disease and predator-prey behavior at

the level of field data. Rather it involved an inability to reach a

consensus about classifying variables as intrinsic or extrinsic at the

level of the model.

It became obvious that intrinsic and extrinsic factors could not be easily sorted and that their mutual interactions affected the size, density, and structure of populations. Formulae devised by Lotka

(1956) showed that the age-sex structure of a population broadly defined its potential birth and death behavior. Thus age-sex structure may regulate population size and density by affecting rates of births and deaths (fertility and survivorship). The Registrar-General of England and Wales has used adjusted-specific death rates for local populations in its national census since the decade 1841 to 1850 to correct for such error (Linder and Grove 1959:66).

Behavioral studies on Scandinavian lemmings, North American hares, Norway rats, and U.S. Department of the Navy laboratory mice demonstrated the importance of social conditions for maintaining popu­ lations at sub maximum size and density during period of relative re­ source abundance and in the absence of disease (Calhoun 1962, Deevey

1960, Christian and Davis 1971). These studies involved most of those anomalous rodents whose populations seemed always to be out of phase 30

with extrinsic limiting factors. The most celebrated studies involve

lemmings that respond to social crowding by dashing off to their deaths

in the northern bays of Scandinavia or die of "shock disease" in forests

abounding with food, mates, and good health. Periodic episodes of these

"great eruptions in nature" were shown by Christian (1950) to be the

product of cybernetic relationship between crowding and elevated adrenal

production that results in hypoglycemic convulsion. The history of

their study has been vividly recounted by Deevey (1960) to emphasize the

interaction of behavior and physiology. Interest in the interaction of

behavior and physiology in high density populations has generated

several studies on endocrine and hormone functioning linked to social

patterning of behavior through information processing mechanisms that are based on neurological structure. These studies, however, are pioneering exercises, and are severely limited by technical problems in identification and measurement. Not a scrap of evidence exists that

identical physiological processes operate in rodents and people. How­

ever population density and "pathological" behavior studies are pur­ suing analogical lines (Galle, Gore, and McPherson 1972). Behavioral alterations probably occur in the structure of human populations that obviate some physiologically destructive consequences. The speculated neurological basis of behavioral adaptation in human groups (Laughlin and D'Aquili 1974) is beyond the measurement capabilities of the present technical apparatus (Ballonoff 1975).

The mechanisms by which human populations regulate themselves involve an examination of human social organization (Hawley 1973) and specifically economic organization (Coale 1970). Social organization incorporates such mechanisms as celibacy, postponed mating, abortion,

child spacing, contraception, fatal accidents, calculated aggression,

socially patterned infectious disease, under-utilization and differ­

ential distribution of resources, migration, and more (Reining and

Tinker 1975)- All of these social mechanisms have clear implications

for fertility and mortality management.

Binford (1968), Hassan (1973a), and Sahlins (1972) have all

noted that hunter and gatherer populations are not necessarily limited

by food shortages, territory, or adverse weather. These populations

regulate their numbers by spacing children in order to facilitate the

group mobility that is required for subsistence activities and by out

migration to urban areas. Summarizing data from ten anthropological

studies of shifting cultivatores, Sahlins (1972) has also shown that

the mean carrying capacity for these agriculturists is about 65%. In

the same work he has demonstrated how social stratification and ranking

may act as mechanisms to augment production but to limit carrying capacity through the uneven distribution of resources within a popula­ tion. Netting (1968) has shown that carrying capacity of populations of farmers on the Jos Plateau of Nigeria depends on the organization of labor which depends on agricultural techniques amenable to utilizing various environmental zones. Elsewhere Netting (1973) has applied

Wynne-Edwards' mechanism of "ritual display" to show how ritualized, non-lethal warfare acts as a spacing mechanism to keep local populations geographically separated and therefore depress the carrying capacity of an entire area. 32

Street (1969) and Hayden (1975) have summarized other social mechanisms that regulate human populations by affecting food avail­ ability. Hayden has suggested that carrying capacity might best be measured as the incidence or prevalence of protein-carbohydrate under­ nutrition in populations, a measure sensitive to fluctuations in agri­ cultural production, distribution, and consumption. Hayden's measure changes the index of carrying capacity from mortality and fertility to morbidity from which case fatality rates could be computed. It provides a mechanist link between population size and density and food, and focuses on the social complexity underlying nutritional morbidity

(Jelliffe 1966). Frisch and Revelle (1970) and Frisch and McArthur

(1974) have shown that fertility is reduced as nutritional well being is diminished by raising the age of menarche. Stini (1971) accepts that undernutrition affects health and mean fertility of a population in the short run, but has shown that nutritional stress may be accommodated by reduced phenotypic size within the population in the long run. Benedict

(1972) has summarized social mechanisms of fertility control used in human populations. Hinshaw, Pyeatt, and Habicht (1972) have measured some environmental effects on fertility in Guatemala.

Flannery (1973) commenting on shortcomings of "self-styled" ecologists in anthropology writes that they have created the impression that civilized people only eat, excrete, and reproduce. He encourages an ecological analysis of art, religion, and ideology as structures by which information is structured in human societies and whereby they adapt. Hassan (1973b) has underscored the complexity of culturally patterned social behavior as a cautionary guide for archaeologists who make inferences about the regulation of archaeological populations.

Cowgill (1974) has computed densities of hypothetical human populations from estimated growth rates suggested in anthropological literature.

Because his calculations lead to absurdly high densities he has dramatized the need for studying social behavior as a major factor that regulates human populations. The carrying capacity calculations rarely take social behavior into account.

A second problem of estimating carrying capacity involves the technical difficulty of creating time sensitive estimates. One of

Hayden's (1975:13) major criticisms of the concept is that the terms of the carrying capacity equation change at rates that are difficult to measure or interpret. Most environmental parameters are known to fluctuate around known means calculated by season, one year, two, three, or four year periods, nine to ten year periods, or even fifty and one hundred year cycles (Dewey and Mandino 1971). Hayden's criticism adds that environments are altered when they are transformed into resources.

(Farvar and Milton [1968] and Detwyler [197-1] provide anthologies con­ taining abundant examples of human induced environmental change.)

Carneiro (Rappaport 1968) has constructed a measure that takes into account fallow length and cropping period. Besides its application in his South American studies of shifting cultivators, Rappaport (1968:285') has used Carneiro's formula in New Guinea. However a separate equation would be necessary in an area where, for example, irrigation replaced fallowing, unless an equivalence ratio of these intensification pro­ cedures could be constructed. Harris (1975) has derived a formula from his notion of technoenviromnentalism that includes a variable defined as "environment" and another defined as "level of technology." It is

much too general -to have any applicability for measuring adaptation.

Futhermore, transformations are known to have introduced per­

manent alterations in some major zones of the earth (Thomas 1959).

Street (1969) has pointed out that most studies of carrying capacity

have only casually treated the techniques by which human groups maintain

their resources bases. Specifically he has criticized the work of

Conklin (1957) and Brookfield and Brown (1963) because "they have

failed to determine whether land degradation is setting in" (Street

1969:104). The problem of selecting an appropriate time unit is

theoretically solvable: one can increase the time interval of the

measure or construct running averages. But such solutions pose severe

difficulties for the acquisition of data.

In summary, carrying capacity, constructed as a gross measure of the number of organisms in relation to resources, is a relatively

simplistic and insensitive proportion based on ill defined variables.

If used uncautiously to estimate population performance without

exercising control over intrinsic and extrinsic factors it may give rise to unwarranted inferences. If used in a sophisticated, non-simplistic way, there remain two problems. The first problem is methodological

Carrying capacity cannot estimate performance through time unless rates of change of population density are constructed. Time series data are required, and rarely are these data available. To collect time series data requires longitudinal studies on slow-breeding humans. The second problem lies in intepretation. Our inability to partition variables into extrinsic and intrinsic sets, in a theoretically well-motivated 35

way, means that the outcome is impossible to interpret even if rates of

density change could be calculated.

Rates of Increase

The third measure of population adaptation, the study of rates

and increase, solves both the data acquisition and the intexpretational

problems. Both ecologists and demographers have studied rates of

population increase to estimate population performance. This measure

jt is derived from Lotka's (1956) classic formulation that the rate of

growth of a population is a function of constant birth and death rates

of a population characterized by a stable age-sex distribution (Cavalli-

Sforza and Bodmer 1971:289-310). Usually called the "intrinsic rate of

increase," r_ is regarded as natural or intrinsic to the population.

Such influences as interaction with other species or physical,

chemical, and topographical changes may affect growth (change) but

only in the context of the intrinsic properties of the population.

Andrewartha and Birch (1954) divided the measure into two component

rates. The first, r , is a measure of the maximum potential of a —max population to grow, or Lotka's intrinsic rate of increase. They assume

r is unaffected by population density or environmental conditions and —max is, as Lotka recognized, "intrinsic in the sense of being an inherent

characteristic of a species" (McLaren 1971:4). For actual rate of in­

crease Andrewartha and Birch (1954) use r^. Recalling the concept of carrying capacity, it is expected that with enough time r_ should approach a mean of zero for an adapted population. That is, there is an environmental limit to the size to which a population may grow. 36

Laboratory and field studies have shown, quite expectedly, that r

usually remains positive. Therefore the first problem in using rates

to assess adaptation is to sort r from r r — —max A population's rate of change, that is, its rate of growth or

decline, results from birth, death, and migration rates. These are not only affected by the interaction of behavior and limiting parameters in the environment but also by the demographic structure of a popula­ tion. Following Lotka, the demographic structure (the distribution of age-sex categories in the population) broadly defines its potential rate of change. The shapes of populations' age-sex categories, arranged as population pyramids, vary considerably. As demographic structure approaches stability the rate should become fixed. If the growth rate becomes fixed, then any variations in rates (that arise from the stable distributions of age-sex classes) can be attributed to environment- behavior interaction or to random variation. The second problem, then, is to sort out random variation from environment-behavior interaction.

But we are getting ahead of ourselves; first problems first.

Weiss (1973) has suggested in a comprehensive handbook of demographic models for anthropologists that adjusted intrinsic growth rates are fairly similar for many anthropological populations. By stabilizing the age-sex distribution of over seventy "anthropological" populations he has demonstrated that stochastic differences that arise from small or single samples, such as the censuses that anthropologists collect, can be "smoothed." Adjusted distributions permit the computa­ tion of adjusted rates of birth, death, and increase. Adjusted rates also permit the analysis of local populations without risking incorrect 37

inference about the underlying causes of the population's performance.

Demographers adjust rates as a matter of course (Linder and Grove 1959:

60-64) That is, they use adjusted rates to avoid mistaken deductions

about the behavioral basis of a population's performance when the per­

formance can be accounted for by the age-sex structure alone. For

example a reduced rate of population growth cannot be attributed to the

high death rate of lawyers by coronary infarction if it can be shown

that the population structure has a high proportion of aged. Since

aged people die of heart attacks, the deduction that increased death

rates derive from occupation risk is irrelevant.

Weiss (1973) has also shown that the adjustment of population

can growth rates to sort x_ from ^max easily be done by adjusting the

sample census from which the rates are derived. The use of a set of

constants, called adjustment factors, that approximate any stable

1. Demographers correct the biasing effects of age-sex structure of small populations in four ways: (1) They adjust rates directly by relating the specific rates of a given local population to some population taken as standard. (2) They multiply the crude death rate by an adjustment factor that is designed to take into account the peculiarities of age or sex composition of the local populations. (3) They construct life table rates. (4) They use a method of equivalent average death rates, which are the arithmetic mean of age-sex specific rates of cohorts (Linder and Grove 1959:60-86). Which ever method is used depends on the research problem. Life tables provide maximum in­ formation, such as average survivorship probabilities to "X" age, sur­ vivorship within age intervals, and specific age classes. Their use has been encouraged in anthropology by Weiss (1973) and Armelagos and McArdle (1975) for dealing with single sample census problems. Life tables are difficult to construct and the comparison is a complicated matter. Single or sample census is not a problem here. The problem of accounting for sex-age distribution that may produce rates of growth that would not be expected has to be solved here. In the trade off of maximum information of demographic interest and expediency in calcula­ tions, I chose expediency and computed adjusted rates by the direct •method. 38 distribution can be used to multiply classes of values in census tables.

Adjustment factors designed to fit specific distributions (such as those identified by Peterson [19^1:627-628]) are available in many demography and statistics texts and can be used for dealing with specific local or sample populations. Another more direct method has been suggested by

Linder and Grove (1959:66-69). It involves the use of known distribu­ tions of age-sex classes of large populations in a census. A national or regional census for sufficiently large populations which include local or sample populations are convenient and preferable for some purposes for adjusting the distribution of classes of values in local or sample populations.

Just as the distribution of sex-age cohorts can be adjusted in order to compute adjusted rates, the rates of birth and death can be adjusted by the direct method. The age-sex specific rates of observed local or sample populations can be multiplied by sizes of equivalent classes in the regional or national population and the sum of their products divided by the total national or regional population. The resulting adjusted rates of the local or sample population will then approximate the rates of the population from which they are drawn. The population that is used to "correct" or adjust the rates of the sample population is called the standard population. For some purposes the added advantage of using a regional or national population for deriving the adjustment factors is that the adjustment factors not only standard­ ize the distribution of the local cohorts and rates thereby permitting a comparison of local populations but also they are "realistic" because they are taken from the observed population distributions of that region 39 or nation. However either method of standardizing a population/ direct or indirect, is acceptable- Choosing between the adjustment factors taken from theoretically defined population distributions or distribu­ tions defined by a regional or national census depends on the purposes for which the adjusted rates or cohorts are to be used. By either method and using either set of adjustment factors can be sorted from r —max Weiss (1975) has provided some evidence that the "small scale" populations that anthropologists study can be standardized as are industrial populations that demographers regularly study. Furthermore, he has suggested that standardization is a legitimate or justifiable procedure for analyzing local populations. He has shown that severe demographic perturbations produce strong but short range effects on sex-age structure of a population of 68 Yanomamo Indians; the population quickly restored itself to an approximately stable distribution. By hypothetically subjecting the population to a number of very dramatic yet very realistic catastrophies (such as drastic epidemics, severe declines in births, and various random events), he has demonstrated that even multiple perturbations pass through the demographic structure of an "anthropological" population in a few years, after which time stability is restored. Nevertheless the application of stable popula­ tion theory to anthropological data may not be devoid of problems.

The assumption that a population's age-sex distribution is uniform through time is still an empirical question for the study of small, local populations. Weiss and Smouse (1976) have developed a feedback model that shows that "fertility damping" or "mortality 40

damping" may operate in small populations that have high growth

potential to reduce the stochastic distortions in age structure that

would be predicted by non-regulation, low-growth models. However very

little time series demographic data are available for "anthropological"

populations, and it is not known whether small populations that have

high growth potential actually do approach stability. A second problem

of using stable population theory in anthropology involves interpreting

results obtained from models derived from the theory. By adjusting age-

sex cohorts, the "wrinkles" in a population's performance are obliterated. These "wrinkles" are the fluctuations that anthropologists hope to interpret by reference to cultural behavior. Although the use of stable population theory has obvious advantages for dealing with single census data, it may be unnecessary, inappropriate, or even destructive to interesting detail when applied to time series data that historical demographers study.

In this study the rates of four local populations are adjusted simply to remove differences between the population's rates that would arise from differences in their age-sex distributions. The adjustment is necessary in order to compare the populations. Thus when the popu­ lations are compared, significant differences in their adjusted rates may not be attributed to differences in their age-sex structures. The rationale for adjusting the rates is simply to eliminate the poten­ tially biasing effect of unstable demographic structure. Although

"smoothing techniques" are used to control the biasing effects of demographic structure on birth and death rates, the comparisons of specific rates will use unadjusted figures in order to maximally retain 41

demographic realism. The problem of devising a measure of adaptation by

which to distinguish random variation from behavioral-environmental

interaction can now be addressed.

In order to evaluate the behavioral adaptation of a population

the question cannot be phrased, "Is the population adapted?" Rather,

the question must be put, "How well adapted or how poorly adapted is

that population?" It may only be shown that a population is "more" or

"better" adapted, "equally" or "less" adapted. Analytically this means

that the study of population adaptation requires a probabilistic

approach to population survival. That view, consistent with biological

models, would be extremely useful for anthropological studies because

anthropologists deal with changing variables and can only use models

that do not place data requirements too high. Lewontin has suggested

such an approach.

Maintenance of Constancy

Lewontin (1957) has proposed that population adaptation might best be measured as the probability of survival in varying environments.

This probability increases, he reasons, as populations maintain con­ stancy. This measure makes ecological sense if it is recalled that r approaches zero for an adapted population even though r may remain positive. Lewontin's notion of constancy, however, follows from a physiological analogy of homeostasis. In populational terms homeostasis implies constancy of reproduction and survival. His physiological analogy is appropriate because it reflects a concern with mechanisms or homeostatic devices by which populations maintain their numbers. 42

Homeostasis here does not mean resistance to change. As Lewontin

points out homeostasis refers to the population's flexibility of compo­

sition that enables it to "roll with the punch." He defines a homeo-

static population as "one which can so adjust its genotypic and pheno-

typic composition as to survive and reproduce in a variety of environ­

ments" (Lewontin 1968:396). Turned around the phrase reads, "a popula­

tion that can so adjust its genotypic or phenotypic composition as to

survive and reproduce in a variety of environments is a homeostatic

population." Since homeostatic populations are adapted (j: approaches

zero), then adapted populations are those populations that can adjust

their genotypic and phenotypic compositions as to survive and reproduce

in a variety of environments.

Levins (1968) has followed a similar course of reasoning

focusing on how the adjustments occur. He has recommended that popula­

tion adaptation can be measured by comparing the fitness set of alter­

native phenotypes in an environment with a varying parameter (Levins

1968:17). He adds that "the fitness set alone does not define an

optimum strategy. [Rather] overall fitness in a heterogeneous environ­

ment depends on the fitness in the separate environments, but in a way in which is determined by the pattern of environments" (1968:17). He

uses the notion of adaptive function to measure fitness in hetero­ geneous environments. Adaptive function A(W^W^) varies as environ­

mental structure varies from "coarse grained" environments that are

characterized by many alternatives (and increased uncertainty for any single individual) to "fine grained" environments that are character­ ized by "so many alternatives that they present themselves to the 43

individual as an average which is the same for all members of the

population. . • . (In fine grained environments) there is no un­

certainty" (Levins 1968:18).

Calculations of adaptive function require comparative estimates

of probabilities of survival and reproduction for different phenotypes

in various environments. By comparing variation of the probabilities

for each phenotype, it may be shown that one phenotype is better suited

than another to particular values in the range of fluctuation of the

environmental parameter. The probabilities are the birth and death

rates of the various phenotypes in a population. Since the rates can be

adjusted for human populations, the effects of uneven age-sex distribu­

tion can be "smoothed." Thus a comparison of adjusted rates can provide

a relative measure of the adaptive significance of phenotypic behavior within the respective populations. If the adjusted rates for all pheno­

types are averaged, the mean adjusted rate may be used to estimate the population's performance. In that case Lewontin's definition of popu­ lation adaptation might be operationalized to state: Population adapta­ tion refers to the relative ability of a population to maintain con­ stancy in varying environments measured by the comparative variation of its adjusted birth and death rates. "Relative ability" and "comparative variation" refer to the fact that an absolute measure of homeostatic adaptation is meaningless. Only comparisons between the constancy co­ efficients of the populations under study is useful. These constancy coefficients are a reflection of the relative ability of populations to meet fluctuations in limiting parameters of the environment given their intrinsic behavioral flexibility. Adjusted vital rates are chosen for 44

the measure because they partition the rate of population increase r -POP into component measures of and £• The more behaviorally adapted population should have a significantly lower overall variance in adjusted rates (r)-

Lewontin and Levins thus provide a basis for constructing a probabilistic measure for evaluating adaptation of total populations and a rationale for its derivation that is consistent with ecological theory. The distinction between behavior-environment interaction and stochastic variation can be accomplished by analyzing the variation in the adjusted rates- If the amount of variation between populations can be accounted for by the amount of variation within them, then the between population variation must be attributed to chance and regarded as stochastic. If it cannot, further study of behavior-environment interaction is warranted.

Lewontin notes that in the most highly developed organisms, like man, the evolutionary trend has been to supplement genotypic flexibility with phenotypic flexibility. To characterize that trend he introduces categories of homeostatic mechanisms one of which is "creative homeo-

2 stasis."

. . . creative homeostasis is the process whereby individuals alter the environment in order to fit it to their demands. ... It reaches its highest development in man, while de­ pending upon cooperation among members of the population, allows each individual in the population to be fit in a

2. Lewontin (1957:408) concludes that, "the very device by which creative homeostasis is achieved, intellect, may prove fatal to the species. The possession of a powerful homeostatic device increases the probability of survival of a species, it does not assure it." That is creative homeostasis should not be interpreted as a naive anthro- pocentric bias. 45

variety of environments, rather than depending upon differ­ ential fitness of genotypes for adaptation of the populations as a whole. . - . The immense adaptive range of man, far transcending that of any other species, is made possible by his power to alter his environment adaptively (Lewontin 1957: 408).

The final concern of this discussion is the selection of a descriptive

unit by which behavioral adaptation may be studied. The unit must

adequately describe the organization of the populations, be broad

enough to permit an analysis of homeostatic devices, and be consistent

with ecological theory. Four analytic perspectives have been used to

describe behavioral adaptation: epidemiological, cultural, social, and

ecological. The last of these is used here.

Epidemiologists identify categorically distinct groups of

individuals on the basis of differences in their rates of mortality.

This discovery procedure does not lend itself well to the probabilistic

view of Lewontin's modified model. It creates, post hoc, a list which

has descriptive value only. Although the approach is well suited for

the research goals of public health epidemiologists who must identify

social categories of high risk on the basis of disease specific mor­

bidity and mortality statistics, it does not fit the needs of the

ecological model. It is inappropriate because the list of individuals

it produces has no necessary ecological significance at the populational

or ecosystem level. The categories it creates may lump individuals that

have structurally different relationships to other organisms, and to chemical and physical properties of the environment. As a result the

similarity or equivalence in rates of performance may arise from quite

different transactions. Although the categories might be of substantial 46

value for public health intervention, they are trivial in terms of systematic ecological adaptation. Furthermore categories derived this way may hinder a study of underlying mechanisms because individuals are not grouped on the basis of the relationships and transactions that define their ecosystemic position. Thus the approach may or may not produce a mechanistic analysis of population homeostasis. If it does, the discovery of the mechanisms is a product of chance. The epidemio­ logical approach is not taken here for that reason.

The problem with the cultural and social approaches is that they construct analytic units in an a priori fashion that may or may not have ecological significance. The units of analysis differ between popula­ tions and subsequently defy comparison because they are derived from the categories of the local people. Because these categories are subject to subcultural variation they pose problems of interpretation. But in situations where cultural homogeneity with respect to local or folk demographic theory is found, the cultural approach can be most en­ lightening. It can produce systematically derived categories that take into account the environmental perception and cognition of the studied population and can provide tests of the biological consequences of local theories. It would be of enormous interest to know whether the culturally salient distinctions of various populations enhance or diminish their relative chance for survival. It could lead to the creation of categories that might be ignored by the researcher and lump individuals that the researcher might otherwise split. It would compliment an already well established body of literature in anthro­ pology and geography on environmental perception (Saarinen 1969) and 47 would permit a true study of ethno-ecology or psycho-ecology. Lastly it would be acceptable for testing generalizations about adaptation at the very abstract cultural level.

Social anthropologists interested in ecology define the struc­ ture of behavioral organization in terms of their interests in social structure which it sees as the system or plan of relationships that articulate people into functionally identified groups. Groups are defined by their social functions, and society is the sum of articulated groups such as kingroups, households, ceremonial societies, etc. After the structural identity of all social groups has been established on the basis of their functions, they may be studied as an organization by which human populations confront their environments and transform por­ tions of them into resources. The selection of social structure for the analytic unit would derive the definitions of functions of social units from social theory. The approach lends itself well to the

"functionalism" of ecological theory. The adaptive consequences of populations that have particular social structures composed of organized groups defined by social functions would contribute biological meaning to social or human ecology that has been called for in the literature

(Rappaport 1971). It would be acceptable for testing generalizations at the social level of abstraction.

The approach taken here is derived from the concept of eco­ logical niche. A niche is a "distinctive way of using resources"

(Hardesty 1975:71). It refers to what groups of organisms do for a living—their "occupations." It includes techniques for the utilization of resources, it specifies what those resources are, and defines the 48 extent to which they are used. Niches may be quantifiably described by

measuring their dimensions (Hardesty 1975, Levins 1968). Niche dimen­ sions, including shape and size, differ within and between populations, species, and communities. As Margalef (1968:7) points out, "the concept of niche will probably turn out to be unnecessary" for the study of steady state ecosystems. But for populations of a single species it is a useful unit for which coefficients of interaction may be developed.

Niches are not just lists of occupations, they are organized.

The total organization of niches in an ecosystem is one way of speci­ fying the structure of the interaction within the ecosystem. That is, the total organization of niches is a diagram of the ecosystem's design of food webs. Levins (1968) has discussed the organized use of re­ sources as a population's "strategy" or "adaptive strategy." He reasons that adaptation depends on the resource utilization strategy of a population. In one place flexibility enhances survival, in another specialization. At one time heterogeneity is advantageous, at another homogeneity. The homeostatic adaptation of a population is defined by its strategy. The strategy of a population is analyzed into niches.

Levins has shown that some populations utilize a wide range of resources while others maximally utilize one particular resource. The adaptive function of these populations depends not only on their re­ spective niches but also on the structure of the environment, its grain or geographically patterned distribution of resources (Levins 1968:17).

Similarly the fluctuations in environmental parameters through time affect the success of a resource utilization strategy (Lewontin 1957).

Strategies, the population's total organization of niches, are 49

differentially successful under various conditions; the differential

success may be reflected in adjusted rates of birth and death. If the

mechanisms by which niches are linked to birth and death performance

can be demonstrated then the relative adaptedness can be attributed to

specific behavioral organization of niches of a population. The niche

organizations of human populations are exceedingly varied and different populations employ alternative strategies. Although anthropologists are

fond of saying that culture is adaptive, "many cultures have gone to the wall" (Sahlins 1964:138).

In summary, ecological adaptation used here refers to the maintenance of population constancy in fluctuating environments. Main­ tenance of constancy refers to comparatively low variation in adjusted vital rates. Adjusted vital rates depend on behavioral organization.

Behavioral organization depends on the strategy of a population to transform environment into resources. The strategy of a population may be analyzed as an organization of niches. Niches refer to the dis­ tinctive ways that resources are used. (The identification of niches may be isomorphic with culturally defined positions of collective goals and rules, or they may be analogous to social structure as the total system of groups organized by their social functions.)

Comparisons of variation in adjusted vital rates of populations identical in all aspects except niche organization can be used as a probabilistic measure of survival. The measure takes into account changes in environment, demographic structure, and behavioral differ­ ences at the level of population, is easily operationalized, and amenable to anthropological data. 50

In summary, adaptation is a cover term used as a noun and a verb for a semantic domain (Figure 1) that is taxonomically organized into 3 four labeled levels that are distinguished by three rules. The rules differentiate at each respectively less abstract level:

1. Differences in usage: colloquial vs. technical.

2. Differences in teleological goal or measure: survival vs.

smooth functioning, apt response, or appropriate adjustment.

3. Differences in the unit of study: individual vs. groups (choice

of either unit requires an assumption about the internal com­

plexity of the other unit; when individuals are studied environ­

ments are uniform; when environments are studied individuals

are uniform).

3. A fourth rule distinguishing a fifth level could possibly be created to distinguish styles of demonstration or research designs that contrast precision and generality vs. mechanisms reality. 51

ADAPTATION

TECHNICAL USAGE

SURVIVAL

NON-TECHNICAL INDIVIDUALS GROUPS INDIVIDUALS GROUPS USAGE (psychology) (sociology) (physiology) (social (geography) (genetics) biology) (cultural (popula­ ecology) tion ecology)

Figure 1. Semantic Analysis of the Folk and Scientific Use of the Term Adaptation CHAPTER 3

RESEARCH DESIGN

The following section outlines the research design for eval­

uating Lewontin's theory of adaptation in varying environments. It

includes a statement of the research hypothesis from which test impli­

cations are drawn. The test implications specify data required to test

the hypothesis and choice of field data that fit the specifications are

discussed next. A review of data collection and verification proce­

dures is followed by a note about data analysis and interpretative

rationale for accepting or rejecting the hypotheses. It is assumed

that the goal of a population is to survive. It is also assumed that

populations of organisms are genetically uniform and uniform in pheno- typic plasticity.

The major hypothesis states that in a fluctuating environment populations that are comparable in all dimensions except niche organ­ ization maintain differential constancy in their vital rates. A directional hypothesis derived from the major hypothesis states that in a fluctuating environment where populations are comparable in all dimensions except niche organization, a population with a more diversi­ fied niche organization will maintain greater constancy in vital rates than a population with a less diversified niche organization.

The definitions of the term used in these hypotheses are as follows. A population is defined as a local population that is

52 relatively stable in geographic location and relatively circumscribed in

reproductive behavior. It is the "ecological population" following

Vayda and Rappaport (1968) and Rappaport (1971). Comparable dimensions

are defined as uniformity in all aspects of population structure in­

cluding demographic structure and location and exposure to the same

uniform environmental fluctuations. Niche organization is defined as

the structured techniques and strategies through which a population con­

fronts its environment and by which it transforms portions of that en­

vironment into particular physical and social resources. It is the

population's "strategy" defined by Levins (1968). Maintenance of

constancy is defined as the tendency toward zero variation. Vital rates

are defined as adjusted birth and death rates. Fluctuating environment

is defined as an environment in which major limiting factors in eco­

system production fluctuate through time.

The only test implication that meets the conditions of the

hypothesis is the comparison of populations that are dissimilar in

niche organization and are subject to the same fluctuations in a geo­

graphically circumscribed area. A comparison of similar populations in

similar or in different environments violates the conditions of the

hypothesis, and a comparison of different populations in different

environments violates the definition of comparable dimensions. There­ fore at least two populations that are geographical neighbors and which have been known to have existed in the specified geographic area for a similar period of time can be compared. Preferably populations which are colonies of a number of distinct parent populations would be eliminated from the test. Geographic area is a loose term that is used to describe units of inclusion on a scale of size (Saarinen 1969). The

smaller the unit the better. In this study adjacent physiographic zones

are included in the unit of a valley and populations residing in those

zones are compared. This unit (the valley) is defended because each

zone is distinguished from the others by a few variables (soils, slope, and altitude) all of which are the historical consequences of the same geological forces. The area should experience at least one measurable fluctuation that uniformly and equally affects the compared populations in frequency and magnitude of fluctuation, and the populations should have measurable differences in at least one aspect of niche size or shape. Furthermore, the populations must provide measurable vital rates over a reasonably long period of time.

The data required, then, would include information about the age and cultural history, niches, vital demographic performance, and en­ vironmental factors of two or more populations within a circumbscribed geographic area. An area that meets these data specifications is located in the terminal portion of the Tlacolula arm of the Valley of

Oaxaca. The study area includes four relatively circumscribed popula­ tions each of which reside in four distinct communities. Three of these are structurally equivalent villages in terms of their size, cultural histories, ages of existence, language, and positions in state and national political organization. None have markets, all are farming populations and all are equidistant from regional markets and political centers by all weather roads. The fourth population is the cabecera of the municipio ("municipal seat") in which the three villages are included and may be considered a sub-regional center. Each of the three villages is located almost exclusively in one of three major

physiographic zones from which they respectively derive their resources

by the application of somewhat different methods and techniques- The

cabecera utilizes all zones, plus as a sub-regional center, it serves as

a broker between rural and urban areas politically, economically, and

culturally. The entire area is subject to uniform fluctuations in one

major environmental parameter, rainfall, that seems to be the most

important limiting factor in ecosystem production for the entire valley

(Kirkby 1973, passim, Plannery et al. 1967). The area has been

extremely well studied by historians, physical and historical geolo­

gists, geographers, and anthropologists. The richness of their reports

is an important consideration in selecting this area for study.

Furthermore, finely detailed archives containing vital statistics and

other information of social and demographic relevance are available.

Demographic, social, and cultural data were acquired through

questionnaires, in depth interviews employing open-ended schedules,

archival reconnaissance, and participant observation techniques. Other

methods of data collecting included soil samples, soil mapping, blood

and stool analysis, and collections of medicinal and dietary wild plant

species. Roughly two hundred questionnaires were administered, one to

each household in each of the three villages, to obtain a human census, a census of property, crop production information, and estimates about

resource utilization such as labor invested per unit land and per unit of production, agricultural techniques and intensification procedures, crop choice, amount and type of land used, land improvements, food consumption, investment and return from ancillary occupations, kinship 56

and other social ties, and participation in ceremonial events. Six

residents drawn from the villages, all middle-aged male farmers, were

trained and paid to administer the questionnaires. A ten per cent

household sample, stratified by village, was readministered by me to

check validity of responses. No discrepancies between responses given

to assistants and those given to me were judged to be significant. If

invalid data were reported, the same invalidity was collected in the original administration and in the retest sample. Internal checks

(redundant questions and data that could be substantiated by inde­ pendent sources) were built into the questionnaire to test trustworthi­ ness of responses. A subjective evaluation for consistency in responses revealed no discrepancies that would affect the testing of the hypoth­ eses under scrutiny here. The data collected by questionnaire format are accepted as reliable for this study. The questionnaire that was used is reproduced in Appendix A.

In depth interviews were conducted on an opportunistic sample of farmers to elicit information about agricultural techniques used in different physiographic zones and craft production. Interviews were also used to gather information about disease and curing practices from three curanderos ("healers") for all causes of death listed in the mortality archives from 1864 to 1973. One curandera is a resident of the cabecera; the other two live in two of the villages in the study area. Interviews were also given to women about pregnancy, birth practices, infant care, diet and nutrition, and food preparation and household expenditures. Men were interviewed about the care and use of large animals and farming. In both of these cases, the sample was 57

selected by a combination of my interests, availability of informants,

recommendations from townspeople about authoritative or knowledgeable

persons, and from my subjective judgments.

Participant observation involved making one village my home for

sixteen months (June to December, 1970, and July, 1973, to March, 1974).

I built a house there during the last field season and was involved in

most major community events. I intruded as tactfully as possible into

the personal daily lives of many people in an attempt to partake in

customary activities. My time was not equally divided between all

populations in the study area. More time was spent in the piedmont

villac. and in the cabecera and less in the villages located in

mountainous and alluvial zones.

Archival reconnaissance was accomplished with the help of a paid

assistant. The assistant was trained by me and transcribed about forty-seven per cent of all archival data. I transcribed the rest.

The entire archive of birth and death registers in all four communities was transcribed and coded case by case for the years 1864 to 1973.

Archives in the Valley of Oaxaca vary tremendously in detail and accuracy of information and in the completeness of registration. The richness in these characteristics of archival quality was one of the

/ major factors that guided my selection of this study area.

The combined total number of births transcribed was 14,919. It represents assumed complete registration for all years from 1864 through

1973. In the archives each birth is recorded on one page of a hard bound ledger by the respective secretaries of each town. From 1864 through the mid-1930s feather and ink pens were used to write out birth 58

registrations in long hand prose form. From the mid-1930s until the

1960s fountain pens were used exclusively to write out each register.

Legibility and readability improves as the age of the material decreases.

In some of these years mimeographed or silkscreened forms were used

(1945 through 1953) but in most they were not. Since the early 1960s mimeographed forms have been used exclusively. These forms contribute to unevenness of reported material. For example the mimeographed forms used during 1945 through 1953 did not provide a space for the secretary to record the origin or place of birth of parents. Similarly, some registers list occupation of father, others do not. The archives are complete in most other respects and each register yields the following categories of information besides the name of the new born and the parent(s) and grandparent(s):

year of birth month, day, and hour of birth place of birth sex of newborn live or still birtii indicator twin or multiple birth indicator indicator of legitimacy status birth place of parents town of residence of parents transient or resident status of parents occupation of father (if birth is not illegitimate)

Additionally, most registers, but not all, and showing no discernible pattern, include:

age of mother number of previous children

The number of data points obtained from the birth archives was 193,947.

The death archive has exactly the same physical format as the birth archive and includes the following categories of information: 59

year of death month and day of death sex of decedent age of decedent (in years for adults, in months for children, and in weeks, days for infants and recently born) legitimacy of decedent's birth twin indicator cause of death medical certification of death place of birth of decedent place of habitual residence transient or resident in place of death indicator occupation of decedent or household head

There were 8403 recorded deaths in all of the surveyed archives from which 100,836 data points were obtained.

The accuracy and validity of information contained in archives, especially other people's archives, is always regarded with suspicion and skepticism. I am confident that the archival material used in this study represents a complete and accurate picture of the demographic performance of the towns studied. Completeness of registry is assumed.

There is no reason ever to conceal a birth or death, except perhaps to illicitly dispose of a corpse. This may occur for fetuses that are intentionally aborted during the early months of pregnancy and no control is exercised for that possibility. Given the relatively small sizes of the populations involved it would in fact be difficult or impossible to hide other deaths, or it would require town-wide con­ spiracies against the archive, and there is no evidence for such a concerted conspiracy. People do not regard the registration of births and deaths as onerous or infringing upon their privacy. The assumption that registration rate is high has no independent check to support it.

Everyone that I came to know personally was registered in the birth archives. The speed of reporting vital statistics varies from a few 60

hours to about 10 days. Most births are reported within one week to

ten days. Deaths are reported more promptly. Their reporting time

varies from within hours to one day. People are not negligent,

cavalier, or apathetic about registering births or deaths. It is re­

quired by law and non-compliance is sanctioned by gossip. The popula­

tions are small enough that town secretaries always manage to know in

advance of registration about a birth or death, and make their ledgers

ready to receive a new entry. Ostentatious funerals are the rule and

are major public occasions. Births are pleasant news. The service of

Civil Registry was established for the state of Oaxaca by gubernatorial

proclamation on March 18, 1961 (Taracena 1941:39).

There is no reason to suspect the veracity of year, place, date,

sex, place of parent's birth, town of residence, transient/resident

distinction, occupation, age of mother, or previous number of children

information in the birth archives. Occupation refers to usual occupa­

tion of father at time of birth or usual occupation of decedent or

household head at time of death. Residence refers to habitual residence of parents or decedent. Town secretaries are diligent and conscien­

tious and the reported information is not sensitive to any particular cultural forces.

Live vs. still births are judged to be accurate because infants

zero days old are distinguished by the phrases, naci<5 vivo/naci6 muerto

("born alive"/"born dead") or the designations present6 vivo/present6 muerto ("presented alive"/"presented dead"). Determining the life status of new borns is tricky diagnostic business that requires split second timing and is aided by stainless steel apparatus in Western 61 cultures. Determination of still births recorded in the archives, mid- wives and other say, is based upon evidence of breathing or heart beat immediately at birth. Errors probably occur, but the direction of their biasing effect (to favor live births judged to be still or still births judged to be live) can not be estimated and are assumed to cancel each other. Bearing a still born child is not socially stigma­ tizing, rather it is regarded as a sad occurrence. Still births are cross listed in death registries on the same day and are usually distinguishable from live births that die within moments or hours of their birth by cause. Furthermore, the stillborns are never given a first or Christian name in the registry.

Twins are ominous in Mexico, but they are not regarded with suspicion. To some extent they are considered curious and are fancied in all four communities. Judging from the number of multiple births reported in the archive (85 or 1%), the registration of multiple births is probably complete and accurate.

Legitimacy is not a problem of reporting accuracy, but of interpretation of the registers. Three categories of legitimacy may be distinguished. They are: hijo legitimo de padre conocido ("legitimate child of the mother and of a known father legally wed to the mother"), hijo natural de padre no conocido ("natural child of the mother and a father not legally wed to the mother"), and hijo natural de padre desconocido ("natural child of a mother and an unacknowledged father").

The last phrase only designates illegitimacy and may also read hijo no legitimo ..., however few town secretaries have ever been unkind enough to underscore anyone's illegitimacy twice in one phrase. The phrases 62 legitimo and natural refer only to the legal marital status of the parents which is irrelevant for setting up household in Oaxaca where common law unions are indeed common. For example, the distinction between hijo legitimo and hi.jo no legitimo was used to distinguish children of parents who were or were not legally married in the 1899

National Census, children recorded no legitimo in that census for the state of Oaxaca out-tallied those recorded legitimo two to one. The phrases no conocido and desconocido within the category natural were used to distinguish legitimate from illegitimate births. Since legitimo and natural de padre no conocido may be construed as accusations or identification of paternity, they will be protested by the accused men who generally have no intention of taking responsibility for the con­ sequences of previous months' folly. Since "proof" of paternity is difficult to establish, most women prefer not to make a public issue of illegitimacy by dragging it through the town's gossip mills. They simply and dutifully register the birth hijo natural de padre descono­ cido. In one of the villages the name of the "real" father was recorded on illegitimate birth registers having been reported, I was told, by the

"real" father in order to make his sexual potency a matter of public record. The practice was a rich source of humor as well as masculine pride. One hundred sixty-six (2%) of all recorded deaths were reported as deaths of individuals whose births were illegitimate. Forty (.05) of all recorded births were reported illegitimate. Parentage always lists mother, but father is unevenly reported although his occupation is generally given. 63

In the death archive the accuracy of year, date, sex, legitimacy

of birth of decedent, twin, medical certification, place of birth, place of residence, transient/resident status, and occupation are not construed as inviting skepticism. Age and cause, however, require

discussion. Age of death contains inaccuracies. Age of infants and children seems to be reported and recorded with care. The ages of almost all children under one year of- age and many between one and two years old were recorded in months. The ages of infants between fifteen days and one month are recorded in weeks or days. New borns of less than one day are recorded in hours. These figures are probably accept­ able estimates of actual age at death. Ages in years above two exhibit digit preference that reflects the same "rounding" practice as occurs in the U.S. National Census (Linder and Grove 1959:10). Since the infant and under 5 death rate is very high (52% of all recorded deaths are children under 5 years of age), the biasing effect must take into account the real mortality of lower age groups. The distribution of last digits for all reported ages between 4 and 100 years old shows an excess of deaths of individuals at reported ages ending in the digit 0 and 5. Table 1 shows the proportions of total deaths in which final digit of reported age is 0 through 9. Since the distribution shows extreme irregularities, 0 and 5 are considered preferred digits and do not accurately represent age of death. All age tabulations except for

0-3 years of age, are therefore in five year intervals of 0-4, 5-9,

10-14, etc. to minimize the effect of digit preference.

A second error detected in reported age involves age inflation.

The ages of very old individuals are grossly exaggerated by what seems 64

Table 1. Pinal Digit of All Reported Ages of Death, 1864-1973

Final Digit Per Cent of All Deaths Per Cent Interval

0 21.2 1 3.5 2 8.2 0-4 3 9.7 4 8.1 50.8 5 17.9 6 8.2 7 5.6 5-9 8 11.1 9 6.4 49.2 Total 100.0 100.0

to be an increasing proportion to their real age. Thus 70 year olds are reported about 75, 75 year olds around 85, and 80 year olds closer to

95. The accuracy of ages between 0 and about 65 or 70 seems accurate enough to fall within the chosen five year interval. I judge the accuracy of any reported age over 70 with extreme suspicion. Six per cent of all reported deaths included individuals of reported ages of 70 or more and are presented in Table 2. For most tabulations I have grouped ages 75 to 122 in the interval 75 and over.

Lastly, cause of death must be evaluated. Four hundred five causes were recorded for all registered deaths. One hundred thirty- seven of these may be regarded as "folk" causes and account for 6,909 65

Table 2. Reported Ages of All Deaths Over Seventy, 1864-1973

Reported Number of Reported Number of Reported Number of Age Deaths Age Deaths Age Deaths

71 15 82 10 93 0 72 32 83 5 94 4 73 19 84 6 95 10 74 23 85 32 96 4 75 75 86 10 97 2 76 24 87 1 98 4 77 15 88 8 99 3 78 27 89 3 100 2 79 18 90 9 102 1 80 71 91 2 105 1 81 10 92 2 122 1

(82.2%) of the total registers. The rest are "scientific" causes

derived from western medical systems. They account for 1,423 (17.0%)

of the total registers. Seventy-one registers (.8%) recorded "cause

unknown" or had no recorded cause. Because of the inconsistency in

reporting terminology the archives must be divided into two parts. The

first part (1864 to 1955) records causes in the "folk" terms of the

local medical system. The second part (mid-1950s to 1973) records almost all causes in the "scientific" terms of the western medical paradigm. A resident doctor arrived in the area during the mid-1950s 66 and in 1956 the Mexican Federal Government, complying with World Health

Organization recommendations, enacted into law the requirement that all

deaths be medically certified by a licensed physician. Furthermore, the law states that whenever possible the physician must report first the major or primary cause of death and then contributing conditions or other evidence of ill health in their descending order of importance.

For most deaths since the mid-1950s two or three contributing causes or conditions were recorded. Although these may not have directly in­ fluenced the process of dying, they were regarded as general indications of the decedents' medical profile. The differences in reported cause of death terminology reflect two distinct medical systems that use partially overlapping symptom terminology, completely different infer­ ential processes for attributing cause, and contrasting diagnostic and therapeutic procedures in dealing with persons defined as sick. Each system must be reviewed in order to evaluate reported causes (Young

1976). Since the research objective requires comparison of vital rates, estimates of cause-specific rates are necessary. The following discus­ sion presents background and a rationale for how data about cause were discovered, validated, and interpreted.

In the folk medical system the domain labeled enfermedad

("illness") includes a large number of named diseases each of which are characterized by a particular constellation of biophysical manifesta­ tions or symptom syndromes (Appendix B). Illness terms are labels applied to constellations of symptoms. The terms are of some historical interest because they are the product of several centuries of mutual exchange of lexical items that characterize Mexican folk medicine. Some 67

are of clear European origin, others are not (Foster 1953, 1960). The

precise relationship between a constellation of symptoms and a term used

to designate it as a specific illness or disease entity is important

only because the term suggests the general type of therapy that might

relieve the biophysical discomfort. However the terms or labels are

unimportant for attributing cause of the ailment except at the most

general or superficial level of determination. At a very specific or

precise level of determination there is only one cause, a lapse in the

rules for the conduct of interpersonal relations. Misalignment or dis­

ruption in social relationships may be regarded, in epidemiological

terms, as the "reservoir" for all potential disease in the population.

Terms that refer to manifest symptoms have little specific meaning for

determining the exact event or events that have disrupted social

relations. There is no one-to-one correspondence of a symptom syndrome

and a particular social event. One task of the diagnostic procedure,

then, is to infer through a chain of causality the relationship of the

general symptoms to some specific lapse in rules. This procedure in­

volves a series of deductive steps. They are, in order of decreasing generality: (1) identify the symptom syndrome, (2) establish the pre­ cipitating event that brought on the symptoms, (3) determine the type of inappropriate action that led to the precipitating event, (4) define the mix of personal characteristics (risk factors) and environmental circumstances (exposure categories) that underlie the inappropriate action, and (5) identify the occasion on which the lapse in the rules of social conduct produced the illness (Figure 2). 68

CAUSE

Lapse in Mix of Risk Inappro­ Precipi­ Labeled Ill­ the Rules Factors and priate tating nesses Charac­ of Social Exposure action Event terized By Conduct Categories Biophysical Symptoms that Inhibit Normal Functioning

CAUSAL INFERENCE

Figure 2. Chain of Inference for Deducing Cause of Illness

Each step in the inferential process may be defined as follows.

Precipitating events are the proximal sources for the symptoms. They are immediate agents or occasions that give rise to discomforting bio­ physical manifestations. Potentially there are numerous precipitating events in everyday life such as, dropping a brick on one's foot, eating spoiled food, sleeping in a draft, not changing rain soaked clothes, working in the sun without a hat, traveling to a strange place, etc.

That is, almost anything can be a precipitating event. The specific precipitating event that leads to illness is reasoned to be brought about by inappropriate action. Any behavior that can be categorized as uncautious; foolish; inconsiderate; arrogant or disloyal in speech, deed, or manner is inappropriate. Inappropriateness is a product of the interaction of particular circumstances and personal 69 characteristics. Personal characteristics are called "risk factors" by

epidemiologists. In the folk medical system risk factors that increase the possibility for illness are envidia ("envy") or celocidad •

("jealousy"), avaricia ("greed") or pinchismo ("stinginess"), and orgullosidad ("pomposity") or caprichosidad ("conceit"). Kearney

(1972:116-123) has elaborated some of these concepts and detailed some examples of how Oaxacans maintain acceptable personal characteristics.

Circumstances that increase the probability of infection are called exposure categories by epidemiologists. In the folk medical system exposure categories are the networks of interpersonal relations. These networks have been egocentrically described by Selby (1974) to include people "who are something" to ego or persons of confianza ("trust").

Selby (1974:19-39) has outlined the relationships in their decreasing order of importance as immediate family members within the household; non-household family members; fictive kin ("godparents/godchildren") and in-laws; distant affinals and collaterals; and neighbors, distant kin, and other townsmen. They are the "insiders" of a person's social matrix (Selby 1974:32). Susceptibility or conversely resistance to illness depends on the interaction of these risk factors and exposure categories. The global conditions of the social matrix are set by the concept of respeto ("respect"). The notion of respect is an expression of the way life should be. It specifies the conditions wherein inter­ actions of ego and all persons "who are something" to ego are marked by generosity, trust, and humility (Selby 1974:22-30). That is, the dominant moral order strives for "equality" (Kearney 1972:92; Foster

1965a, 1965b). Illness results from an interaction of persons within the social matrix that does not conform to the conditions. Other ill

fortune, such as crop loss, loss or injury to livestock, or witchcraft,

may result from inadherence to the conditions. Concern here is only with consequences of disruptions in social relations that are labeled

"illness." The main point is that a failure to maintain the rules of social interaction may result in illness, but the specific symptoms of that illness cannot be predicted with any certainty from character­ istics of the social disruption. The illness may include diarrhea, perhaps with rectal or intestinal pain and maybe containing mucous, puss, or blood; sharp or lingering pains possibly in the head or the gut or maybe in the upper back; respiratory congestion, sometimes accompanied by a high fever or a fever alternating with chills; melancholy and sadness or euphoric attacks or seizures; loss of vitality sometimes characterized by appetite loss or insomnia or inanition; shakes; skin lesions; coughing fits; constipation; and so forth.

Home remedies are used to alleviate symptoms that are not grave.

If the symptoms place a person in great pain, if disease episodes persist or recur over long periods of time (over a month), if the sick person becomes immobile or grossly disfigured, then home remedies may be supplemented by professional care. Healers may be men or women.

They are always adults, and usually older adults (over 45 years old).

There are various specialists. Hueseros ("bone setters") tend to be men and parteras ("mid wives") are women. Other specialists may not be identified by sex. Their specialization emerges from their success with treating particular ailments. Most curanderos recognize their own talents and limitations and are willing to treat only those ailments 71

that experience has taught them respond well to their style of treat­

ment. Treatments vary and curanderos are somewhat guarded about the

details of their individualized art or technique. Everyone knows the

general course of therapy for most ailments. The reputation of

curanderos develops within communities and some are renowned throughout

the Valley for their skill at treating a particular illness. Choice

between various healers is sometimes guided by those reputations. How­

ever, most people seek therapy from healers with whom they have

confianza. That is, they rely on "insiders" for their cure.

The main objective of professional therapy is remission of dis­ comforting symptoms. Intervention occurs at the level of symptom and course of treatment depends on the characteristics of the symptom and

the precipitating event. Most of the remedies used in the study area are familiar throughout Middle America and some are summarized by Adams

(1952), Adams and Ruebel (1967), Parsons (1936:118-123), O'Nell and

Selby (1968), and Day (1967).

The remedies include ingestion of teas and purgatives and rectal infusions concocted from herbal solutions and patent medicine and used for symptoms affecting respiration, internal organs, and body fluids. Salves, ointments, and balms, some of which are commercially available, are applied cutaneously for dermatological, skeletal, or joint ailments. Some illnesses are treated with pills purchased in general stores or markets. Other ailments require massages or bathing, especially to relieve muscular pains or total body aches. Symptoms involving altered emotional states are treated by various combinations of these treatments and also by divination. 72

In addition to formal therapy healers recommend or insist that

sick persons observe proper care in daily activities. Most of the

recommendations are restrictive and involve dietary proscriptions,

cautions about bathing, suggestions to avoid the sun, wind, and physical

exertion and advice to resist emotional arousal. No estimates of the

"effectiveness" of folk therapy were collected, such as case fatality

rates, cure rates, or length of recovery periods. Informants agree

that the treatments usually work, which means they remedy the symptoms.

Remedies and recommended patient care are summarized in Appendix C.

Plants commonly used for preparing medicines are in Appendix D.

Complete cure, defined as removal of cause, not just symptoms, 4 can only be accomplished by realigning interpersonal relationships.

Enduring biophysical discomfort, the expense of medical treatment, and

extended periods of recuperation provide time and reason for everyone

to reflect about interpersonal conduct. Illness offers everyone "who

is something" to an ailing person the opportunity to reason out by careful deduction through each link in the chain of causality the exact event that is responsible for the symptoms. A decision of how to rectify interpersonal relations and set the social matrix in order can be made.

4. Gonzalez (1966:125) believes that western medical system is used for relieving symptoms whereas curers relieve the "basic cause" of disease. I find no evidence for that dichotomy in Oaxaca. Both practitioners are sought for relief of discomforting or incapacitating symptoms. The "basic cause" is much deeper than folk notions of anatomy and physiology. Basic cause relates to a violation of conditions of the social matrix. 73

Afflicted persons are not always the "cause" of their own

illness. Frequently ailments result from disruptions between others

"who are something" to the sick person. For example, parents and

godparents are victims of illness if children disobey. Brothers and

sisters get sick if siblings are stingy. In-laws become ill when their children are mistreated by sons-in-law or daughters-in-law. Spouses get sick if their mates ignore household responsibilities. The chain of causality shifts at the juncture between "risk factors mixed with exposure categories" and "inappropriate action." Cause is transferred from the sick person, who becomes a victim, to another person who "is to blame." The shift exculpates or exonerates the ailing person and precisely fixes responsibility on another. The process may be illustrated best by examples.

A mother chases a disobedient child out of a house into the yard, which at that time of day is in full sun. Later the mother complains of a severe headache. The symptom persists through the evening and is labeled by family consensus pasmo ("bursting headache").

The inferred cause is coaxed from the mother who now requires bed rest.

The child's disobedience vis-a-vis a parent forced the mother to exert herself in the hot sun and resulted in the symptom. The child's be­ havior lacks respect.

Responsibility for any illness is explicitly conveyed to persons accused of disrupting the social order. Stern lectures, scoldings, public denouncements, and gossip are doled out by entire social groups

—parents, siblings, fictives, neighbors, townspersons, any "insiders," 74

especially godparents. But it may even include the town authorities,

as happened in the case of Senora Ermina, who is a widow.

On her way to draw water the senora must pass the house of her

daughter and son-in-law. One evening as she passed the house she saw

her son-in-law beating her daughter. The senora ran home and while

pacing in her yard she felt a hot rush through her body that lasted for

minutes. She was stricken by muina. Kearney (1972:70) describes

muina as a "psychogenic ailment that most commonly results from envy or

anger. . . . There is no readily available means to dissipate the en­

gendered emotional energy . . . it is directed inward to the person who

has the envy or anger." Muina is characterized by generalized poisoning

carried by the blood. It swells the heart and may lead to deformations,

especially of the upper torso. It is potentially fatal. The town

authorities were notified by the senora's neighbor, who happens to be

her widowed sister and who luckily noticed senora Ermina nervously pacing in the yard. The authorities investigated and within twenty

minutes the son-in-law was before the town authorities. His behavior was denounced, and he was disgraced by firm counsel the fifteen authorities gave regarding the proper way to treat a spouse. Further­

more he was fined (for the assault offense) and told to take his mother-in-law to a doctor and to pay all expenses. Fortunately the muina responded to treatment within days and the son-in-law became a humble man. Muina is a chronic ailment and usually leads to much more disastrous consequences.

A severe condition developed in the year that Refugio was elected a town official, bought a magnificent yunta ("team of oxen"), and became a father for the first time after five years of marriage.

Refugio's good fortune changed him, neighbors say. He became boastful,

arrogant, cavalier, and reckless in his dealings. Gossip described him

in the most unflattering terms as a mula ("disagreeable"), mandon

("bossy"), sin verguenza ("shameless"), caprichudo ("careless"),

grosero ("rude"), and generally a pendejo ("dummy"). His behavior was

muy politico ("changeable" or "uncertain") and he tended to habla mucho

("talk too much"). He neglected his household responsibilities which

led to bitter quarrels with his wife, Zenobia. On Independence Day he

was directing arrangements for the town celebration, speaking lewdly

about his "power," laughing too loudly, and by evening babbling drunken

nonsense over the public address system that had been temporarily set

up in front of the school. His wife was distraught. She had told him

that the baby, now five weeks old, was coughing too much. She had

warned that the coughing interfered with nursing. She had urged taking the infant to a doctor in Oaxaca City. She had asked him to sell the yunta in order to get money. And she had begged him to stay home on

Independence Day to help with the baby. Refugio's voice, thundering gibberish over the public address system could be heard all the way to his house. Zenobia felt a surging fever through her body when she recognized the voice. Forces within her were expanding and her heart pounded. She felt dizzy and disoriented. She tried to nurse the baby as best she could, but he rejected her breast. Women who know say the baby died of chichi de muina ("muina contaminated breast milk"). Muina pollutes all of the body's fluids, especially mother's milk. Refugio's 76

yunta had to be sold in order to pay for the funeral- Refugio has

changed, neighbors say.

Because social relations are manipulated through illness, sick

persons can recover both physically and socially. Occasionally, how­

ever, they do not and a new entry is recorded in the secretary's hard

bound ledger. The death is not without social purpose, however.

Funerals are "festive" occasions that may last for days. They provide a

time to restate the moral order and in particular to reestablish the

observance of respect in social conduct. El Guindi (1972) and El Guindi

and Selby (1976) have shown that funerals are p^r excellence a festival of the godparents. Godparents, equally, par excellence both encode and

enforce "respect." Respect is the local code word for proper social relations. A funeral therefore is the precise antipode of death. Death is the end point of a process that began with "disrespect." The funeral is a process that converts social relations from disrespect to respect.

When a death is reported in folk terms, the name of the illness or the major symptom(s) are recorded. Only "insiders" report deaths.

Sometimes the "insiders" are household kin but preferably they are fictives. The reporting of a folk symptom is a statement about nothing of social importance. Reported folk "cause" is a simple, precise, and exact description of an illness or some symptoms. People are not in­ hibited, dishonest, apathetic, or inaccurate about uttering illness terminology or reporting discomforting symptoms, since nothing very specific can be inferred from them. The statement of a major syirgptom is not a statement of the real cause. Everyone knows the real cause in general is dislocation of social relations. Yet only insiders are privy to the links in the inferential chain that connects the illness to a social disjuncture. Those causal links are not discussed with out­ siders, and the quest to obtain knowledge of them is a consuming interest of "outsiders." Chisme ("gossip") is a highly developed art in

Oaxaca (Selby 1974:70-81). Everyone participates in gossip, adults, children, men, and women. Children are used as spies or intelligence agents who can inconspicuously and with seeming innocence infiltrate other people's homes and gather sensitive material (Hotchkiss 1968).

Neighborhood stores, the molino ("grinding mill"), and street corners are all places where information about other peoples 1 social relation­ ships may potentially be gathered by keeping one's ears open, by being

"alert." Conversely, the art of concealing information about inter­ personal relationships is executed with mastery. Inane conversations about weather can consume major portions of an hour without including an evaluative or judgmental comment. The structure of a pleasant con­ versation with an "outsider" consists of alternating statements of immediately observable fact and acknowledgments of agreement.

Alejandro: "Good day, Sr. Juan."

Juan : "Good day to you, Sr. Alejandro."

Alejandro: "I see you are working."

Juan : "Yes, I am working."

(pause)

Juan : "I see you are going to town."

Alejandro: "Yes, I am going."

(pause)

Alejandro: "Working in the fields is always hard." 78

Juan : "Yes, it is hard work."

Alejandro: "The fields are growing, thanks to God."

Juan : "Yes, they are. Thanks to God."

Alejandro: "Well, with your permission, I'll be going."

Juan : "Have a pleasant journey, Sr. Alejandro."

The conversation is pleasant because it was courteous and because

nothing was revealed except mutual respect. Caution is always exercised

about divulging affairs pertaining to the social matrix. Eavesdropping

by "outsiders" (intelligence operatives) is always a possibility.

Thus to discuss the specific cause of death with an outsider is

more than indelicate, it constitutes chisme and a form of betrayal that

makes reporting the death a foolish or uncautious action. It could lead

to some precipitating event. However, to report an illness or some

symptoms is a trivial matter. For these sufficient reasons the accuracy

and validity of recorded folk illness and symptoms is judged to be good.

The western medical system defines disease as a clinical state

of ill health. Ill health is inferred to occur through an interplay of

pathogens, hosts, and external environment. Pathogen refers to any­

thing that is able to infect a host and produce a specific clinical

reaction (Weil 1972:136-148). Pathogens are usually microorganisms

(bacteria, viruses) and hemoliths or toxins. The definition may be stretched to include any imbalance of nutritional intake and aging, both of which interfere with systemic biological functioning. Host refers to a living organism. Environment refers to everything outside the host and may include social, physical, and social-psychological aspects of the external world. Signs of ill health refer to a range of interpretable evidence at various levels of specificity and that are

derived from various sources. A diagnostic continuum that scales

diagnostic signs from most general to most specific has been described

by Burgess (1972:47). It ranges from (1) death to (2) permanent bio­

physical damage to (3) non-specific signs of organ malfunction and

growth failure to (4) physiological and metabolic alterations.

Mortality censuses are used to study deaths/ morbidity data are neces­

sary for analyses of permanent biophysical damage, anthropometric in­

formation permits studies of growth failure, and organ malfunction and

biochemical data are required for physiological and metabolic studies.

Burgess divides physiological and metabolic alterations, the most

precise level of evidence, from the rest of the diagnostic signs by a

"clinical horizon." The "clinical horizon" underscores biochemical

indicators as the best evidence from which to infer cause and separates

them from more ambiguous sources of evidence. "Scientific" cause of

death registers reveal some unevenness in the archives in that they refer

to illnesses inferred from various levels of specificity on the diag­

nostic continuum. The unevenly include patient reported symptoms that

may overlap the non-specific clinical signs. Physicians in the study area, however, note a reasonably good correspondence between symptoms and non-specific signs above the biochemcial level of determination.

A second difficulty in assessing "scientifically" reported causes involves sorting analogous from homologous clinical signs. An inferred cause of death based on correctly observed signs may be reported even though distinct diseases produce similar effects at various stages of development (Young 1976:8). The clinical signs that 80

are used to determine cause may reflect variations in the pathogenicity,

infectivity, toxicity, invasiveness, virulence, antigenicity of micro­

organisms and variations in the resistance, immunity and risk factors of

hosts. This problem of diagnosis has been illustrated in an account of

a trichinosis outbreak in New York that was traced to a New Jersey pig:

Trichinosis is the chameleon of diseases. Nearly all diseases are anonymous at onset, and many tend to resist identification until their grip is well established, but most can eventually be identified by patient scrutiny. Trichinosis is occasionally impervious to bedside detection at any stage. Even blood counts sometimes inexplicably fail to reveal its presence at any stage in its develop­ ment. As a diagnostic deadfall, it is practically unique. The number and variety of ailments with which it is more or less commonly confused approach the encyclopedic. They include arthritis, acute alcoholism, conjunctivitis, food poisoning, lead poisoning, heart disease, laryngitis, mumps, asthma, rheumatism, rheumatic fever, rheumatic myocarditis, gout, tuberculosis, angioneurotic edema, dermatomyositis, frontal sinusitis, influenza, nephritis, peptic ulcer, appendicitis, cholecystitis, malaria, scarlet fever, typhoid fever, paratyphoid fever, undulant fever, en­ cephalitis, gastroenteritis, intercostal neuritis, tetanus, pleurisy, colitis, meningitis, syphilis, typhus, and cholera. It has even been mistaken for beriberi (Roueche 1972:11-12).

Scientifically reported cause of death information is accepted

as accurate and trustworthy in the surveyed archives because (1) it was

reported by highly qualified professional diagnosticians, (2) the diag­

nosticians are familiar with the medical patterns of the study area,

(3) determination of cause is supported by clinical evaluations and

biochemcial tests for decedents who were under the care of the reporting physician, and (4) the disease that is reported as the "cause" is not at its relatively "anonymous" stage of detection, but at its more easily identifiable final stage. It was not possible to detect "diag­ nostic fads" that may introduce distortions into the mortality 81

statistics- Similarly, no evaluation of the principles and methods by

which reporting physicians assigned priority in cases involving multiple

cause was possible (Linder and Grove 1959:18-25).

The differences between the folk and the western medical systems

about exact cause of disease and the best course of therapy result in

complaints by both curanderos and physicians about each other's exper­

tise. Curanderos insist that the physician's pills and injections are

too "hot." Physicians point out that curanderos' food proscriptions

contribute to undernutrition and diminish the general health status and

patients' resistance to infection. People manage the conflict between

the two systems by taking one of three tacks. Some very explicitly

compartmentalize the two medical systems according to the symptom or

illness. Doctors know about respiratory problems and curanderos know

about muina. It's a matter of selecting the correct specialist. Other people resolve the, matter by simply accepting one system and rejecting

the other. Usually that decision is based on a successful or un­ successful experience. Still others employ a sequential strategy. They seek help from a curandero first and if no relief of symptoms is forth­ coming, they visit a physician. Physicians complain that their ability to successfully treat an ailment is frustrated by the last strategy.

Disease episodes are well developed or chronic when the decision to visit the physician is finally made. Similarly, incoirplete cures are a problem. If patients do not quickly experience relief from symptoms they become skeptical of the ability of the western system. On the other hand, an incomplete cure may also result from a patient discon­ tinuing treatment because relief from symptoms is experienced quickly. 82

Relapsing episodes and recurrent disease patterns are common. In­

complete cures contribute to the endemicity of parasitic diseases and

"loss of faith" in particular curanderos and doctors. Choice between

curandero or physician rarely is determined by money; both charge about

the same. Choice among curanderos or among doctors is influenced by

the personal characteristics of the practitioner—"their manners."

Both types of practitioners are somewhat knowledgeable about

each others' systems. Curanderos are superficially familiar with

"scientific" terminology. They know that doctors may call respiratory

conjestion bronchial pneumonia or bronchitis and mimic these terms in

their diagnoses. They do not know much about the causal inferences by

which physicians arrive at those labels nor do they care about them.

Some physicians' detailed knowledge about the treatments, diagnostic

inferences, and recommended patient care that curanderos employ has

developed from reconstructing medical histories.

For purposes of estimating the differential variation in vital

rates as a function of disease specific niche behavior, the two

terminological systems of reporting cause of death had to be made com­

parable. The knowledge that a number of local physicians have about the

folk system made possible a procedure by which comparability could be achieved. Although inferred causes and therapeutic practices are not in any way similar between the two medical systems, one dimension of com­ parability exists, their common identification of patient symptoms and major signs of ill health. The manner by which the two segments of the archives were made equivalent involved translating one into terms of the other and then transferring both, "scientific" and "translated 83

folk" terms, into a universal metalanguage for purposes of analysis.

The following procedure was involved.

Three curanderas were interviewed using a schedule of open-ended questions about each folk cause of death recorded in the death registry.

Those interviews established in the expert opinion of the curanderas the precise name of each illness, alternative or synonymous names, a list of specific symptoms, and general manifestations of each ailment having the reported name. Assessments of the severity of the illnesses, charac­ teristic precipitating events, characteristic inappropriate behaviors associated with the precipitating events, characteristic risk factors of the host, and any other data pertaining to susceptibility, resist­ ance, or the reservoir of the illness were collected. Remedies that are generally available and frequently used, and recommendations about patient care were also gathered. The information obtained from all curanderas was synthesized by illness into model cases.

The model cases were presented to two physicians in the Valley who are familiar with the folk medical system for their diagnostic evaluation. In all cases except nine (tiricia, hitropecia, itrofesia, vejes, pasmo, un fuerte dolor, vomito, dolor colico, and colico) the physicians responded quickly and confidently with evaluative opinions that wei-e in agreement. The nine illnesses that were not translatable are descriptions of illnesses or synptoms that were too general to refer to any clinical sign that would suggest a particular "scientific­ ally" named ailment. The evaluating physicians had encountered thousands of cases similar to the model cases in their respective practices and their diagnostic opinions are accepted as accurate. However to check against any bias of overdetermination arising from that

familiarity (imputing more to "folk" illness than may be acceptable to physicians not familiar with the folk medical system), the same model cases were presented to an epidemiologist whose research experience includes field work in Haiti, India, and among North American popula­ tions. His evaluation agreed with one hundred and twenty of the diag­ nostic opinions (94%). Since his disagreements about the remaining eight illnesses involved more conservative judgments about their level of determination, the original evaluations were retained for analysis.

The result of the translation was a list of scientific medical descriptions of disease entities that were unique in their syndromes.

Some focused on anatomical location, others on etiological factors, and still others emphasized the interrelations of other body parts or systems. In order to standardize the data and yet not lose information all translated "folk" causes and all medically certified causes were classified according to a modified form of the International Classifica­ tion of Diseases ([ICD] World Health Organization 1967). The ICD was begun in 1858 when the First Statistical Congress at Brussels appointed Dr. William Farr and Dr. Marc d'Espine to prepare a list of nomenclature of causes of death that would permit comparability of death rates for specific causes in different countries (Linder and Grove

1959:18-19). The first classification was presented to the Inter­ national Statistical Institute and was adopted in 1893. Revisions are made each decade at conferences held in Paris in order to maintain the

ICD abreast of developments in medicine and public health. The Inter­ national Classification has been adopted by most countries for grouping 85

deaths by cause and is recommended for demographic analyses of diseases

by the World Health Organization. The modifications used to classify

the reported cases in this study are in the direction of increased

generality. Thus all levels of determination of cause of death recorded

in the archive could be accommodated without information loss and

various levels are available for specific analytic purposes in com­

paring populations.

It must be emphasized that the procedure by which the original

data were made comparable and standardized does a great deal of violence

to the internal logic of the folk system. Nevertheless, the procedure

is required for purposes of this study and the final classification does

not purport to represent an emically coherent body of salient categories

of folk illnesses.

Archival transcription is repetitive work and can become

tedious. It thereby invites error. To estimate the error committed in

transcribing the archival data ten per cent of the archives were tran­

scribed twice and the two transcriptions were compared for inconsisten­

cies. One year was randomly drawn from each decade and the data cate­ gories for all the birth and death registers were recopied by either the paid assistant or me, choosing the one that did not transcribe the sample year the first time. Any discrepancy, deletion, addition, or lack of agreement for each data category was noted as one error. The overall per cent error detected in the sample years was computed to be

4.1%. The trend of transcription errors indicates that the first archives to be transcribed contain a higher percentage of error than the later years. Furthermore, the most frequent source of error was in 86

transcribing the units of reported ages, especially hours, days, and

months, which inflates infant ages. For example, two days may have been

copied two months, two hours as two days, etc- All ages must be con-

sidered less accurate than other data. The inaccuracies lie mainly in childrens' and infants' ages and can for these reasons be regarded as

inflated. Aside from the age records no systematic bias was found in 5 retest results. Per cent error in transcription for the sample years is presented in Table 3.

Following from the discussion in Chapter 2, analytic procedures will compare variations in demographic performance of populations that have different resource utilization strategies in a varying environment.

Estimation of variability in demographic performance will compare varia­ tions in annual fluctuations in fertility and mortality rates for four sample populations. If by analysis of variance significant differences in these rates can be demonstrated for the sample populations, then the major research hypothesis will be accepted. If the amount, that is the range, of variability is smaller for the population with greater diver­ sity in resource utilization strategies, then the corollary hypothesis will be accepted. The corollary hypothesis states, that populations

5. To estimate the significance of errors for interval scale data a comparison of means was used. For the variable age, for example, the percentage of error was found to be the same as the percentage of error for all information. That is errors in transcription of age represent total error. The mean age of death was computed for all registers transcribed by the assistant and by me. The means differed to a very small extent and the difference may be regarded as not signifi­ cant according to the result of a t-test. The errors detected in the ten per cent reliability retest were all corrected before data analysis. However corrected errors were not counted as correct in computing the 4.1 per cent of error estimate. Their correction is simply a side benefit. 87

Table 3. Estimated Per Cent Error of Transcription for Twelve Retest Years of Birth-Death Registers

Retest Year Per Cent Error

1869 13.5 1874 5.7 1888 4.3 1895 3.1 1903 7.1 1915 2.5 1929 5.6 1937 1.3 1944 0 1957 2.2 1966 1.3 1971 2.2 Total 4.1

with more diversified resource utilization strategies are more

"flexible" biologically, and that flexibility promotes constancy of

reproduction and survival. If both hypotheses are confirmed then this study will lend support to Lewontin's notion of homeostatic adaptation.

Only if both hypotheses are confirmed will the mechanisms by which resource utilization strategies are related to variations in vital rates be examined. CHAPTER 4

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION IN THE VALLEY OF OAXACA

In the previous chapter four populations in the Valley of Oaxaca

were proposed as suitable for testing an hypothesis derived from

Lewontin's (1957) idea of homeostatic adaptation. The populations are

regarded as suitable because they fulfill the test implications and

they meet the data requirements of the hypothesis. That is, they differ

in strategies of resource utilization (total niche organization) and all

are subject to the same annual and seasonal fluctuations in rainfall,

the major limiting environmental parameter in Valley ecosystem produc­

tion. Furthermore sufficiently detailed time series data are available

regarding (1) alternative strategies of resource utilization, (2) annual

variations in rainfall, and (3) variations,in vital rates for all four populations. The demographic performance of the four populations will be compared later.

The Valley of Oaxaca

The Valley of Oaxaca is located 370 kilometers southwest of

Mexico City in the subtropical Sierra Madre del Sur. Shaped like an irregular letter Y, the three arms of the Valley include over 1600 square kilometers of semiarid land, making it the largest valley south of Mexico's central highlands (Figure 3). The Valley is part of a larger drainage basin and the seasonal streams and rivers that dissect

88 89

tlacolula oa^CA VALLEY JUAREZ

ocotlan

') I Figure 3. Map of the Valley of Oaxaca — Source: KirkBy (1973). f ' " 5

l r i \ \l I \ \ 90 its flanks empty into the Rio Salado in the eastern (Tlacolula) arm and into the Rio Atoyac in the northern (Etla) and southern (Zaachila) arms.

The entire Valley grades gently to the south and the Atoyac exits

through a crevice in the southern arm to join the Rio Verde that empties

into the Pacific. Roads as well as rivers pass through the Valley. The

most important of these, the Pan American Highway, runs the length of

the northern and eastern arms. It provides a link between areas within

the Valley as well as a connection with the Isthmus of Tehuantepec to the south and the nation's capital to the north. Its construction was completed in the early 1940s. Subsidiary roads and hundreds of trails and paths criss cross the Valley and join communities to each other and to areas out of the Valley in all directions.

There are 256 communities of various sizes and of various political and economic significance distributed through the Valley. The

Valley floor tends to be more densely populated than the surrounding slopes, perhaps because the best agricultural land is found there.

The state capital, situated near the juncture of the Valley's three arms, had ar population in 1970 of over 130,000, and is the administra­ tive, transportation, and economic center of the region. A few towns in each arm, generally district or municipal seats of 2,000 to 10,000 population, are locally important market and jurisdictional centers.

Smaller villages of under 2,000 inhabitants and homesteads of five to twenty people comprise the largest proportion of the Valley's settle­ ments and are the farming towns that most Valley residents regard as home. Most of the Valley's communities, except for the state capital and perhaps a few larger district centers, may be characterized as 91

"closed corporate peasant communities." Following Wolf's (1957) defini­

tion they are primarily agricultural, control the use of their own land/ are similar in structure to corporate organizations, and are made

up of a limited membership that is based primarily on birth in the community.

Besides corn farming many Valley residents pursue a variety of trade, craft, and commercial enterprise. Trade and artisan specialties, such as carpenters, masons, weavers, potters, tanners, electricians, mechanics, tailors, and merchants are common in towns above one thousand and a number of communities are internationally famous for their distinctive craft products. The exchange of specialized goods and services link neighboring towns in local networks of daily contact

(Uzzell 1975). Weekly scheduled rotating markets described by Nash

(1967) as "solar markets" bring Oaxacans from all sizes and types of communities into regional patterns of contact. Villages that have developed cottage industries (especially those producing pottery, woven goods, liquor, and hand sewn garments) are part of the Valley's lucra­ tive tourist business that has flourished since the early 1950s. These towns participate in national and international markets through whole­ sale exports of their craft products.

Although not all Oaxacans are farmers, the major occupation and primary economic concern of most villagers is corn farming. Corn pro­ duction is determined by a mix of three factors: land, water, and labor. Kirkby (1973:7) in a regional study of agricultural production notes that "flat land is the major resource of the Valley for agri­ culture, and water is the most critical resource." Flannery et al. 92

(1967) and Kirkby (1973) have intensively studied the physical environ­

ment of the Valley as part of the Human Ecology and Prehistory of the

Valley of Oaxaca Project. The following description of the Valley's

land types is a synthesis of their reports.

Land

The Valley may be divided into four major physiographic zones:

low alluvium, high alluvium, piedmont, and mountain. Each zone is

characterized by differences in altitude, drainage, water table, soils,

mean annual temperature and rainfall, and vegetation type. The

alluvial zones, located on the Valley floor, lie between 1420 and 1740

meters above sea level and consist of flood plains that have been

created by the Valley's major rivers at various times. The high alluvium consists of thick (greater than one meter), undeveloped, alkaline, sandy soils (loams) that range from brown to gray in color.

The alluvium is usually of less than one degree of slope and charac­ teristically has a high water table occurring between one and six meters below the surface. It is the most inportant zone for agriculture because it is flat and because subsurface water is readily available.

The low alluvium is a sub type of the high alluvium that is distin­ guished by its recent development. The low alluvium lies in the current flood plain of the Valley's major rivers and is similar to the high alluvium in soil characteristics, except for its coarser texture.

The piedmot zone ascends the Valley flanks and is transitional between the alluvium and the mountains. It includes alternating gentle slopes of one to two degrees and steep grades of 20 to 30 degrees. Its 93 ioneven topography exhibits some bedrock outcropping, gullying, and arroyo cuts caused by seasonal water erosion. Piedmont soils are commonly thin, stony, red-brown, free draining, and coarse textured.

Without adequate water from streams, the piedmont zone is marginal for agriculture.

The mountainous zone, located in excess of 2000 meters above sea level, rings the upper reaches of the Valley. It has steep slopes, many exceeding 30 degrees, and stony red soils of uneven depth. It is generally unimportant for agriculture, which may only be carried out in the occasional depressions that contain enough soil to permit cultiva­ tion. Mean annual temperatures are lower and mean annual rainfall is higher in the mountains than in the Valley floor. Alluvial zones, al­ though continually cultivated today, would support mesquite-grassland vegetation. The natural vegetation of the piedmont is mesquite and cactus forest, although many areas of piedmont are also permanently de­ foliated by continuous cultivation. In the upper piedmont the mesquite grades into scrub oak, then into pine-oak, and finally into the pine forest that is characteristic of the mountainous zone. In some areas the upper piedmont has been cleared for firewood and is severely eroded.

Agricultural potential depends on gradient, altitude, and soil and therefore differs between each physiographic zone. The Tlacolula arm, where the four study populations are located, is distinguished from the other branches of the Valley by a relatively higher elevation and a smaller band of alluvium, as well as increased aridity. 94

Water

The entire Valley ejqperiences an annual moisture deficit because potential evapotranspiration exceeds mean annual rainfall (Kirkby 1973:

17-20). Therefore farming depends not only on the quality of land but also on water availability- Irrigation is possible where the water table is close to the surface, as in the alluvial areas, or where streams transect the landscape, as in some piedmont areas. In the absence of these water sources, agriculture depends on rainfall. Gener­ ally water sources for agriculture can be graded on a scale of relia­ bility or predictability. Irrigation from the water table provides the most certain source of water. Rivers, most of which vary in annual flow and course, are less reliable. Rainfall is the least certain source of all.

Rainfall throughout the Valley results from an orographic effect on moisture laden westerly trade winds that enter the area from the Gulf each summer. Mosino and Garcia (1974:377) report that in some years these trades are interrupted in the western Atlantic by polar upper air troughs that may extend from Florida to Panama. Rain deficient years for most of Mexico, including the Valley, correspond to these inter­ ruptions. World Weather Records (1940-1972) report the range of 420mm to 793mm for twenty years of complete records for the Oaxaca de Juarez meteorological station between the years 1941-1970 (Appendix E). Annual rainfall fluctuations in the Tlacolula arm of the Valley have a reported range of 300mm to 1080mm for the years 1926 to 1968 recorded in the district center of Tlacolula de Matamoros (Kirkby 1973:158-159). The 95

Tlacolula station is eight kilometers from the four populations in this study (Figure 4).

y)1400-i

000 a:< < ZD 600-

2 o

200 1930 ' 1940 ' 1950 1960 1970

YEARS

Figure 4. Rainfall at Tlacolula Rain Station, 1926-1968 — Source: Kirkby (1973:158) 96

Annual fluctuations in rainfall are critical for determining

crop outcomes throughout the Valley and are primarily responsible for

the broad range of variations in annual harvest in villages that have

limited or no irrigation. Besides this broad range of annual rainfall variability, the Tlacolula arm receives less total rainfall than the rest of the Valley. Its annual mean rainfall of 550mm is 80mm less than that of Oaxaca de Juarez (630mm), 100mm less than Etla (650), and 210mm less than Ocotlan (740) in the southern arm (Kirkby 1973:15, 17).

Rainfall varies within years as well as between them, and two seasons are distinguished in the Valley on the basis of the monthly rain­ fall variations (Soto Mora and Juaregui 1965, Vivo and Gomez 1946). The dry season or temporada includes the months of November through April.

The rainy season or cuaresma runs from May to October (Figure 5). The pattern of monthly rainfall distribution through the year forms a bi- modal curve with maximum rainfall occurring in the months of June and

September. The period of July and August, bracketed by the two modes, is referred to as the canicula. The canicula (from the Greek "dog days") is not a dry period, but a time of relatively lower precipita­ tion. The canicula occurs all over southern and eastern Mexico.

Mosino (1964) has suggested that patterned interruptions of the westerlies by polar troughs similar to those responsible for annual fluctuations may cause the reduction in mid-summer rain (Mosino and

Garcia 1974:375-378).

Just as annual rainfall is critical for agriculture from year to year, the sizes and pattern of the bimodal distribution also in­ fluences the relative success of crop outcomes. The five month 200i

150- LD

5 100'

if 50 < =IZ F M A M J J A S 0 N

MONTH

Figure 5, Monthly Rainfall for Oaxaca de Juarez varieties of corn that are most commonly planted by the four populations

have two moisture sensitive periods or times of increased water require­

ments (Downing 1974). The first moisture sensitive period occurs when

the seed germinates and the second when the plant flowers. Germination requires adequate moisture conditions. During the flowering period in­ creased moisture is needed for the mature plant to produce large and fully developed ears. The moisture sensitive periods of five month varieties of corn are separated by the same interval as the months of maximum rainfall. Therefore the practice of planting corn in June fits the moisture sensitive periods of the crop to the months of maximum rainfall. Earlier planting on unirrigated land runs the risk of fewer seeds germinating (because of drier soil conditions), and planting too early makes the flowering period of the surviving plants fall in the canxcula. Although variations in the length of the canxcula may affect total soil moisture for the year, a relatively drier July and August is less critical than reduced rainfall in June and September.

The length of the canxcula varies from one to three months, for different parts of Mexico (Mosino and Garcia 1974:377). In the Mitla area of the Tlacolula arm farmers report that the canxcula should be forty days in length. It should begin, they say, in mid to late July and end during the final days of August. Although it should follow a regular pattern, it often does not. Older people insist that the length and timing of the canxcula used to be more predictable than it is today. Before the 1940s, when the canxcula was said to be regular in onset and duration, planting was always done during June and it was finished by the 28th (or before the celebration of the Feast of Saints Peter and Paul on the 29th)- The saying, el_ que siembra en Mayo es

caballo ("he who plants in May is a horse") was applied to anyone

foolish enough to plant earlier. Recent years have been perceived as

less'regular in rain, and farmers plant earlier in the year today as an

adjustment to the perceived change in the rainfall patterns. Today many

farmers near Mitla plant in May or even April, following the first few

consecutive days of Spring rainfall.

These farmers believe that the change in the bimodal pattern of

rain began in the late 1940s or early 1950s. They attribute the per­

ceived change to deforestation of the piedmont. It is doubtful, how­

ever, that a change in the small convectional contribution made to

rainfall by vegetation could alter monthly patterns. Nevertheless the

perceived change may not be simply a matter of older farmers' nostalgia

or romanticization of the past. World Weather Records reports a one

month shift in the bimodal distribution of rainfall from a June-

September to a May-August bimodal distribution during the years 1946 to

1950. The shift is possibly related to alterations in the pattern of

upper air masses in the western Atlantic during that decade. Supporting

evidence for that cause consists of changes in the centers of tropical

storms and hurricanes over the past 35 years. Summer hurricane centers are known to have shifted northward during the 1950s from their 1940s mid-Carribbean center to the southeastern coast of the United States.

During the 1960s and 1970s these centers have shifted southward to the northwestern Gulf.

Kirkby (1973:87, 157-160) reports that farmers attempt to predict rainfall by various methods. Some farmers believe that good 100

years of higher rainfall occur in cyclic patterns of 3, 4, 5, and 7

years. Testing the various cyclic theories against observed rainfall,

she was unable to confirm the existence of any cyclic patterns.

Furthermore she notes that most farmers are unable to remember past

years that were exceptionally wet or dry and often misidentify the very

driest and the very wettest past years. However, the belief that the

amount of Spring rain forecasts rainfall of the growing season (June-

November) is supported by a significant correlation. "If the spring

rainfall is greater than 80mm, the summer rainfall has an 80 per cent

chance of being greater than 600mm, which would be a wet year. If the

spring rainfall is low, between 20 and 40mm, the summer rainfall has a

50 per cent probability of being less than 420mm, which would be a dry

year with crop failure" (Kirkby 1973:159-160). Planting strategies that

are based on Spring rainfall as a signal for summer rain would have in­

creased chance of relative success. In summary, land and water define

the conditions of agriculture production for the Valley. Differences

in agricultural strategies are adjustments to these conditions. Crop

choice, techniques of cultivation, methods of agricultural intensifica­

tion, labor inputs, and scheduling problems are all responses to

differences in land type and water source.

Labor

Labor inputs vary through the Valley and depend on land and water conditions and social conditions. The household is the major unit of agricultural production, although some cooperative labor occurs for harvest. Kinsmen, fictives, and neighbors may help each other during 101

harvest through the institution guelaguetza ("reciprocal labor ex­

change") which is also called golaneche in villages near Mitla.

Harvest is not an urgent chore and does not require precise timing.

Harvest by golaneche is therefore as important for affirming social

bonds as it is for getting the crops in. Although cooperative harvest­

ing was reported by informants as widely practiced thirty to forty

years ago, most of the farmers interviewed in the Mitla section of

the Tlacolula arm report they harvest only their own fields today.

One of the major conclusions of Kirkby's (1973) study is that

Valley farmers pursue a satisficing strategy of agricultural produc­

tion. That is, individual farmers have fixed production goals and they

only invest the amount of labor and land necessary to meet those goals.

Since production goals are lower than the maximum potential harvest,

sub-maximum labor and sub-maximum land are allocated to agriculture.

Labor and land inputs are calculated to attain perceived personal and

social needs, not to obtain maximum harvest. This conclusion is not

unusual, nor inconsistent with microeconomic studies that measure the

maximization of subjective utility. Within the analytic framework of

the microeconomic model it is assumed that levels of satisfaction are culturally defined. The objectives of this analytic perspective are to

specify the goals, to measure their relative utilities, to calculate

marginal utilities and substitution rates between the goals, and to map

the strategies onto the goals.

Selby and Hendrix (1976), using a linear programing model, have

measured the allocation strategies of sample farmers in the Etla arm and have modeled a variety of optimal solutions for the maximization of 102

the farmers' goals. They have shown that fixed production goals are

characteristic of farmers in particular situations or life circum­

stances. Harvest goals and social goals are defined differently by men

of different age, status, and stage in the cycle of their domestic

life. Solutions for the optimal mix of social and production goals vary

between farmers, and changing priorities are responses to different life

circumstances. To obtain overall maximum utility requires trade-offs in

the allocation of time, cash, and other resources. That is, investments

vary because the relative desire for security, and agricultural produc­

tion varies. Farmers who are close to an optimal frontier (defined generally as the best combination of personal security, social security, and respect) invest labor in agriculture only to the extent of main­ taining their position. That is, they may be described as "satis- ficing" as far as production is concerned. However, Selby and Hendrix

(1976) show that farmers are sensitive to thresholds or minimal levels in personal security. If these minimal levels are threatened, farmers invest labor in agricultural production and may be described as maximizing satisfaction through agricultural production. Farmers work hard to make up losses in personal security, and if enough resources can be amassed, then losses in social security are offset. That is, a cycle of trade-offs exists, and any point in the cycle is defined by the life circumstances of individual farmers.

Not only is it important to find out what a person's goals are, it is also necessary to examine carefully the utility payoff of each goal. Minimum standards are crucial. If important minima are not satisfied, then distortions appear in the activity mix until the minima are met. In the village model, the two more influential minima are in the areas of "social security" and "self-respect and the respect of others." If a 103

person is deficient in both, he is placed in a double bind because the demands are contradictory. To gain his minimum level of security, he must either increase the number of working children, difficult to do by fiat, or increase his savings, which requires an increase in his working time and a concomitant decrease in family- and community-oriented activities. Contrariwise, to achieve a minimum of self- esteem and respect from others, he has to devote himself to the collective good by serving in time- and money-consuming municipal offices. If he sponsors a religious festival (costing thousands of pesos), his savings will deteriorate accordingly; if he devotes time to kinship relations, he must do so at the ejqpense of available work hours. In short, he can only extricate himself from his predicament by working at a superhuman pace—by rising every day at three in the morning to cultivate an extraordinary amount of common land, in the hope of raising sufficient resources so that he has free time and money to attend to his other needs (Selby and Hendrix 1976:239).

Kirkby's (1973) regional perspective focuses on differences between areas of the Valley. Her identification of a satisficing strategy is an attempt to characterize the overall impact of allocation decisions on Valley agriculture and to ejqplain why carrying capacity is submaximum for the Valley (about 65%). The characterization, because of its broad perspective, must ignore culturally defined substitution rates between goals for individual farmers and households within com­ munities. Selby and Hendrix (1976) are dealing with individual farmers.

They are interested in particular goals defined by individual farmers and with farmers' allocation decisions for satisfaction of the goals.

From their perspective farmers can be depicted as careful strategists who make allocation decisions that depend on many constraints. Some­ times the farmers work hard in agriculture, sometimes they do not.

Whichever they do depends on their particular life circumstances. A farmer's plans, his "strategy," is easily thrown off course. The death of a child, the injury of animals, neglect of kinship duties may alter 104

his agricultural plans- But personal needs (food, housing, and clothing) even though meager are met first.

Production in corn varies through the Valley and for individual farmers, not only because physical environment varies and social cir­ cumstances vary, but also because definitions of satisfaction in corn

(or the substitution rates for corn and social security) are different in various areas in the Valley. Kirkby (1973) suggests that these differences reflect the degree to which a village is "traditional" or

"progressive" in cultural beliefs. One area in the Valley where satis- ficing may not describe agricultural production strategies is in the

Mitla section of the Tlacolula arm. Mitla farmers are distinctive because they do not decrease the amount of land cultivated during years of good rainfall, as farmers do in other parts of the Valley Kirkby

(1973:79) suggests that:

In the sample area as a whole, the amount of corn area planted each year remains almost constant. This fact distinguishes the Mitla sample area from all the others considered which show a decrease of corn area with increasing June rainfall. We must therefore consider whether Mitla peasants differ from those in other parts of the Valley in that they do not have fixed goals in corn area planted, but are achieving satis­ faction in some other way, or following some other aim such as maximising returns.

Farmers cultivate three physiographic zones in the Mitla area, which is the most arid section of the entire Valley. Their land use strategies involve environmental zone substitutions that depend on perceived rainfall. Mitla is marginal for agriculture and the "general pattern of land use in' Mitla is aimed at minimizing the worst possible outcome" (Kirkby 1973:89). Because the amount of area planted is constant, Kirkby infers that Mitla farmers aim at satisfaction in terms 105 of work, or their labor input, rather than trying to produce a high and constant harvest output. Since the area is arid and marginal for agriculture, yields in the Mitla area are lower than most other areas in the Valley. Kirkby's inference may be supported by comparing the returns (measured by kilos of corn harvested) for labor, seed, and land invested for a sample of farmers drawn from three villages surrounding the town of Mitla. The comparison shows that harvests double to quintuple in years of enhanced rainfall. In all three of the ejido villages the amounts of seed planted and land cultivated were almost identical for a sample of 75 farmers in 1972 and in 1973, which were, respectively, years of very low and very high rainfall (Table 4). Dif­ ferences in labor inputs (measured in man-days) between the two years occurred only for the harvest portion of the agricultural cycle. How­ ever, farmers in these villages do not have a choice between physio­ graphic zones for farming. Unlike Mitla the land of each village is located almost exclusively in one zone. Returns in kilos of harvested corn for seed, land, and man-days invested are highest for the village in the alluvium, next highest for the middle piedmont village, and lowest for the high piedmont village in 1972, a dry year. In 1973 with good rainfall the harvests of all three villages increased. The highest per cent of increase occurred in the middle piedmont village, the next highest occurred in the high piedmont village, and the smallest increase occurred in the village farming alluvium. Housewives in all three villages report that the amount of household food consumption is greater than household harvest for almost all years (both dry and wet). As

Kirkby reports for Mitla, constant inputs are designed to minimize 106

Table 4. Kilos of Corn Harvested for Kilos of Seed Planted, Hectares of Land Planted, and Pre-Harvest Man Days Worked in Three Villages

Loma Larga .Xaaga Corral del Cerro (alluvium) (piedmont) (high piedmont)

1972: kilos of harvest per kilos of seed planted 17.7 10.9 6.9 kilos of harvest per hectares of land planted 290.5 179.8 112.6 kilos of harvest per man-days of pre-harvest labor 8.8 9.0 5.2

1973: kilos of harvest per kilos of seed planted 36.2 50.6 23.0 kilos of harvest per hectares of land planted 592.4 '831.4 378.0 kilos of harvest per man-days of pre-harvest labor 17.9 38.1 17.9

N = 75 farmers (Loma Larga N = 23, Xaaga N = 40, Corral del Cerro N = 12). 107

harvest losses and to maximize satisfaction in work in these three

villages. Gould (1969:240) has pointed out in a study of African

agriculture that there are probably no harvest differences between a

strategy that maintains constant production inputs and one that changes

inputs gambling on uncertain rainfall over the long haul. However year

to year harvest outcomes are measurably different because rainfall

fluctuates, and the magnitude of the differences depends on physio­

graphic zone only if the strategy involves uniform production inputs.

Because corn production always falls short of consumption needs, per­

sonal security is always somewhat threatened. However the threat is

relative. In an absolute sense all years are inadequate for meeting the

consumption needs of the farmers' families, but relatively less in­

adequate harvests are defined as plentiful. Thus by constant investment of land, seed, and preharvest labor not only is the worst outcome

minimized, but in wet years relative abundance occurs. Losses in social security that are incurred during dry years are made up for by allo­ cating the harvest of relatively more abundant years into social events, such as weddings, funerals, and baptisms.

Summary

Differences in land define the fixed constraint for agricul­ tural production and variations in rainfall define the changing limits given uniform application of labor. Harvest potential varies between physiographic zones and it varies from year to year within a zone depending on the reliability of the water source. If the source of water is rainfall, then harvest will correspond to the adequacy of the 108

rain. Although Valley farmers generally pursue a satisficing strategy

measured by fixed production goals, in the terminal end of the Tlacolula

arm the strategy does not involve a reduction in land area planted,

amount of seed planted, or a reduction in preharvest labor during years

of anticipated higher rainfall. Therefore the arid Mitla area provides

an excellent place to test homeostatic adaptation because these produc­

tion factors are uniformly allocated for agriculture each year and

harvest outcomes should follow annual fluctuations in rainfall. Be­ cause labor inputs are uniform between years and because land type can be controlled, the impact of rainfall fluctuations on demographic performance can be measured. Communities in the Mitla arm exhibit differences in resource utilization that are local adjustments to the limiting factors of land and rainfall. The four sample populations chosen for comparison in this study, then, are three agricultural villages, one located in each of the major physiographic zones, and

Mitla itself, a larger town that farms three zones (low and high alluvium and piedmont). Besides farming Mitla has a diversified non- agrarian occupational structure. All of the communities are within a short walking distance of each other and all are administered by the cabecera del municipio (municipal seat) of Mitla. The following chapter will describe the differences in resource utilization strate­ gies of these four communities. CHAPTER 5

RESOURCE UTILIZATION IN FOUR STUDY POPULATIONS

The municipio of Mitla is located where the Pan American Highway turns southward to leave the Tlacolula arm for Tehuantepec. The municipio contains 413 square kilometers of land that cross cuts all physiographic zones. The municipio includes four towns and several ranchos ("homesteads"). The cabecera (administrative "head") of the municipio, San Pablo Villa de Mitlas, is an old town of about 5000 people and is located about five kilometers from the bend in the Pan

American Highway. Most Mitlenos are bilingual and speak Zapotec and

Spanish. The other three towns in the municipio, the villages of

Xaaga, Loma Larga, and Corral del Cerro, are smaller in size, more recent in origin, and Spanish speaking.

The municipio contains rich archaeological remains, some that date back to Middle Formative times (Flannery et al. 1967). Near

Mitla's colonial church are partially restored Postclassic pyramids and tombs that lure tourists from all over the world. Mitlenos also find reminders of pre-conquest cultures buried in their fields as well as in their house compounds. In Loma Larga a Period II mound and evidence of early irrigation systems have been uncovered. In Xaaga the remains of a hacienda deteriorate over a Period V cruciform tomb that is identical in style to those near Mitla's church. Xaagenos commonly uncover

109 110

ceramic and lithic artifacts from earlier prehistoric periods in their

fields and save them as curiosities.

During colonial times the municipio contained two haciendas,

the Hacienda Don Pedrillo and Hacienda Xaaga. Although hacienda lands covered much of the current municipio area, Taylor (1972) reports that

the hacienda system in the Valley .never achieved the economic or political prominence that it did in northern Mexico. Indigenous peoples have always maintained control of the Valley land, an observation that holds for fields around Mitla.

San Pablo Villa de Mitla

San Pablo Villa de Mitla (henceforth Mitla) is a blend of modern and traditional Mexico. Although a dialect of Zapotec is spoken, older people lament that young people speak it less well and less frequently than years ago. The town has not only change in language use, but also in appearance. Traditional thatched houses (jacales), common centuries ago, have been replaced by stone, adobe, and brick construction, except for a few houses on the edge of the residential center. The town was formerly divided into four barrios (named after saints, according to addresses listed in last centuries civil archives).

But Mitla has grown, and today neighborhoods are referred to as "near the church" or "near the entrance," or "near the market." Furniture in houses, restaurants, and the numerous neighborhood stores is a mixture of rustic hand crafted pine chairs, tables, stools, and mats; and factory produced pieces such as radios, televisions, curtains, sofas, and formica table tops. Shoes are worn by a few men instead of the Ill

more popular huaraches (sandals) and most men wear factory made under­

wear, socks, pants, shirts, jackets, and plastic or straw hats.

Women's attire consists of plastic shoes or regional huaraches, factory

made cotton print dresses, cotton or synthetic under garments, and

locally woven rebozos ("shawls") of cotton or synthetic fiber.

Daily meals consist of traditional Mexican foods, including

coffee , corn, beans, squash, tomatoes, and rice. Vegetables and

fruits are supplementary fare. Occasionally dairy products and meat

(chicken, goat, pork, and beef) are eaten. Bread, candy, soft drinks, and pastries have become popular over the past few decades. Food is prepared by women and eaten as scheduled meals by household members.

Households consist of nuclear family kinsmen. Preferred neo- local residence is established after a year or more of marriage, and is preceded by initial matrilocality or patrilocality (depending on the negotiation of the marriage contract) thus producing temporary extended family households. Throughout the municipio kinship and compadrazco

("co-parenthood") define the closest social relationships (Parsons

1936). The cargo system, a hierarchical series of civil and religious offices, provides a traditional avenue to prestige and respect

(Carrasco 1961). The cargo system is less important today than it was thirty or forty years ago (Parsons 1936).

Mitlenos have always engaged in agriculture as their main economic endeavor. However other occupations supplement farming.

Reported occupations of fathers recorded in birth registers indicate that craft and trade specialization, although not a recent development

(Appendix F), is secondary to farming. Thread spinning, rope making, basket weaving, leather working, and weaving of muslin cloth on back-

strap looms were all common occupations long before the 1930s. Older

informants confirm that Mitlenos have always augmented their incomes

with ancillary occupations. These occupations, however, are designed

to supplement farming and do not represent full time specialization.

They provide a little extra to pull a family through hard times or to

allow for an occasional luxury.

Thus Mitla has many characteristics of a closed corporate peasant community that has selectively included some aspects of the

Mexican national culture into its daily life. However Mitla can also be characterized as a sub-regional center (Haggett 1965). Its cate­ gorical identification depends on the analytical perspective to be emphasized.

Church records suggest that Mitla's importance as a sub- regional enter is not a recent development. As the center of a large parroquia ("parish"), the church has been the hub for major religious activities for seventeen neighboring communities as well as for

Mitlenos. Baptisms, marriages, and funerals or all social and ethnic classes of colonial Oaxaca have taken place in its sanctuary. The church archives reflect that Spaniards, criollos ("Mexican born pure blood Spaniards"), Indians, mestizos ("persons of Indian and Spanish parents"), negros, mulattos ("persons of Spanish and Negro parents"), and chinos ("persons of Indian and Negro parents"), whether free men or slaves,^ have completed life's most sacred rites of passage in Mitla.

6. The church archive distinguishes ethnicity and social class for most baptisms from 1632 to 1810 and marriages from 1684-1810. After 113

In addition to its ecclesiastical centrality, Mitla is located

at the crossroads of travel. The town has always linked the Valley's

eastern end to surrounding areas outside of the Valley, such as the

mountainous Mixe region to the north, and the tropical lowlands to the

south and west. Mitlenos today, like generations of townspeople before

them, trade products from these regions, such as cattle, coffee, salt,

fruit, baskets, and woven goods. The town, perhaps because of its

location, has become a node for commerce in and out of the Valley's

eastern end.

In terms of its place in the regional settlement hierarchy,

Mitla is a tertiary-level center. Full time non-agrarian occupations

1810 no registers record these data. It is interesting to note that for almost every marriage of people from a few communities around Mitla, most notably the Hacienda de San Bartolo and San Lorenza Albarradas, the residents are identified as blacks or mulattos and many are recorded as slaves. Informants say these dark complexioned people are Mixtecos. The sur names of these people were noted during archival reconnaissance and during the mid-1800s to 1910 it appears that their descendants make up the bulk of migrants from San Lorenzo Albarradas and the Hacienda de San Bartolo to Mitla and the Haciendas of Xaaga, Don Pedrillo, and Rancho Fuerte. Additionally they founded several ranchos around Mitla such as rancho Tzompantli, Guajolote, Agua Cosina, Rodeo Moro, and La Muralla. These people and their descendants finally contribute to the populations of Mitla through migrants and marriage. They are the founders of Xaaga, Loma Larga, and Corral del Cerro. San Lorenzo has three barrios today. Two of them were originally founded by light complexioned Zoquetecos and dark complexioned Mixtecos. These barrios consist of people that are locally distinguished by their phenotypic features of skin color, eye color, hair texture, and stature today and people from San Lorenzo use sur name or the distinction chaparro- negrito ("short-dark") alto-guerro ("tall-light") as a cue to one's barrio of residence. The third barrio is a relatively new one that emerged out of internal fighting in the 1900-1910 period. These ethnic distinctions used in San Lorenzo are maintained in Xaaga, Loma Larga, and to a much lesser extent in Corral del Cerro today. When men drink they may boast somos chaparro negritos pero carinosos ("we're dark and short but lovable") or somos altos guerros pero listos ("we're tall and light but alert"). 114 are long distance trading, wholesale commerce, and weaving. Long distance traders travel annually to the Isthmus and Chiapas to buy coffee, salt, and cattle and to sell craft products that they buy traveling through the Valley. In the past viajeros ("traders") and arrieros ("cattle traders") drove mule trains or herds over hundreds of kilometers, their round trips lasting from three months to a year.

Because long distance trade involves journeys into unfamiliar regions, rest stops are established by traders. Compadrazco is used by traders to create rest stops by making compadres ("co-parents") of residents in villages along habitual routes. In a psychological sense compadrazco is used by traders as a coping strategy (White 1974). Traveling through unfamiliar areas, Mitlenos say, is dangerous. The perceived threatening reality requires adjustments and compadrazco establishes a feeling of confianza ("trust"). Only one compadre in any village means that a man may boast that he has confianza there. Freud might have called such a perception unreal, the response neurotic, and the coping mechanism a defense. But the institution permits traders to adapt through com­ promise.

Today traders use their elaborately festooned six ton trucks to transport goods, and they deal in factory manufactured commodities as well as locally produced food stuffs and craft products. Many pros­ perous commerciantes ("wholesalers") also own retail stores in Mitla and in Ayutla, in the Mixe region. But even though the technology of trade has changed, the structure of trading is equivalent to what it was 50 to 100 years ago. 115

Weaving of manta ("unbleached muslin") has been recorded as a common occupation in Mitla at least since 1864 when the birth-death

archives begin. However, between 1949 and 1954 the colonial loom was

introduced by a business man (some say from Oaxaca de Juarez or

Miahuatlan, others say by an American), and in 1973 there were over 200 looms registered in the local Casa de Hacienda office, a federal govern­ ment taxing agency- Since registration is difficult to enforce, the estimate is conservative. Loom weaving of cotton and woolen rebozos

("shawls") is a big business in Mitla. Some men own five to ten looms and hire young men who are landless or uninterested in farming to weave the rebozos. The rebozos are wholesaled in Oaxaca, Puebla, Mexico City,

Veracruz, Acapulco, Puerta Vallarta, Merida, and tourist towns near the

U.S. border. Thread is imported from commercial mills in Puebla and dyes are bought in Mexico City. Although weavers may also farm, most do not because the return on investment is much less for agriculture than it is for weaving.

As a sub-regional center the town not only contributes to the movement of goods but also serves as a culture broker for "strangers" who enter the Valley. Travelers are accommodated in safety for days or more without arousing suspicion or harrassment in Mitla. That is,

Mitlenos are skillful hosts and the town's reputation as a pleasant community has probably emerged from their treatment of travelers. Their skill is evidenced by Mitla's role during the revolutionary period from

1900 to 1920. Many towns in the Valley sided with one or the other combatant forces and experienced massacre or were burned and pillaged as a result (Taracena 1941). Mitla, informants say, managed to feed, house, and supply whichever army happened to be in town. Some Mitlenos,

older informants remember, were even able to turn a handsome profit

thanks to the revolution. Only one combat death is recorded in the

civil registry for Mitla during the time period 1864-1973. It was an

unknown transient soldier whose body was found in a field in the summer

of 1918. The point is that Mitla is one of the Valley's sub-regional

commercial centers, through which goods are processed and people are

socialized.

Mitla can be referred to as a "traditional closed corporate

Zapotec community," but in many ways it is neither closed, nor

corporate, nor Zapotec. For example, the people who live there today

are not necessarily the descendants of people who lived there over the

past hundreds or thousands of years. Judging from changes in surnames

recorded in the church archives, many of Mitla's current residents,

especially prominent and influential people, are relative newcomers.

Marriage registers for the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries

record many surnames that are unfamiliar to Mitlenos today. Only since

the early to mid 1800s have the most common surnames appeared in the

church registers. The name Mitla is itself a recent corruption of

Miquitlam recorded in church registers prior to the 1710s. Miquitlam has been replaced by Miquitla, then by Mictlan and Mictla and finally by Mitla since the mid 1700s.

The permeability of the population's boundary can be illustrated by an examination of immigration that is reflected by data in the civil registers. Of the 14,919 births recorded in the civil archives between

1864 and 1973, 585 are births of children of non-native fathers. Of 117 the 585 births, 546 record the father as a permanent resident of Mitla who was born in another community. Thirty-four registers record the parents as transients, and five of the births list the father as an inmigrant from an unidentified origin. Thus the average inmigration rate for Mitla over the 110 year period is four migrants per year. How­ ever, the rate of inmigration has increased through time.

The estimates of inmigration given here are conservative because the archives provide information only for migrants who have produced — children and list only fathers (that is male migrants). Migrants are more commonly female in Mexico. If male migrants who became permanent residents of Mitla (that is, excluding transients) are grouped by their towns or districts of origin, then it appears that "new" residents tend to come from nearby places. Table 5 presents the frequency of inc- migrants according to their place of origin. Fifty per cent come from within the district of Tlacolula (where Mitla is located), thirty-six per cent come from twenty-two of the remaining twenty-nine districts in the State of Oaxaca, ten per cent come from out of the state, and four per cent are natives of unidentified origins.

It is therefore not uncommon to meet Mitlenos who are descendants of inmigrants from other Valley communities or even from more distant areas. So Mitla is not physically closed. Migrants enter and become "integrated" into Mitla's social structure by a process that mutually affects both the migrants and the town. However from another perspective the process does not erode the symbolically closed structure of Mitla society. 118

Table 5. Registered Births by Migrants to Mitla According to Their Places of Origin, 1864-1973

Births by Births per Origin of Migrant Migrants Migrants Migrants

District of Tlacolula 213 292 1.37

Out of Tlacolula but in Oaxaca 144 209 1.45

Out of Oaxaca 39 45 1.15

Unidentified 5 5 1

Transients 34 34 1

Total 432 585

Generally migrants arrive during years when the Valley has

experienced a bad harvest because of low rainfall- Most commonly the

inmigrants are farmers or their children who come from nearby com­

munities searching for wage labor. Even though a bad harvest in the

Valley is usually disastrous in the more arid Mitla area, the migrants

are welcomed for two reasons. First, many inmigrants have compadres

in Mitla and inmigration may be a feedback to long distance trade.

Compadrazco is a reciprocal arrangement that can be manipulated and

exploited (Davila 1971). Thus the compadres that traders establish in

distant villages or that merchants create in closer towns have confianza

in Mitla. Secondly, migrants provide a source of cheap labor. They are treated with respect and are offered board, room, and even extended loans and credit in order to buy "decent" clothing. In exchange 119 migrants work menial jobs, such as loading trucks, sweeping stores, and running errands—often for substandard wages. Thus inmigration involves mutual benefits for Mitlenos and migrants- But it also incurs costs.

If newcomers remain in Mitla for a year or more they may be

"allowed" to participate in the local civil-religious hierarchy.

Participation begins in the lowest offices. The lowest civil office is that of topil (policeman). Topiles are not paid and their duties are carried out mainly at night, when others are relaxing or visiting. The main duty of a topil is to arrest others for alleged infractions of the civil code. Thus the office of topil is unpopular because it earns no money, takes time from pleasure, and involves arresting townspeople.

From the perspective of native Mitlenos inmigrants are ideally suited for the unpleasant chore.

Mitla integrates inmigrants as cheap labor, debtors, and people who must accept distasteful social duties. In exchange it extends housing, food, employment, jural rights, and access to the formal corporate structure. Mitla must "open" itself physically and cor­ pora tely; migrants must conform to conditions of Mitla's social struc­ ture. The changes in the town and in the migrants are the result of compromises between Mitlenos and "outsiders."

Migrants not only settle in Mitla and are socialized, but they may "successfully" advance through the town's corporate structure,

During the past one hundred years at least four non-natives have been municipal presidents, and other offices, such as town secretary and sindico ("commissioner") have been held by non-native bom men. Because inmigrant men have successfully passed through the civil-religious 120 hierarchy does not mean that they have become "insiders," however.

Membership in Valley towns means more than mere residence. Selby (1975:

33-37) has analyzed membership as a social labeling process among

Valley Zapotecs and notes, "Central to the villagers world is the division of the community into insiders and outsiders. ... An out­ sider, or in the local terminology, a 'person who lives far away from you,' translates as 'a person who is neither kin, fictive kin

(godparent/godchild) or neighbor."'

High civil office in Mitla's case is a mechanism whereby "out­ siders" are socialized while their separation from "insiders" is symbolically maintained. In Mitla "outsiders" are not only kept separate at the lower end of the socioeconomic scale (perhaps because they are potentially more destructive and dangerous in that position).

Advancement in the civil hierarchy is extended to them in exchange for acceptable behavior. In that way Mitlenos can avoid time consuming and I expensive cargos while migrants, who, after all, are "outsiders," are kept separated from the "average man" by being elevated to non-ordinary positions. Inmigrants can attain high office, in exchange for con­ formity, but they continue to be "outsiders" all of their lives.

Of course not all migrants become municipal presidents, and not all migrants are successfully socialized. Evidence for the less successful cases can be interpreted from Mitla's death registers. Over the past 110 years, 81 death registers (almost 1% of all deaths) have recorded murder as the cause of death. Native born Mitlenos have been both victim and assailant in only three of the eighty-one murders. 121

That is, migrants have been involved in 96 per cent of all the murders

(more often as the assailant).

The reasons or motives that have been suggested for murder in

rural Mexican communities are witchcraft, land disputes, blood feuds,

and machismo (Romanucci Schwartz 1972). These "explanations" obscure

the structural dynamics of murder as a social process. The distinction

between "insiders" and "outsiders" or "persons who are something to me"

and those "who are nothing to me" is a highly salient one. Although

epitomized in kinship, compadrazco, and neighbors, the distinction

permeates most levels of Valley organization. Therefore witches,

murderers, and other untrustworthy persons are "outsiders" who always

live on the other side of town, in the next town, in the adjacent

municipio, another district, another state, etc. In the symbolic world

of Oaxacan villagers, migrants are on everyone's lis.t of "outsiders"

(except perhaps their compadre's). Although Mitla may be considered a

sub-regional center when viewed in the geographic context of Valley

economic, political, and ecclesiastical systems, from the internal per­

spective of a native Mitleno the community is symbolically closed and

it has impenetrable, well defined boundaries.

In summary, Mitla is not a "classic" closed corporate peasant

village. It has a few paved streets, adobe, brick, and stucco houses, sometimes of two stories, apartments, and hotels. Automobiles and

trucks are owned by the wealthy and most middle class men own bicycles.

Bus and taxi service to the capital, Oaxaca de Juarez, is available for about 16 hour per day, and the tourist business is lively. Restaurants and shops line the main street and a daily market is found in the center 122

of town. Trading or wholesale commerce and weaving are relatively

"big," lucrative businesses and a variety of part time crafts and trades

enable most families to supplement their incomes from agriculture. Non-

native migrants and transients are welcome in Mitla and may, by con­

forming to the prevailing values of hard work and respect, become

politically and economically successful.

On the other hand Mitla is mainly an agricultural town that can

be characterized by the close interpersonal relationships, preferential

endogamy, and cultural homogeneity implied by the terms "peasant com­

munity" and "folk society." Farming is a preferred occupation. Through

the skillful use of land and water, farmers manage to avoid the disaster

of poor harvests, a constant threat in the arid and marginal area. Any

harvest in excess of basic personal necessity is funneled into mainte­

nance of social relationships.

The significance of this characterization for the present study

is that Mitla represents a population that is diverse in the ways it

creates and uses its resources. The flexibility by which Mitlenos

manage physical and social resources may be translated into the eco­ logical terms of diverse niche organization. This diversity contrasts with resource utilization of the other three populations in the muni- cipio, all of which are agricultural ejidos.

The Three Ejidos

The three ejido villages of Xaaga, Loma Larga, and Corral del

Cerro were created in the late 1930s in accordance with federal laws of agrarian reform. The cultivated land of each ejido is located almost 123

exclusively within one particular physiographic zone and no agricultural 7 land is privately owned in any of the villages. Loma Larga farms high

alluvium, although the town also uses a small amount of land in the

piedmont for pasture. Xaaga farms middle piedmont exclusively, and

Corral del Cerro cultivates the upper piedmont and the mountainous

zones.

The three villages are all relatively small (under 1000 people),

Spanish speaking, and primarily agricultural. Administratively all are

within the municipio of Mitla. They are roughly equidistant from the

cabecera del municipio, and are connected to it by all-weather roads.

The residents of the villages are migrants, or descendants of recent

migrants, most of whom have come from San Lorenzo Albarradas over the

past 130 years.

San Lorenzo Albarradas is located northeast of Mitla in the

mountains on the edge of the Valley's perimeter. People in Xaaga claim

that San Lorenzo was settled by two distinct razas ("ethnic groups"),

Zoquetecos and Mixtecos. These two groups of people were brought from

Zoquitlan and from the Mixteca to San Lorenzo by the hacendado for the

Hacienda de San Bartolo to weave stands of palma (palm) into petates

("mats") and tenates ("small baskets") and to cultivate maguey ("century plant") for mescal. Each group of original settlers established its own barrio ("neighborhood") in San Lorenzo, and the two barrios are still distinguished on the basis of ethnicity today. Generally,

7. In Loma Larga all house sites are owned, but all cultivated and pasture is' communally held by the ejido. 124

informants say, the Mixtecos are morenos ("dark complexioned") and the 8 Zoquetecos are gueros ("light complexioned").

Before the current populations of Xaaga, Loma Larga, and Corral

del Cerro were formed, the lands that they now farm were properties of

various haciendas. Taylor (1972:106) reports that these haciendas were

in constant conflict with Mitla regarding land boundaries and water

rights from the late 1500s to the mid 1700s. The Hacienda of Xaaga was established in 1564 and changed hands seven times between 1564 and 1758

(Taylor 1972:219). In the 1850s the hacienda was purchased by Jose 9 Guergue and was later bought from Guergue by Luis Inarrita Flores.

Prom 1758 until the 1850s the hacienda was owned by the monastery of

Santo Domingo in Oaxaca City. During that time its lands were not systematically cultivated, and it appears not to have had a permanent residential population. After the hacienda was sold in the 1850s to

Jose Joaquin Guergue, the ancestors of the current population began to migrate to Xaaga from San Lorenzo to work medias ("share crop") on the reopened hacienda's land. Xaagenos who remember their parents' tales say that the migration out of San Lorenzo occurred because that town has very little pasture for grazing ganado ("livestock"). On the eastern side of San Lorenzo were lands of the Hacienda San Bartolo. Whenever the people from San Lorenzo allowed their livestock to graze on the

Hacienda San Bartolo's land, acasiados (the hacendado's "ranch hands")

8. See note 6 above.

9. Taracena (1941:33) reports that Jose Joaquin Guergue was named governor of the State of Oaxaca on February 14, 1847. 125

would confiscate the animals and return them only after the owner paid a

stiff fine. Thus when the Hacienda Xaaga was reopened, people left San

Lorenzo to settle in Xaaga, where the new owner allowed people to graze

their cattle, goats, and sheep and to cultivate the land.

The population of Loma Larga is also derived from San Lorenzo.

During the early 1900s three men in San Lorenzo ran afoul of the federal

government and escaped to the Sierra Juarez. Because the people of San

Lorenzo supported the government's charge against the three outlaws, two

of the three men returned with a band of pistoleros ("gunmen") and

reportedly burned San Lorenzo to the ground in revenge. Many survivors

of the fire left San Lorenzo for Hacienda de Xaaga and others estab­

lished numerous ranchos ("homesteads") northeast of Mitla. Others moved

to the Hacienda Don Pedrillo and Rancho Fuerte. One group consisting of

three families established the Rancho Piedra Blanca on top of a low rise

that terminates in a pre-Columbian mound west of Mitla. This rancho

became known in the 1920s as Loma Larga. Its residents, along with

people from Mitla and Santo Domingo Diaz Ordaz, disputed the lands of

Hacienda Don Pedrillo and Rancho Fuerte in the 1930s. The village of

Loma Larga divided the hacienda's land with Mitla and the village was

granted ejido status in 1935. Its name was officially changed to Union

Zapata, although it is still referred to as Loma Larga or simply Loma by

most people in the area.

Corral del Cerro is located on ejido lands owned by Mitla and is occupied by mutual agreement between the two towns. When migrants

from San Lorenzo established the numerous ranchos in the area northeast

of Mitla during the 1880s and 1890s one of these was founded in a basin 126

that resembled a "natural" corral. The land on which Corral del Cerro

is located was formerly owned by the Hacienda de Xaaga. The rancho

established there tended goat and sheep herds for the hacendados Jose

Joaquin Guergue and later Luis Inarrita Plores- Mitla acquired the

lands as an ejido grant in the 1930s and the Rancho Corral del Cerro

became an agencia of Mitla.

Because the current populations of Xaaga, Loma Larga, and

Corral del Cerro are composed almost entirely of recent migrants, they

may be considered colonizing populations. With few exceptions in each village, the residents of each "colony" consider themselves Lenchanos

("people derived from San Lorenzo"). Furthermore, genealogical data collected for all households in the three communities indicate that most of the residents in each village are somehow related to residents of the other two. Most of the present population in all three villages can therefore trace their ancestry to the same fourteen families in the parent town of San Lorenzo.

The contrasts between the three villages' use of local resources involve variations in techniques of agricultural production and in a few ancillary occupations. These differences may be considered adjustments that each of the three populations have made to their different environ­ mental circumstances. These circumstances were defined above in terms of physiographic zone differences. In all three villages the main sub­ sistence activity is corn farming.

The agricultural cycle begins in early March and continues through January of the following year. Fields are cleared or cleaned of secondary growth and the soil is broken, loosened, and furrowed from 127

late February through April. Usually the first rains fall between late

April and June, although planting may not occur until June if the Spring

is dry. One month after planting (usually in July), soil is mounded

around the bases of the young plants. One month after the mounding

(usually in August) the soil is loosened again and weeding is done. In

September hand weeding continues and between 5-6 months after planting

(usually in October) the corn is mature and can be consumed. Until this

point the agricultural work is arduous and a farmer may work between 9

and 13 hours per day preparing the soil, planting, mounding, and

weeding. Each operation must be scheduled with precision. Fields have

to be ready for planting when the rains begin so that the corn will

germinate and flower during the two periods of maximum rainfall.

Mounding soil around the bases of the young plants prevents them from

washing away during heavy rainfalls and it diminishes the possibility

of the plants drying either from soil moisture loss or exposed root

systems. Weeding diminishes competition from unwanted species. If any

of these operations are not done on schedule farmers report reduced

yields and in a few cases crop losses.

The harvest is by comparison a slower, almost leisurely activity

that may begin in October with the harvest of squash and fresh or

"green" corn. It continues through January. Table 4 has shown the

variability in amount of harvest between dry and wet years in the three ejidos. The amount of harvest is rarely sufficient to carry a farmer's

family through the entire year. Table 6 presents the estimated yearly consumption for the same sample of farmers. In the alluvium and high piedmont villages a corn deficit occurs in both dry and wet years. In 128

Table 6. Per Capita Consumption and Production for Three Villages, 1972-1973a

Loma Larga Xaaga Corral del Cerro

Estimated annual per capita consumption 280 k 261 k 289 k

Estimated 1972 per capita production 81.,6 81.,9 35. 2

Estimated 1973 per capita production 168.,4 383.1 112.8

1972 production-consumption difference -198.4 -179.1 -253.8

1973 production-consumption difference -111.6 +122.1 -176.2

Production and consumption figures were calculated for a sample of farmers from each village in the following way. The total land planted, seed planted, and days of pre-harvest work were recorded for 40 farmers in Xaaga, 12 farmers in Corral and 33 households in Loma for 1972 and 1973. Corn harvested by these same farmers was estimated by the farmers in both years. The populations over 5 years old of each farmer's household was averaged for the two years. The total population of each village sample was then divided by the population of the sample. Consumption figures were computed from housewives' estimates of their average weekly com needs. Per capita estimates were computed using the over 5 year old populations tabu­ lated for production figures. Per capita consumption per day is .79 kilos for Loma Larga, .77 for Corral del Cerro, and .71 for Xaaga. 129

the wet year (1973) a surplus is produced only in the piedmont village

of Xaaga. The months of shortage are July through September which are

also the months of hardest work. Shortages require households to reduce

their consumption and to increase purchases of corn that is imported

from other parts of the state and from other parts of Mexico. In

February fields are manured and the cycle begins again.

The greatest amount of agricultural intensification occurs in

Loma Larga, the village that farms the well watered alluvial soils of

the Valley floor. Canals supplied by two wells equipped with gas engine pumps are used to flood irrigate more than half of the fields. All of the irrigated fields are manured with animal dung, and plows pulled by teams of oxen are used for ground breaking, furrowing, planting, mounding, and weeding. If spring rainfall is delayed and if a farmer has enough time, then furrowing, mounding, and .weeding may be repeated two and even three times. Plowed fields in Loma Larga tend to have a greater space between furrows because a wider yoke is used on teams of oxen. Wooden yokes are measured by hand spans in the Valley. In Loma

Larga oxen tend to be better fed than in Xaaga and Corral del Cerro, and therefore they tend to be larger. Larger oxen require larger yokes.

Thus yokes in Loma Larga tend to be six or seven hands in size and the space between furrows reflects that width. The oxen are a source of pride for their owners as well as necessary for plowing.

A variable amount of alfalfa is grown in Loma Larga on its lowest alluvial land. The high water table is ideal for alfalfa pro­ duction. One planting of alfalfa may yield for as many as twelve years, and produce up to four cuttings each year. Alfalfa production supports 130 a dairy industry in Loma Larga. Cows provide milk, very little of which is consumed in the household and most of which is sold daily as whole milk and cheese in Mitla and Tlacolula. The cows are rarely—in a few cases never—taken to pasture because farmers say they evoke the envy of neighbors and they tend to damage crops while grazing. Additionally, cows are considered to be "delicate" animals, and they easily injure themselves if they are not carefully tended. Pasturing is not neces­ sary, farmers add, because cows can be fed alfalfa and corn stalks while they are kept in the house compound where they require little super­ vision. Keeping the cows in the compound is thus preferable to having them eat grass and stubble in the piedmont pasture where they must be carefully tended and have to compete with goats for sparse cactus vege­ tation. Additionally, two bulls and two cows kept on the house lot will produce enough manure throughout the year to create a pile two to three meters high. The manure is composted through the rainy season and is carted to the fields during February and March after it has dried, is lighter, and more easily transported. Because Loma Larga has cow.s it also has pigs. Granskog (1974) has shown that cows alone do not return high profits on investments in Oaxaca. However, if the whey from cheese production can be fed to pigs, then the cow-pig combination returns higher profits because of annual pig sales. Sheep and goat herds are large in Loma Larga. They are tended by children in the rocky piednont common land and are herded into the house compound each night.

Loma Larga is a nucleated village (Sanders 1967:54) of thirty- four households with a total population in 1973 of 191. Most houses in 131

Loma Larga are constructed of adobe and are separated from neighboring

compounds by narrow and twisting paths. Loma Larga has a higher ratio

of livestock to people than the other villages in the study area (Table

7). . Because Largenos farm flat alluvial land with a characteristically

high water table, its corn production is relatively high and its

irrigated fields also produce alfalfa. It is considered a relatively

prosperous place by the residents of the other two villages.

Table 7. Ratio of Barnyard Animals to People in Three Ejidos in 1973a 1973a

Loma Larga JXaag.a Corral del Cerro

Bulls & cows per person .51 .35 .27 sheep & goats per person 2.44 .78 .75 burros & horses per person .04 .19 .33 chickens & turkeys per person 1.69 1.79 .81 dogs per person .28 .22 .23

pigs per person .18 .03 —

a The animal population of each, household was tabulated for the same sample of farmers "used to compute production and consumption figures. The total number of each kind of animal was divided by the total population over 5 years old of the sampled households. 132

In Xaaga, the piedmont is farmed following the same agri­

cultural cycle as in Loma Larga. All Xaaga households own plows but a

lower percentage own their own oxen (Table 7) than in Loma Larga. Non-

owners rent teams for plowing from their neighbors and kinsmen. Those

who own oxen are able to manure their fields. Furrows are closer to­ gether because a five and one-half hand span yoke is used. Although the

remains of a silt-filled reservoir and some stone canals have survived since the days of the hacienda, four attempts to rehabilitate the facility since the 1940s have not worked. Because the rehabilitated canals would supply water to the fields of only a few farmers, other townspeople have refused to help clean and reconstruct the large main canals. Since the project was too much work for a few farmers, the project has never been carried out. Canal irrigation, using seasonal streams for a water source, has also been unsuccessful because the streams vary in flow each year. Their courses are unpredictable and annual differences in run-off provide either too little water to fill the canals or too much water, in which case the earthen sides of the canals are destroyed. The water table in Xaaga is too low for well irrigation. A few years ago one farmer excavated a dry hole fourteen meters deep before abandoning his attempt for an irrigation well.

Judging from the percentage increase in yields reported for wet years (Table 6), irrigation in Xaaga would greatly increase production.

Irrigation was used by the hacendados to flood irrigate the lower fields that are relatively flat. Older farmers remember that the last two hacendados were able to grow sugar cane on these fields using irriga­ tion, and that they used the higher land that has a greater slope for 133 corn and wheat farming. The high piedmont was used by hacendados for livestock grazing. Today all farmers grow corn and most plant beans with the corn. Six farmers plant beans alone in the higher fields with the greatest slope and two plant a small amount of wheat as a cash crop each year.

Although there is no irrigation on any fields in Xaaga today, most farmers have constructed terrace walls on sloping fields. The walls are made of field stones and serve two purposes.. They reduce erosion and they increase soil moisture retention by holding back top soil and runoff. Less manure is used per unit land than in Loma Larga and fallowing (4 to 5 years of cultivation to one year of fallow, on the average) is practiced when unmanured fields become unproductive. Some of the more distant fields in the high piedmont (approximately 5-10 per cent of total land) are situated on slopes of roughly twenty to thirty degrees. A few of these, fields are farmed with digging sticks because, farmers say, teams of oxen cannot easily plow on steep grades, even if they could be gotten into the ravines and crevices where the fields are located. Most of Xaaga's highest piedmont is reserved for common land and is a source of household firewood. Although Xaagenos sold firewood in Mitla in the 1940s, since 1952 townspeople have agreed to ration the wood for town consumption only. Tree felling is prohibited and the forest is beginning to recover from its 1940s overuse. Townspeople hope that reforestation will retard erosion of middle and lower piedmont fields. The agreement to not cut green wood is never broken.

Xaaga produces less per unit of seed and per unit of land than

Loma Larga does in dry years, but produces more per unit labor, seed, 134

and land in wet years. Seventeen young men in Xaaga have become full

time weavers. Four Xaaga weavers own their looms and work on consign­

ments of large orders for Mitla businessmen. They are paid eight to

twelve pesos per rebozo. The other weavers operate looms for estab­

lished artisans in Mitla and are also paid according to their produc­

tion. Day labor and backstrap loom weaving augment income in over

seventy per cent of all households.

In 1973 Xaaga was a compact nucleated village of one hundred

twenty-seven households with a total population of 714. The town was laid out on a grid in 1941 with two hundred by two hundred meter blocks separated by streets that measure twenty meters wide. An engineer was commissioned by the federal government to create the grid, and the village's current nucleated settlement is a result of his survey.

Before 1941 the settlement pattern was scattered with households separated by several hundred meters. Generally, scattered households were situated on low rises that irregularly dot the undulating topog­ raphy. The nearest neighbors were always kinsmen and thus neighbors of scattered households all shared the same surname. These constellations of related households were thought of as barrios. The year after the nucleated settlement was established (1942), rainfall was high and crop production was up. The surplus from the 1942 agriculturaly cycle was stored, as it is today, in big piles inside each farmer's house. The abundance of stored corn produced a household rat problem, as it also does today. However in 1943, because perhaps of drought, more rats than usual moved into the houses. Furthermore typhus bacillus was present 135

and the resulting epidemic killed forty-three people and most of the

livestock in town.

About sixty per cent of all houses are adobe and the rest are

made of thatch. Xaaga's streets are a matter of town pride. They are

kept cleaned of weeds, trash, and debris and any holes or ruts are

fillied and leveled each week. Every resident is responsible for the

street in front of his house which must be swept every Sunday. Non­

compliance results in a fine or a twenty-four hour jail sentence. Xaaga

is considered poorer but prettier than Loma Larga. It is more

prosperous than Corral del Cerro. Men from Xaaga are regarded as hard

workers in Mitla and sought for day labor.

Corral del Cerro is a scattered village located in a deep

depression where the piedmont gives way to the mountainous zone. Al­

though farmers use oxen to plow, there are fewer oxen per person than in the other two villages. Because there are few long stretches of flat land and because oxen are ejqpensive to buy and maintain, digging stick agriculture is used by almost half of all households. Manure is used by the few farmers who own bulls and farmers rotate their.fields every

3-4 years leaving them to fallow for as long as twelve years and as short as two. No irrigation is used and only two farmers have terraced their fields. A few new fields are opened annually and some farmers will occasionally move their easily portable thatched homes to reduce travel time to and from more distant fields.

Almost all households in Corral del Cerro supplement their incomes by cutting firewood in the surrounding pine forest. The fire­ wood is sold in Mitla and its price varies with season, being more 136

expensive in the rainy season. Because firewood is transported by

burro ("donkey"), Corral del Cerro has the highest ratio of burros to

people. Like Xaaga most households have a few goats and sheep which

graze in the rocky, high piedmont and are tended by children or old

people. The village consisted of nineteen households in 1973 and had a

total population of 100. Corral is regarded as poor and its inhabitants

are considered "backward" or rustic by Mitlenos, Xaagenos, and Largenos.

In summary, the foregoing description of differences between the

four populations underscores the somewhat alternative ways in which they

transform and utilize selected aspects of the physical and social en­

vironments. Not only are the towns distinctive in corn harvest, but the methods of cultivation differ and supplementary occupations differ.

Mitla is the most diversified in terms of occupational structure.

Xaaga is beginning to develop a weaving industry and supplies day labor to Mitla. Loma Larga has a well developed dairy industry and sells some alfalfa. Corral, which augments its corn production with firewood sales, is the least diversified. Although the three villages are similar in size, history, and language they have different settlement patterns and economic organization. Before comparing their demographic performance a few additional remarks about variations in rainfall are necessary.

In the previous chapter it was shown that rainfall is critical for crop outcomes and that fluctuations in rainfall affect corn produc­ tion differently depending on physiographic zone. To test Lewontin's hypothesis a good index of rainfall is necessary. Time series rainfall figures are available for Tlacolula from 1926 to 1968. Furthermore 137 harvest figures are available back to 1938 because most communities have schools that were chartered and constructed by the federal government, and these schools have corn fields.

The local school was built in Xaaga in 1937, and like most ejido schools, the annual budget is augmented by the corn that is produced on a plot of land cultivated by the school board. The school board in

Xaag£ has conscientiously recorded the harvest of most years since 1938, and these records are presented in Appendix G. Because the annual expenses of the school can be predicted, the amount of harvest from the school plot represents estimated expenses. Because the expenses are variable, harvest records found in the treasurer's report in Xaaga have no correlation with rainfall.

Although the cultivation of land to support public works, such as the school, is determined by the fixed goals of annual budgetary requirements, it was pointed out earlier that individual farmers do attempt to avoid minima of personal security by cultivating similar amounts of land each year. Therefore the prevailing land and water sources determine yield. As Selby and Hendrix (1976) point out, farmers' strategies result from decisions about the allocation of time and resources into the goals of personal betterment and maintenance of social relations. When a farmer's personal needs are sufficiently met, investment in social events takes place. The ability of a farmer to invest in social activities depends on the resources that can be amassed beyond his minimal level of personal needs. That is, expendi­ tures for social activities depend on a culturally defined surplus.

Kirkby (1973) notes that the distribution of "harvest surplus" in Valley 138

communities generally follows two avenues. Surplus may be sold in local

and regional markets or it may be distributed through the community by

various social institutions. Participation in these institutions

enables people to maintain their social positions. As an artifact the

institutions also operate as wealth leveling mechanisms within com­

munities, distributing uneven crop yields to all households. The cargo

system or the civil religious hierarchy, a characteristic of all of

middle American peasant communities, is frequently mentioned as the most

obvious mechanism whereby individuals can maintain or achieve social

security. However the cargo system has ceased to function in its

traditional capacity in some Valley towns. In Mitla high civil offices

are paid positions and lower office part time service. In the three

villages civil offices do not require large expenditures of money and

most men spend their evenings in the oficina chatting, whether they are

office holders or not. Furthermore in the villages, where populations

are small, numbers of offices are high. For example, there were 66

civil offices in Xaaga in 1973 which had an adult male population

between the ages of 20 and 65 of 153 in that year. Therefore every man

commonly holds some office every two or three years and holding office is less important than skill in discharging its duties. The institu­

tion of mayordomia, in which one household sponsors the town fiesta in honor of its patron saint was abandoned in Mitla in 1957 and has never been practiced in any of the villages. Kirkby (1973:103) has noted similar changes for other towns in the Valley.

Celebrations of social importance today are those associated with baptisms, funerals, and marriage. These events may be replacing 139 the cargo system and mayordomias as occasions on which social relation­ ships are affirmed, wealth is expended, and the conditions of respect are observed. Because the social importance of fiestas associated with these religious rites have been maintained, they may be used as an index of surplus of harvest expenditures. Of these rites, marriages are the most expensive, costing between 2000 and 15,000 pesos.

Furthermore, unlike funerals and baptisms, the date of a marriage is not determined by a birth or a death, events beyond the control of the participants. Marriages are scheduled to occur whenever they are con­ venient. Convenience means whenever the fandango ("wedding reception") can be afforded. Marriages take place when people want them.

Many households in the Valley are based on common law unions, as mentioned in Chapter 3. Civil marriages that are performed by state judges are relatively simple and inexpensive affairs, and are for those reasons distinguished from religious marriage ceremonies. Religious marriages that are performed in local churches are solemn occasions that require large capital outlays to pay for the fandango. A fandango lasts for a minimum of three days in all of the study population, and generally its cost exceeds most people's ability to pay. Therefore people must borrow cash, food, and necessary party regalia through the institution of guelaguetza ("reciprocal exchange") from kinsmen, neighbors, and other "insiders." The fiesta depends on a person's wealth and ability to borrow or "tap" the social network. Thus marriages depend on community wealth. Community wealth at any point in time depends largely upon harvest, and harvest in the Mitla area depends on rainfall (Figure 6). 140

rainfall

Xr = +.52)

harvest marriages

Figure 6. Relationship Between Limiting Environmental Parameter of the Production System and Marriages

The frequencies of marriages recorded in the Mitla church archive by month per year reflect with frequencies of fandangos for seventeen communities included in the church's parroquia since 1684.

Therefore they reflect the relative changes in community wealth. Since community wealth depends on harvest, marriage frequencies are an index of harvest size. To the extent that harvest is partially constrained by rainfall, marriage frequencies are an index of rain.

The monthly distribution of 5126 marriages for a sample of 132 years between 1684 and 1973 forms a bimodal curve with February and May as the months of highest frequencies (Figure 7). The first mode reflects a social response to the relative abundance of harvest from the previous year's agricultural cycle. Harvest outcomes can be estimated by farmers from October to December, and religious marriages 141

900-1

*00-

700-

in 600- Ltl < 500" en or 400- < ^ 300 200-

J FMAMJ JA SOND

MONTHS

Figure 7. Frequency of Marriages in Mitla by Month, 1864-1973

can be planned and arranged to take place in January or February, according to the estimate. Calculations regarding the cost of a fandango can be made in the fall and the required capital amassed.

January and February are times when investments into social activities are not constrained by a lack of time. The agricultural cycle has ended and most farmers have the time as well as the resources to participate in social activities (if the previous year's harvest has been bountiful).

The second marriage mode reflects the prospects of production for the coming agricultural cycle. The April-May mode consists of 142

"last minute" marriages that can take place only if Spring rainfall is

low and the onset of planting is delayed until June. The mode is an

index of farmer's anticipation of low summer rainfall based on Kirkby's

(1973) correlation of Spring rainfall and summer rainfall. A positive

correlation (r = +.52, significant at .05) between, the January-February

marriage mode and the summer rainfall of the previous year was obtained

using Mitla marriage rates and World Weather Records (1940-1972) summer

rainfall for the years 1941 to 1972 (Appendices E and H). Thus for the

years before 1926 for which there are no rainfall records, marriage

rates will be used as a relative indicator of harvest. Mitla marriage

rates are presented in Appendix H for a sample of years between 1864 and 1973. The mean annual marriage rate is thirty-nine (S.D. = 22.1)

for sampled years between 1864 and 1973. The mean January-February

rate is 10.1 (S.D. = 6.98). Although the index is imperfect, because

many other factors influence marriage rates, it does provide a crude technique for estimating the fluctuations in crop outcomes and an index of rain. A comparison of the demographic performance of the four populations can now be undertaken. CHAPTER 6

DESCRIPTIVE DEMOGRAPHY

The purpose of this chapter is to compare the demographic performance of the four populations. The demographic behavior of each population is described in terms of rates and ratios. Vital rates are

"mathematical expressions of the relationship of the number of vital events (births, deaths, migrations) to some other number, such as total population" (Underwood 1975:67). Ratios are mathematical ex­ pressions of relationships between sectors of a population (such as males and females) or between vital events of a population (such as births and deaths). Rates and ratios are relative numbers and are appropriate here because this comparison is concerned with the probability of demographic events. Therefore the descriptions focus on rates, such as birth and death rates, and relationships (or ratios) between the number of times that events did occur and the number of times that they could have occurred (Linder and Grove

1959:30). Throughout the chapter rates and ratios are multiplied by a constant (either 100 or 1000) to avoid decimals. The chapter includes only a few references to the absolute number of people or the absolute number of demographic events that have occurred in each population. The reader may refer to Appendices I to R for these data.

Following the theoretical perspective developed in Chapter 2, the demographic performance of the populations can be compared by

143 144

analyzing differences in the variability of their vital rates. Any

significant difference in the variability of the populations1 vital

rates will be taken to support Lewontin's formulation of homeostatic

adaptation. Differences in the variability of rates must be related to

differences in resource utilization strategies as differential adjust­

ments to fluctuations in the environment. That relationship should

specify the mechanisms whereby births and deaths are variously affected

by differences in resource use.

In order to estimate demographic performance, the four popula­

tions were reconstructed through time. The procedures used to recon­

struct the populations are discussed in Appendix I. These procedures

are not sensitive to in-migration or out-migration, both of which are

known to have occurred in all four populations. Migration is thus an

uncontrolled variable. After the populations were reconstructed, they

were tabulated in five year age-sex cohorts to reduce the biasing

effect of digit preference* The reconstructed populations presented in

Appendix I were used for all computations including the calculation of

all rates and ratios. The populations of Mitla and Xaaga are pre­ sented from 1864 to 1973. The population of Loma Larga is recon­ structed for the years 1910-1973, and the population of Corral del

Cerro for the years 1893-1973. Mitla has been continuously occupied back to an indeterminate date,' The origins and history of the popu­ lations of Xaaga, Loma Larga, and Corral del Cerro were discussed in the previous chapter. The reconstructed populations therefore begin with the first evidence of settlement as reflected by recorded deaths. 145

A comparison of the reconstructed populations with National

Census figures for these communities shows close correspondence (Table

8) for the larger populations of Mitla and Xaaga but sizeable dis­ crepancies for the smaller populations of Loma Larga and Corral del

Cerro. The sizes of the smaller populations may be inflated in the

National Census because census workers do not actually count the members of these communities. Rather they estimate the size of smaller communities, often by counting residences and quizzing informants

(sometimes children) about the number of people in the family of each house. Since married family members may reside neolocally, they may be counted twice. Thus over-counting, an unusual error in census material (Peterson 1961:59) occurs in these smaller communities.

Because good control was exercised over the household census that I administered in 1973 in these smaller communities, the reported

National Census figures are assumed to be in error.

Crude birth and fertility rates were computed for the four populations following procedures that are described in Appendix N.

All fertility rates used in the following discussions use ages 15 to

54 as the limits of fertility. These limits were identified for a large sample of mothers by procedures discussed in Appendix R. The implications of the limits are discussed in greater detail later.

Age specific fertility was not computed because detailed data about the numbers of births by mothers of specified ages were not available for all four populations for a sufficiently large number of years.

Therefore age specific fertility is an uncontrolled variable and a 146

TaBle 8. Reconstructed Total Population and National Census Total Population for Four Towns

Census Year

Community 1921 1930 1940 1960 1970

Mitla Reconstructed 2013 2312 2551 3719 4782

National Census 2007 — 2676 3651 4665

Xaaga Reconstructed 171 230 282 486 680

National Census 222 — — 568 632

Lama Larga Reconstructed 48 53 68 130 164

National Census — — — 218 210

Corral del Cerro Reconstructed 24 28 34 65 96 National Census 85 — — 94 150 147

comparison of variability in age specific fertility rates is not possible.

Adjusted fertility rates are presented in Appendix N, and the procedures used to adjust fertility rates are outlined in that

Appendix also. The 1930 National Census for the state of Oaxaca was used to derive adjustment factors for fertility rates. The 1930 census was selected because it approximates the midpoint of the time span covered by this study and because its shape approximates the config­ uration of the study populations. The extent to which it accurately reports the census of the four reconstructed populations used here is not determinable because the 1930 (and 1940) census does not report information for any administrative levels under the xnunicip.io. The accuracy of reporting any specific local population is of less importance than the extent to which the census reflects the relative proportions of age-sex specific classes (for the entire state) used for computing adjusted rates.

Sex specific death rates are presented in Appendix P; crude death rates and age-sex specific mortality rates are listed in

Appendix 0. The procedures used to compute all death rates are dis­ cussed in those two appendices. Adjusted mortality rates are given for each population in Appendix Q, The 1930 census was used as the standard population for adjusting the age-sex categories from which the adjusted death rates were computed.

To test the major hypothesis an analysis of variance was used to estimate the difference in variations of the rates of the four populations. Analysis of variance for adjusted fertility rates 148 produced an F of 28.24 (significant at ,01), indicating that observed differences in their annual variability are significant. Annual variances in adjusted death rates were also found to be significantly different between populations (F = 2.81, significant at .05). The significant differences in variability in the adjusted vital rates indicate that the populations are differentially adapted to fluctua­ tions in their environments. Mitla's rates exhibit the smallest amout of variance, Corral del Cerro's rates exhibit the greatest, and those of Xaaga and Loma Larga fall in between. Since Mitla'has the most diversified niche organization and Corral del Cerro the least diversi­ fied, the corollary hypothesis that relates greater total niche diversification to constancy in vital rates is accepted. The re­ mainder of this discussion will therefore focus on the mechanisms by which fluctuations in the major limiting parameter of ecosystem pro­ duction, rainfall, determine the patterned fluctuations in vital rates.

The mechanisms necessarily involve a discussion of the various uses of resources.

% General Description of the Fo.Ur Populations

The comparative differences in the sizes of the four popula­ tions through time can be attributed to their initial size differences.

Mitla has always been the largest with XaagS, Loma Larga, and Corral del Cerro following in descending order. Since their sizes have always been different, a comparison of their rates of increase may be explored as a possible index of their demographic behavior that may reveal differential adaptation. Per cent increase for each population 149

has varied during the time period 1864-1973, even though the overall

pattern of change is characterized by growth (Appendix J). That is,

growth has not been uniform for any of the populations over the years

nor has the overall rate of change been the same for all of the

populations. Table 9 shows that average annual per cent increase has

been greatest for Loma Larga and Xaagci with Mitla and Corral del Cerro

exhibiting lower average annual per cent increase. Figures 8 through

11 present their plotted growth by decade.

a Table 9. Total Per Cent Increase for All Populations

Per Cent Number of Average Annual Town Increase Years Per Cent Increase

Mitla 324 108 3.06

Xaaga 1156 108 10.37

Loma Larga 431 62 17.74

Corral del Cerro 316 79 3.73

a Per cent _ increase

..(Total .population at year P2)-(Total population at year P^) Total population at year P^

x 100 *600 •

4400 •

4-000

3600

3200

O 2600 f— 5-2400 3 O 2000 CL 1600

(200

800

400

~~im i87t is&f- /an iw 19/+ is5 i?W 19W 195* »*f ufa H i_n YEAR o Figure 8. Population Growth for Mitla, 1864-1973 4000-

3600.

3200.

2860- 2 o 2400.

£000. ID Q- O 1600. Q_ 1200.

800-

4oo.

1864 1874 1884 (894 1904 1914 I9Z4 iW 1944 1954 »&4 1974 in YEAR H Figure 9. Population Growth for Xaaga, 1864-1973 4000-

3600-

3200-

Z800-

2 2400- o 5 2000-

2 JWO. o 1200-

soo-

400-

(864 1974 (8A4 i&9a 1904 1914 1924 1934 1944 195"4 l%+ 1974- H tn YEAR to Figure 10. Population Growth for Loma Larga, 1864-1973 4000J

3600J

3200

2B0O o 24 00 < 2000 =5 Q. 1600 O Q_ 1200

800. m

1861- 1874 IBS4 1694 l*>4 1914 1924 1934 1944 1954 I&4 1074 H in YEAR U> Figure 11. Population Growth for Corral del Cerro, 1894-1973 154

The differences in growth may be examined in terms of the interaction of births and deaths. Although Mitla and Corral del Cerro exhibit similar per cent increase, Corral del Cerro has the highest mean birth-*-death ratio and Mitla the lowest (Appendix K). Corral del

Cerro exhibits the greatest variations in birth-death ratios, whereas for Mitla they are fairly constant through time. The effect of birth- death ratio differences can be assessed by a comparison of number of years of increase with the number of years of negative or zero growth.

The comparison shows that Corral del Cerro has the highest percentage of years in which negative or zero growth has occurred and Mitla the lowest (Table 10). Because percentage growth is smaller for Mitla and

Corral del Cerro, even though their mean birth-death ratios are quite different, it is apparent that similarities in average growth may not be explained by average birth-death interaction. Annual fluctuations in births and deaths may be responses to variations in factors that affect each population differently, such as differences in resource utilization organization. The fluctuations are obscured, on the average, but the general result measured as each population's average per cent increase. Thus, no correlations of acceptable significance were obtained between annual per cent increase of the four populations and annual rainfall of the same year or the previous year.

That is, variations in the critical factor for agricultural production produce no detectable differences directly measured by population growth. Overall percentage increase and annual increase may be considered, like population size,' to be superficial indices of the populations' performances in that they give little information 155

Table 10. Comparison of Number of Years of Positive Growth and Years of Zero or Negative Growth for Four Populations

1 Negative or Positive Growth Zero Growth Total Community Years Years Per Cent Years Per cent

Mitla 108 84 78 24 22

Xaaga 108 83 77 25 23

Loma Larga 62 47 76 15 24

Corral del Cerro 79 40 51 39 49

about the complexities of internal demographic behavior estimated by births and deaths.

A further caution must be noted about percentage increase figures. Percentage increase is potentially misleading because it may be interpreted as a growth rate, which it is not. The average annual percentage increase figures in Table 9 do not reflect the annual rate of increase in each population. The average annual percentage increase obscures the exponential growth factor of rates. To estimate rates a formula developed in firance for computing compound interest rates was used (Allen 1967:228). This growth rate formula is:

Y = a (.1 + r)X 156 where

Y = the number of individuals at time t^

a = the number of individuals at time t o r = the per cent increase (rate)

x = the number of years; thus,

xlog (1 + r) = log Y- log a tiogY-loga) , x log (1 + r) = -2—^ 2 ba

1 + r = antilog b

Thus a population that had doubled in size from one hundred to two hundred individuals in twenty years would have a five per cent annual increase. The annual rate of increase that will produce doubling in twenty years would be calculated:

20 1. 200 = 100(1 + r)

2. 20 log(1 + r) = log200 - loglOO

3. logU + r) - ^20° .b

4. 1 + r = b = 1.035

5. r = 3.5%

Growth rates for the four populations (Table 11) were computed using the reconstructed population figures in Appendix I, Growth rates have increased for all populations during the selected time intervals and the greatest increase in rates has occurred in recent years. These changes in growth rates explain the shape of the growth curves for the four populations. In order to understand the increase in growth rates, birth and death rates will be examined. Before births and 157

Table 11. Annual Population Growth Rates for Four Towns

Town 1864-1924 Rate 1924-1944 Rate 1944-1973 Rate

Mitla .9 1.4 2.2

Xaaga 1.9 2.3 3.4

Loma Larga 2.8a 2.0 3.1

Corral del Cerro . -6b 2.1 4.2

al910-1924

B1893-1924

deaths are discussed, however, a few other descriptive measures will

be reviewed.

Population proportions are presented in Appendix L by year.

All four populations are characterized by broad based pyramids that have concaved sides. This shape pyramid is generally associated with

expanding populations that have potentially high growth rates. Com­ paring the medians and -means of the population proportions for all

years suggests that the three villages are similar to each other in

age structure but that Mitla is an "older" population on the average.

The combined means of adults and elderly are about five per cent greater for Mitla than the combined means for these age classes in the villages.

The significance of these small differences in population pro­ portions can be assessed by.comparing mean dependency ratios. De­ pendency ratios used in this study were constructed by dividing the median population proportions of ages 0-14 and 50 and over by the median proportion 15-50- The ages 15 to 50 are regarded as including

the "productive" segment of the population because these ages approxi­

mate the culturally defined limits of maximum production. Schnaiberg

(1973) has distinguished social from demographic criteria in analyzing

the dependency burden of children. He notes that persistent high

fertility occurs in rural areas because the economic benefits of

children are greater than the costs. In Oaxaca children also perform

household, field, and other work long before they are fifteen years

old (such as tending sheep and goats, hauling water, and helping in the

fields). However, their work depends on parent's or other adult's

work. The performance of these chores therefore may be taken to

define older children as producers and only individuals under five or six years old as dependent children. I have, however, included indi­ viduals under fifteen years old in the class of dependent children for two reasons. First, children up to about fifteen are considered de­ pendent in local terms because they rely on their natal families for housing, food, clothing, and social identity. Secondly these children may be considered dependent because their economic contribution to the household is less than the cost of rearing them. The age of fifteen is arbitrarily chosen as the approximate age at which a female may be courted and consider marriage, and the age at which a male may consider full time ''adult" employment.

In the four study populations people say that aging begins about forty years old and that by fifty years old a person may be regarded as "senior." At approximately fifty men and women.begin to think of themselves as "partially retired." They begin to invest 159

proportionately more time in social security leaving the performance

of agricultural or business tasks to their adult children. Of course

men and women continue to work after their fiftieth birthday and

retirement is not a formally marked event. However their production diminishes around the age of fifty years and it would be somewhat mis­ leading to use the standard age class of over sixty-five to calculate dependency ratios for these populations.

Dependency ratios calculated from median proportions are presented in Appendix L for each population. On the average the dependency ratio is highest for Corral del Cerro, next highest for

Loma Larga and lowest for Xaaga and Mitla. If dependency ratios are interpreted as an estimate of the portion of a population that is supported by the most productive portion (defined by age alone), then

Mitla is the best "balanced" population. The productive segment of

Mitla's population would have to produce less per capita producer in order to provide the same per capita amounts for non-producers. Re­ calling that kilos of corn returned for man days of pre-harvest labor differs between the three villages, then Corral del Cerro, the village farming the upper piedmont, is in a double bind because it produces less per unit of labor and requires more from each producer. If it is accepted that harvest influences human biomass then Corral del Cerro's double bind may explain its relatively lower annual per cent increase and the comparatively greater variability in its observed annual growth. Perhaps the current lower population density of the Valley's upper piedmont and mountainous zones are the result of this double bind. 160

Although mean population proportions are generally comparable for the three village populations, their magnitudes of annual variation differ through time. Variability is greatest for Corral del Cerro in all age cohorts and smallest for Mitla. Judging from the magnitude of standard deviation units around the mean for each age cohort per town,

Corral del Cerro not only has the highest proportion of dependents relying on the least productive labor, but the proportion of dependents varies greatest from year to year. To interpret differences in the variability of population proportions, differences in growth rates, and differences in years of positive and negative growth, a closer examination of births and deaths for each population is necessary.

Births

During the period of time covered by this study there have been 13,819 births recorded for Mitla, 1,719 for Xaaga, 457 for Loma

Larga, and 328 for Corral del Cerro. Births pattern by month for all of the populations (Figure 12) and form a configuration similar to that described by Malina and Himes (1977) for a piedmont village in the

Valley (Figure 12).

The monthly distribution of births reflects seasonal differ­ ences in fertility. Differences in fertility are influenced by a number of behavioral and physiological factors that are embedded in local social and environmental systems (Benedict 1972). Theoretically these factors can be discussed one by one, but in practice they are not so easily sorted out (Nag 1962). Concern here will focus on factors that affect the probability of conception and fetal survival. 161

IfcOOt

1500

1200 (j) J 900 a; QQ 600

300-

100-

JFMAMJJ ASOND

MONTHS

Figure 12. Total Births by Month for All Towns, 1864-1973

f j In the study area conceptions may vary through the year because sexual

activity varies seasonally (as Malina and Himes [1977] speculate)j or

they may vary because seasonal variations in environmental conditions

differentially affect reproductive organs and gonadal function.

Similarly seasonal differences in the conditions of pregnancy that affect miscarriage, spontaneous abortion, and stillbirth may account for fluctuations in fertility. The factors related to conception will be examined first.

The variations of monthly birth frequencies imply that the months of highest successful conceptions are October, November, and

December. These are the months of reduced agricultural work and make up ttie season when men are home most afternoons. Although men may work from ten to thirteen hours per day in their "fields from May to early

September, they only work a few hours each morning from October to

December. The decrease in daily work begins in September when rains are heaviest and after the final weeding has been done. In October the harvest of squash and green corn begins and corn harvest continues through December and January. Non-agricultural jobs (especially day labor) may be sought on an occasional basis beginning in November, al­ though most farmers in all of the towns work mornings in their fields weeding and harvesting, and therefore cannot seek other employment.

Thus an increase in successful conceptions during this period may be the result of a decrease in work load. A decrease in men's work load means that they are home most of the day and sexually available during these months of comparative leisure. Seasonal variations in births have been interpreted as responses to work load and sexual 163

availability by Cowgill (1964) for Puerto Rico; Nurge (1970) for

European farmers; by Thompson and Robbins (.1973) for farmers in

Chiapas, Mexico;and Uganda; and by Malina and Himes (1977) for Oaxaca.

None of these studies have actually measured variations in sexual

activity associated with work load. However the implication of these

speculations for the four study populations is that March births are

low because sexual activity decreases between May and July (the season

when farmers in all four communities are engaged in agricultural tasks

that.require extended hours in the fields). No detailed data about

farmers' sexual activity were systematically collected. Farmers do

joke that during the months of leisure they like to garar la vieja

("get the old lady"); they also lament that during the rainy season

they are generally too tired to eat, let alone have intercourse after

nine to thirteen hours of work in the fields. However, the joking may

be a boast that they are virile, and the lament a suggestion that they are hard working (that is, responsible and diligent). A farmer is

expected to be tired during the agricultural cycle and gala following harvest. Those expectations may blur and distort a farmer's assessment of his actual sexual performance. In the absence of a systematic study of actual sexual behavior, the suggestion that work load related sexual activity produces monthly fluctuations is only a possibility.

Prom another perspective summer births may be high because people feel relatively euphoric after harvest. Clinical psychologists 164

note reduced sexual activity as one "vegetative sign""1"0 related to

depression. Commonly called loss of libido, this sign of depression

may be related to seasonal changes in food availability and work.

Harvest months are regarded as more secure and define a joyous season

(when marriages occur) in the study area. If the reproductive members »

of these populations experience seasonal variations in psychological

depression, then sexual activity may vary through the year to produce

seasonal differences in fertility that underly the observed distribution

of births. Although casual note was made of seasonal changes in the

"mood" of some people in the study populations no psychological data

were systematically collected to support the psychological hypothesis.

Biochemical evidence and an analysis of still births suggest

that spring births may be relatively lower than summer births because

summer food shortages interfere with the gonadal function of men and

women or contribute to fetal wastage. The proposed mechanism of

nutritional stress suggested here is supported by observed seasonal

changes in diet and levels of serum proteins.

In Chapter IV it was mentioned that housewives in all four

communities report that crop production is not adequate to feed their

, families through the entire year. It was shown that estimated per

capita production is lower than estimated per capita dietary consumption

for dry years. Only in Xaaga is corn production greater than dietary

10. Other "vegetative signs" commonly associated with depres­ sion are appetite loss, psychomotor retardation and fluctuations in sleep patterns. Two sleep patterns are common: (1) incapacity to sleep or insomnia and (2) early and abrupt waking accompanied by incapacity to resume sleep. 165

consumption in wet years- Food shortages are met by buying corn and

by reducing consumption. Because labor investments in agricultural

production are highest between March and early September, farmers do not have time to work elsewhere for cash. During this season there is

a labor shortage in agricultural production that results from the scheduling constraints for performing each farming task on time. The only money available for food purchases is derived from part time craft 11 production. Thus earnings are short when they are needed most.

11. Some barnyard animals are kept expressly as an "insurance policy" against hard times. The purpose of these animals, then, is different than that of dogs, bulls, and burros (work animals), and cows and pigs (dairying). Sheep, goats, chickens, and turkeys are the main "insurance animals." Beside their ceremonial importance (they are slaughtered and eaten at fandangos and baptism celebrations) they may be sold when cash is badly needed. The cost of sheep and goats is paid in labor only, since they graze on the stubble of common land and require no fodder. Chickens and turkeys (like dogs, bulls, cows, and burros) require special feed. However, chicken feed like dog food is oorn, whereas bulls and cows eat zacate ("corn stalks") or alfalfa, and burros eat olotes ("corn cobs"). Households usually have two or more dogs. Dogs in all households are fed every morning and every evening, and eat two or three tortillas per day. Perhaps they get scraps through the day also. Dogs are a problem in many households because they break into stored left-overs intended for the next day's meals and often break kitchen ware, especially comales (costing 4 to 5 pesos each). Dogs also eat mazorca ("ears of corn") as it grows in the fields. Most fields are missing at least a portion of the outer furrows and the loss can be attributed in part to the night time activities of dogs. Crop damage is generally blamed on wild pests (raccoons, opossums, skunks, and mice). If crop loss due to pests persists, then farmers poison the ears of corn in the outer furrows of their fields. Usually a few dogs are poisoned because of this each year. The cost of dogs is considerable.

Chickens are also expensive, and are generally considered woman's property. Most households have about 18 chickens and turkeys. Eighteen chickens eat one and one-half kilos of maize en grano ("dried corn kernels") per day. A kilo of corn sold for #1.10 in 1973. A chicken, when mature and fat (about four to five months old) sold for between #12.00 ana #16.00 in 1973. If chickens are too old (over six months old) they are tough and difficult to sell. The cost of keeping a flock of eighteen chickens can thus be calculated. Four months times 30 days each equals 120 days; 120 days times 1-1/2 kilos of corn equals 166

Because savings are small for most farmers (who invest surplus in

social security), purchasing corn during the period of June through

early September is difficult. Thus little dietary variation occurs

during the summer and smaller per capita amounts of corn are eaten

during the summer than the rest of the year. The purchase of corn for

some households is possible only because Mitla merchants extend credit.

But credit must be paid back so farmers avoid it. The overall result

is that per capita dietary consumption is reduced during June-September.

Reductions in summer dietary consumption affect the nutritional

status of individuals in all four study populations. Since the nutri­

tional status of both males and females is known to affect fertility

(Nag 1962:116, 145-146, 147-150; Katz 1972:357), the monthly distribu­

tion of births may be directly related to seasonal food shortages.

Total caloric intake, dietary proteins, vitamins B and E, and some

minerals (especially iodine) are thought to affect fertility by iner-

fering with ovulation and spermatic function in adults and by imparing

embryonic development and fetal growth (Williams 1962:45-49, DuBos

1968:18-20, Katz 1972:357-358). Clinical shortages of these nutrients

depress spermatic function and motility and are associated with amenor­

rhea and anovulation (Katz 1972:357-358).

180 kilos; 180 kilos of corn times 51.10 each equals &198.00 divided by 18 chickens equals ell.00 invested per chicken. Thus between #1.00 and £5.00 may be earned per chicken if all chickens.are sold at their prime age. But all chickens do not make it to the market. Some grow too old and cannot be sold. Others die from Newcastle's disease, which occurs each Spring. If one-half of the chickens are not sold, the chicken business loses money. Old hens also lay eggs that seli for 50 to 60 centavos each. Many of these eggs are not available to people because dogs find them first, ants infest them, or they are rotten before they are found. Insurance is therefore costly. 167

It is generally believed that undernutrition must be long-term and chronic (Newman 1975:226) and perhaps overlayed by acute episodes in order to affect fecundity- However relatively short periods of acute starvation in normally well fed populations may contribute to reduced fecundity also. For example, during the Dutch famine of 1944, starvation is judged to be responsible for increased anovulation that reduced conceptions by an estimated ten per cent. Similarly Antonov

(1947) attributes the observed reduction of births in Leningrad during

1942 to the seige of that city that produced severe food shortages and widespread amenorrhea. Chen et al. (1974) also associate moderate malnutrition with anovulation through the complicating factor of lactational amenorrhea among the Bangladesh. Good evidence for a negative effect of mild or infrequent undernutrition on ovulation is not generally available, however. It may be that non-chronic under­ nutrition does not adversely affect the processes of fertilization or implantation to any great extent, but does affect zygotic and embryonic development and fetal growth. For example, Stein et al. (1972) suggest that conceptions were not reduced during the Dutch famine of

1944 and demonstrate that long-term effects of prenatal exposure to maternal undernutrition produced no significant effects on the mental performance of that birth cohort of males measured at age nineteen.

The work of Stein et al. therefore does not confirm the conclusion mentioned above. Rather, they suggest that the primary effect of the famine was to increase fetal wastage.

Studies of fetal wastage are difficult to conduct because of data collection problems. The few studies that have been carried out 168

in human populations indicate that fetal wastage is relatively high,

especially during the early periods of pregnancy. French and Bierman

(1962) in a pioneering investigation of over 3,000 pregnancies on the

island of Kauai, Hawaii, estimate that two hundred thirty-seven of each

one thousand pregnancies (24%) end in fetal death (French and Bierman

1962:844). Their study excluded the first four weeks of gestation, and

they note that total loss may be much higher (30-40%) in this low risk

population of comparatively healthy females (French and Bierman 1962:

845). Since the highest rate of fetal loss in the Kauai study popula­

tion occurred early in pregnancy (between the fourth and eleventh week of gestation), and formed a decreasing curve through subsequent inter­ vals of intra-uterine life, French and Bierman agree with the results of studies of non-human mammals that the peak rate of loss probably occurs around the time of implantation. Lolagne, Freedman, and

Namboothiri (1969) have applied the life-table techniques used by

French and Bierman to data from several other populations and have obtained estimates of at least 200 fetal deaths per 1000 pregnancies.

Several lines of evidence suggest that environmental factors that affect the general functional integrity of the fetoplacental unit may be responsible for these rather high estimates of fetal loss.

Although the techniques for evaluating fetal health and fetoplacental function are well developed (Reynolds 1970, Kelly 1974) and are sufficiently sensitive to sort out the relative contribution of maternal nutrition on fetal development, to my knowledge no field studies of large populations utilizing these techniques have been 169

carried out. Instead indirect evidence suggests the importance of

maternal nutrition on fetal well being.

Lechtig et al. (1975) have related socioeconomic factors to

birth weights in Guatemalan populations and conclude that "Maternal

nutrition appears to be one of the intermediate steps in the causal

chain between socioeconomic factors and fetal growth" (Lechtig et al.

1975:437). Naeye, Blanc, and Paul (1973) have demonstrated that fetal

growth is directly affected by maternal nutritional status when social,

economic, and pyschological factors plus race and age of mother, and

sex and parity of newborn are controlled. Maternal undernutrition

during pregnancy and also in the years preceding pregnancy not only reduced fertility and live birth weights but also lowered neonatal

survival probabilities. Naeye et al. (1973) also report that pre­ pregnancy maternal weight and weight gain during pregnancy have sig­ nificant affects on fetal body and organ growth. They furthermore note that undernutrition has its greatest impact on fetal growth during late gestational periods (after thirty-four weeks gestation). The observation that fetal weight gain is accelerated during the last trimester of pregnancy and that the third trimester growth spurt relies on maternal nutrition is well known (Williams 1962:47-49, Newman

1975:226). However, the impact of maternal nutrition on cell differ­ entiation and organ development during earlier periods of intra­ uterine life is less well understood in human populations.

DuBos (1968:19) notes that environmental conditions of mothers

(including their diets) profoundly influence the intra-uterine life of the fetus. He notes that "nutrition deficiencies as well as drugs, 170

poisons, and infectious states produce congenital defects observed in

newborns" (DuBos 1968:19). Williams (1962:47) also writes that "inborn

deformities in human beings may have malnutrition as a basis." He

reviews some of the structural anomalies that have been experimentally

produced in laboratory animals (pigs, rabbits, rats, and mice) by

introducing deficiencies in specific nutrients (Vitamins A, B, E,

and folic acid). Williams (1962:47) adds that "a deficiency at a

particular time•during the gestation period may cause abnormalities but

later on the same deficiency may be relatively ineffective. This

emphasizes the importance of completely adequate nutrition during the

stage when organs and structures are first being formed." That is,

specific nutritional shortages'may have drastic effects on cell dif­

ferentiation and organ development very early in pregnancy. Because

the largest portion of fetal loss is estimated to occur during early

gestation periods, these early lost conceptions may be structurally

defective embryos, and maternal nutritional status may make an important

contribution to that high rate of early loss.

Although no particular "fertility foods" have been identified,

both Katz (1972) and Williams (1962) point out the importance of

calories, proteins, Vitamins B and E and some minerals (especially

iodine) for fetal well being. Potential shortages of these nutrients

occur in the diets of the four study populations. Therefore it is

worthwhile to review some of the dietary habits that may contribute to

or avert shortages of these essential nutrients in the study area.

Newman (1975) has pointed out that groups that rely on "super foods" often experience endemic deficiency diseases. "Super foods" 171

are specific food crops (many are grain crops) that are culturally

elaborated and have "great historical, psychological, and emotional

significance'.' (Jelliffe 1966:122). Super foods may "dominate the local

dietary" (Jelliffe 1966:122) even though they may be deficient in some

essential nutrients. To some extent these foods are grown in large

climate zones (Newman 1962:28), and therefore deficiency diseases associated with specific food crops may pattern geographically. For example, milled rice and beri-beri, a thiamine deficiency disease, are characteristic of Southeast Asia and parts of northern South America.

Maize and pellagra, a niacin deficiency disease, are found in temperate zones where corn is a principal food crop.

In the study area maize is a super food. It is the main crop of all farmers in the four populations. Harvested corn is stored in one's house, not in a separate corn crib. Corn kernels are examined and fondled by housewives before and during cooking. It is the prin­ cipal staple eaten at every meal, and it is prepared in a wide array of culinary styles. Animals as well as people are fed corn products.

Dogs eat tortillas; poultry are fed dried kernels; burros subsist on corn cobs; and cattle eat the stalks and leaves. Even the roots are useful as compost. Not one part of the maize plant is wasted and care is always exercised in handling any part of the plant. Corn is treated with reverence and respect, and the corn from one's home town always tastes best.

Vitamin B deficiencies are potentially great among groups that rely heavily on corn diets and consume little meat, fish, greens, dairy products, and poultry. Epidemic pellagra during the nineteenth 172 and early twentieth centuries has been associated with corn diets in

Italy, France, Egypt, Rumania, Hungary, Turkey, Greece, Yugoslavia,

Bulgaria, Ukrainia, India, Central Asia, Jamaica, and in sub-Saharan

Africa (Chick 1951, Aykroyd 1970). By 1912 the Public Health Service estimated that 25,000 cases of pellagra had occurred in the corn farming areas of seven states of Southeastern United States within five years with a case fatality rate of forty per cent (Terris 1964).

Vitamin B generally occurs in foods as a complex of riboflavin, thiamin, and niacin. Although corn is not unusually low in these water soluble vitamins, the niacin occurs in a bound state as part of the protein zein and is therefore not metabolically available as nicotinic acid or nicotinamide. Tryptophan, another amino acid that also converts to nicotinic acid, is low in corn. (Approximately 60 mg of dietary tryptophan converts to 1 mg of nicotinic acid. One hundred grams of dried corn has much less than 60 mg of tryptophan.) Nicotinamide and tryptophan are chemically important for a number of metabolic functions, especially for maintaining appropriate levels of serotonin required for normal brain function. Williams (1962:47) notes that Vitamin B de­ ficiencies have also "yielded striking structural abnormalities" in the offspring of e:xperimental animals.

Widespread epidemic pellagra is not characteristic of Latin

American populations that rely on corn as a dietary staple. Several sources of nicotinic acid have been suggested for Mexican populations.

Newman (1975:221) has proposed that the process of soaking corn in lime water before grinding it to make tortillas may be important, because the catalytic action of the lime water releases the bound tryptophan 173 nicotinamide. Scrimshaw (1965:137) has written that "niacin is

supplied by beans and coffee in Mexico and Central America, even among populations deriving up to 80 per cent of the calories from corn."

However beans and coffee are not eaten in large quantities in the four study populations during the "lean" months when the previous year's harvest has run out and money is short. Chiles are probably the best source of all of the B Vitamins (Cravioto et al. 1945), however, they are generally eaten in small quantities also.

In the study area seasonal pellagra is probably avoided because people, driven perhaps by food shortages, consume large quantities of edible weeds and bugs on a daily basis. The most frequently eaten yerbas comestibles ("edible weeds") are illustrated in Figures 13 through 24. Locally they are divided into two groups, yerbas de cuaresma ("weeds of the dry season") and yerbas de temporada ("weeds of the wet season"). Many of these weeds grow in corn fields during and after the growing season. Since many of them accompany corn crops, I will call them "companion weeds."

Companion weeds serve three purposes for farmers. They provide important dietary items, they are used for medicinal remedies

(Appendices C and D), and they structure a farmer's environmental per­ ception and provide economically important environmental information about soil fertility.

Edible weeds available during the rainy temporada (May through

October) include chepiches, chepiles, violetas, verdolagas, piojito, and the stems and tentacles of squash plants. These plants are boiled together and eaten in one meal as a soup with tortillas. The entire 174

Figure 13. Cilantro (Coriandrum sativum) Figure 14. Chepile CCrotalaria longirostrata) 176

figure 15, Epasote CChenopodluit) ambrosioides} Figure 16, Guajes de Cuaresma (Lencaena diversifolia) Figure 17. Madron (Arctostaphylos arguta)

Figure 18, Malva (Malavastrum scoparium) Figure 19. Manzanita (Ehretia tinifolia) 180

Figure 20, pioj ito (Karwinskia h-umboldtiana). Figure 21. Quintonil

Figure 22. Verdolagas CPortulaca oleracca) Figure 23. Violetas (.Viola odorata). 183

Figure 24. YerBa de Conejo 184

plant is eaten including the roots, stems, leaves, and flowers.

Chepiches may also be eaten raw with tortillas, chiles, and salt.

Yerba de conejo'is included in a dish called amarillo de frijol.

flmarillo de frijol is a gruel of corn meal, water, chiles, cumin, salt, pimiento, cloves, yerba de conejo, and beans. Ouintoniles are boiled in any soup except soups containing squash and chepiles. Epasote may be included in any soup. Cilantro is used as a seasoning. During

October guaje seeds are eaten as well as the green fruit of the manzanita tree and the sweet purple fruit of the madron tree. Cactus fruits available during October include tunas de nopal, tunas de tunal, chilios, and chupones. Chayotes and shiquyul stems may be eaten raw during October and camote de shikuyul, the small., sweet, tuberous root of the shikuyul is hunted by young children during October. During the dry cuaresma (November through April) guaje seeds are eaten raw, as are the fruits of the bitishoba and bishio cacti. During October chapulines ("grasshoppers") are plentiful and are collected for snacks.

The grasshoppers are toasted on a comal ("clay griddle") with garlic and eaten with salt and lemon. Gusanos ("red cactus grubs") are col­ lected during August and September and are toasted and eaten with salt and lemon like grasshoppers.

This large repertoire of collected weeds includes several

"nutritionally superior" foods (Harris and Munsell 1950:629). Harris and Munsell have analyzed many edible weeds of Mexico and Central

America for vitamin and mineral contents and have identified chepiches, chepiles, malva, cilantro, and epasote as having exceptionally high amounts of Vitamins A, B complex, and C, as well as calcium and iron. 185

Cravioto et al. (1945) have found that guaje seeds are rich sources of protein, calcium, phosphorus, iron, thiamine, riboflavin, and niacin

Cactus fruits are good sources of dietary iron. Vitamin A is amply supplied by cilantro, malva, and lengua de vaca (a medicinal plant in the study area). Malva, gusanos, and cactus fruits contained ribo­

flavin, and gusanos are rich sources of niacin also. Malva is a sig­ nificant source of ascorbic acid as are several species of chiles.

They conclude that malva, guaje seeds, and epazote are especially nutritious foods although they feel that the Mexican diet may contain locally inadequate amounts of riboflavin, niacin, and quality protein.

In the study area collected plants are eaten by everyone during the summer. They are usually collected by children while they tend animals or they are gathered by women. Available nutritional informa­ tion about edible weeds indicates that they are important dietary items in that they contribute significant amounts of Vitamins A, B, and C, plus iron, calcium, and phosphorus precisely during the season when these nutrients are lacking in the local diet.

Companion weeds are also used extensively for preparing herbal medicines. Although it is impossible to evaluate the medical efficacy of these plants they are locally important for treating most ailments

(Appendices C and D).

As mentioned above companion weeds also provide farmers with environmental information. Although not all of the edible and medicinal plants are companion weeds, about one-third of them commonly grow in corn fields and permit farmers to assess the relative fertility of fallow soils. 186

Most farmers in the Valley of Oaxaca categorize land types into

three main "grades" or "classes," primer grado ("first class"),

segundo grado ("second class"), and tecer grado ("third class"). Soil

samples collected by me from these three types of land in Xaaga and

Loma Larga were analyzed in the Soil Testing Laboratory of the Soil

Science Department at The University of Arizona. Generally these

analyses indicate that first and second class lands are different in

nutrient quality, especially organic carbon content and calcium/

magnesium ratios. They are similar, however, in moisture retention

properties. Third class land has characteristically larger particle

size and therefore poorer moisture retention properties-, but is similar

to second class land in nutrient values. This is, first and second

class lands look the same but are not equally "fertile," while third

class land is lighter in color and sandy in texture, but is about equal

to second class land in terms of chemical properties.

It is difficult to distinguish first and second class land by

appearance, odor, or taste. Whether a field is of first or second, class quality is a function of nutrient quality which cannot be seen.

Because nutrient quality is partially a function of cropping pattern or fallow length, the classification of a field may change. However the physical appearance of the field remains the same, and it is poten­ tially difficult for a farmer to judge the quality of his field as first or second class. That judgment is, however, extremely important for estimating the productive potential and the appropriate fallow length for a field. If fallow is too short then corn plants are smaller in size, and ears are smaller and have fewer rows of smaller 187

kernels. If fallow is too long then fields that may be very pro­

ductive remain idle. Therefore choosing the best fallow length is

critical in order to maximize production per unit land. Farmers judge

fallow length by their subjective appraisals of the relative abundance

of companion weeds. Since companion weeds occur early in the eco­

logical process of succession, reductions in their relative abundance

indicate to a farmer that fallow has been of sufficient length for

second class soil to have been transformed into first class quality.

Thus a farmer's attention is focused on these plants, structuring his

perception of the environment and providing a dietary supplement during

the summer lean months. Vitamin B deficiencies are not severe in the

study area because weeds are an integral part of farming and diet.

Seasonally epidemic episodes of chronic Vitamin B shortages are there­

fore not a major factor underlying seasonal variations in fertility.

Protein-calorie undernutrition is likely to be the most sig­

nificant nutritional factor affecting fertility in the study area.

Reduced caloric intake has been amply demonstrated to affect gonadal

function, fetal development, birth weights, and neonatal mortality.

Cravioto et al. (1969) have shown in a study of neonatal health in a southern Mexican village that both high quality proteins and calories are lacking in the Mexican diet. It is unclear whether protein status alone alters fertility. Habicht et al. (1973) found that dietary sup­ plements of calories along had a major positive effect on the nutri­ tional well being of a Guatemalan population. In the four study popula­ tions shortages of dietary proteins and calories probably occurs during the summer months. No quantifiable surveys of caloric intakes were 188

carried out. To estiriiate the seasonal differences in nutritional

protein a biochemical analysis of two series of blood samples was

carried out. A sample of seventeen persons of comparable health status

(from five families) was chosen for biochemical study in Xaaga. No

detailed dietary surveys were systematically conducted to compare with

the biochemical results. However, casual observations indicate that

(1) food is in short supply from June to September, (2) men are always

fed first and receive the largest portions of the best food, (3)

children eat after men and also supplement their diet by foraging in

the fields during the day, (4) women eat the least and always take their

meals after other family members have finished. The sampled families

all rely exclusively on unirrigated fanning, include similar numbers of

men and women and cover a broad range of age categories.

Blood samples were collected in mid-August of 1973 and in mid-

February of 1974 in order to measure differences between the periods of greatest dietary shortage and greatest'abundance. Both series were analyzed for total red blood cells; per cent hemoglobin; white blood cells; and glucose, creatinine, total proteins, albumins, and globulins.

All samples were refrigerated between collection and analysis. Most samples were analyzed within hours of collection. None were stored more than twelve hours.

The measure of albumin to total protein was used to estimate seasonal differences in nutritional status. The percentage of albumins to total proteins was chosen because it is not only sensitive to the quantity of protein serologically available to the consumer, but also reflects the relative quality of dietary protein. Its use as an index 189 of nutritional status has been recommended by du Plessius, Lauw, and

Nel (1972:43-44) who found it to be the only biochemical measure that reflected the adequacy of dietary intake in a nutritional survey of several South African populations. They report that,

Little, if any, correlation between total serum protein levels and the corresponding dietary parameters was found. This is due to the fact that in tropical and subtropical climates, high total serum protein levels are the rule in spite of apparently deficient intakes.

The urea/creatinine ratios were found to give small, mostly negative correlations with the dietary parameters. This is probably due to the influence of protein quality • and protein intake in relation to calorie requirements upon urinary urea excretion.

It is obvious that neither total serum protein concentra­ tions nor the urea/creatinine ratio would provide a satis­ factory biochemical criterion of protein status.

In contrast, however, the serum albumin content and the serum-albumin expressed as a percentage of total serum protein, correlated reasonably well with animal protein and fat intake (du Plessius etal. 1972:43-44).

Comparing the albumin/total protein ratios (Tables 12 and 13) for the two time series shows a significant difference between seasons for both males (t = 2.20, p < .05) and females (t = 2.64, p < .025).

Although the difference between the seasonal mean is greater for females than males, the difference between sexes is not statistically significant (although it may be nutritionally important). Adult women of child bearing age exhibit the greatest variability in albumin/total protein ratios. Variations in protein intake result from reduced dietary intake during the "lean" summer months when food shortages are common. Although it is risky to generalize from this small sample, the implication of these data is that the nutritional cost of 190

Table 12, Albumin to Total Protein Ratios for Seventeen Persons in August 1973 Cin rog/100 grams)

Albumin s Sex Age Total Proteins Albumins Total Proteins

F 63 6.4 3.7 .578 F 30 4.7 2.3 .489 F 22 7.0 3.4 .485 F 18 7.3 6.1 .837 F 15 9.3 2.9 .312 F 13 7.2 5.9 .819 F 12 6.8 3.2 .471 F 1.1 5.8 3.2 .552 Mean 6.8 3.8 .568 Standard Deviation 1.3 1.4 .179

M 68 6.6 5.1 .773 M 54 6.2 4.3 .694 M 31 6.6 2.9 .439 M 26 5.8 3.6 .621 M 14 7.0 3.7 .529 M 13 7.0 5.7 .814 M 9 7.2 3.1 .431 M 6 5.7 3.0 .526 M 3 5.7 3.3 .579 Mean 5.8 3.5 .601 Standard Deviation 2.1 1.5 .137 191

Table 13. Albumin to Total Protein Ratios for Seventeen Persons in February 1974 tin mg/100 grams)

Albumins Sex Age Total Proteins Albumins Total Proteins

F 63 6.3 3.5 .556 F 30 6.8 5.4 .798 F' 22 5.7 5.2 .912 F 18 5.7 3.8 .667 F 15 6.7 5.1 .761 F 13 4.9 3.9 .796 F 12 7.2 5.5 .764 F .7 6.0 5.1 .850 Mean 6.2 4.1 .763 Standard Deviation .74 1.7 .110

M 68 4.6 3.3 .717 M 54 6.3 4.5 .714 M 31 6.4 5.2 .813 M 26 6.1 3.7 .607 M 14 6.3 4.0 .635 M 13 6.1 3.8 .623 M 9 5.4 4.8 .889 M 6 5.8 4.5 .776 M 3 7.2 5.1 .708 . Mean 6.0 4.3 .720 Standard Deviation .72 .66 .09 192 under-production is paid more heavily by women, especially adult women of child bearing ages during the summer.

Gross and Underwood (1971) have also found that the caloric costs of under-production are paid by non-productive dependents of sisal laborers in Brazil. Adult male wage earners consumed more than their calculated daily requirements and children were deprived of necessary food. Gross and Underwood judge that adult females were

"probably" consuming adequate amounts of calories and focused their study on caloric deprivation and growth retardation of children. In this study children probably share the nutritional burden of under­ production with women. Malina, Himes, and Stepick (1976) have found that children in another area of the Tlacolula arm of the Valley to exhibit characteristics of growth and development problems that may be associated with poor nutrition.

The difference between male and female nutritional status reflected in seasonal variations in serum proteins is underscored by male-female differences in the proportional mortality (considering dmly deaths that doctors have certified as having nutritional components).

The total number of deaths between 1956 and 1973 in which under­ nutrition, malnutrition, kwashiorkor, marasmus, or unspecified protein- carbohydrate malnutrition are certified as a contributing cause or condition of death are higher for females than males. During the seventeen-year period, 24.7 per cent of female deaths from all causes have involved a nutritional component whereas 18 per cent of male deaths from all causes have involved nutritional components. Al­ though death ratios are higher for males than for females for all other 193

.causes (except puerperal causes) the death ratio for nutritionally

influenced death is slightly higher for females than for males (Table

14).

Tcible 14. Male and Female Death Ratios for Medically Certified Deaths Involving a Nutritional Component in Four Towns, 1956-1973

Deaths with Nutritional Sex Total Deaths Component Death Ratio

Males 859 155 18.0

Females 788 195 25.0

^eath Ratio = P^ths of Specified Class, 1956-1973 Total Deaths (by Sex), 1956-1973

The ratios of medically certified, nutritionally influenced

deaths to total deaths (for both sexes) is about the same for Xaaga,

Loma Larga, and Corral del Cerro (4.2, 4.0, and 4.3 per cent, re­

spectively) but greater for Mitla (22.0 per cent). This unexpected

difference may reflect Mitla's greater use of western medical facili­

ties (which would inflate certification of their nutritional status

on death registers), or it may represent real differences in the

nutritional status of the populations. Because food shortages are less

critical in Mitla than, for example, in Corral del Cerro, if the death

ratios presented in Table 15 reflect real nutritionally influenced 194

Table 15. Death Ratios for Medically Certified Deaths Involving a Nutritional Component for Mitla, Xaaga, Loma Larga, and Corral del Cerro, 1956-1973

Deaths with a Town Total Deaths Nutritional Component Death Ratio

Mitla 1384 304 21.9

Xaaga 687 29 4.22

Loma Larga 149 6 4.03

Corral del Cerro 92 4 4.35

T, Deaths of Specified Class, per Town, 1956-1973 , Death Ratio = „ ^ —— ' r x 100 Total Deaths, per Town, 1956-1973

mortality, then its cause would have to be attributed either to cul­ turally determined consumption patterns, or to some interference with metabolism of food, but not to underproduction alone. For example,

Mitla's higher under-nutrition death ratio may reflect lower per capita dietary consumption that is a consequence of greater investmsnts of production into social activities. Data to test that proposition were not systematically collected.

As mentioned earlier, there is good evidence that rates of early embryonic loss are high in human populations. Furthermore, maternal nutritional status may be an important factor in early embryonic loss because nutritional factors figure significantly in the early structural development and cell differentiation of embryos. Because seasonal fluctuations in food consumption cause significant seasonal differences 195

in the nutritional status of people in the study area, the seasonal

differences in births are possibly the result of seasonal differences

in early embryonic loss and fetal wastage that have a nutritional basis.

Interference with early fetal development may also be inferred

from the monthly distribution of still birth ratios for all towns.

Appendix M contains still birth ratios per year for the four towns.

Table 16 presents the monthly distribution of still birth ratios cal­

culated from 522 reported still births in the death registers of all

four towns. The still birth ratio for March (57.6) is more than double

the still birth ratio for October (28.5). Using 9.5 months as a general estimate of the length of pregnancy, it may be concluded that the risk of still birth is twice as great for June-July conceptions than it is for January-February conceptions. The monthly distribution of still birth ratios are listed for each population separately in Table 17. Al­ though they consist of smaller samples of still births, the village populations exhibit the same pattern as the grouped data.

The monthly distribution of live birth and still birth sex ratios are shown in Table 18. Generally still birth sex ratios are higher than live birth sex ratios, suggesting intrauterine selection against males. However, since no data were available about the sexes of earlier miscarriages, the sex ratios may represent selection against males during the letter stages of pregnancy only. The monthly distribu­ tion of still birth sex ratios indicates very high male loss during

July through September, and higher female loss during the Spring.

Since the period of high male loss represents conceptions from the previous October through January period, it must be inferred that 196

Table 16. Stillbirth Ratios by Month for All Tovms, 1880-1973a

Still Birth Probable Time Month of Birth Still Births Live Births Ratios of Conception

January 41 937 43.8 April May

February 39 915 42.6 May June

March 54 937 57.6 J vine July

April 46 1022 45.0 July August

May 61 1252 48.7 August September

June 49 1360 36.0 September October

July 51 1583 32.2 October November

August 40 1398 28.6 November December

September 40 1162 34.4 December January

October 33 1157 28.5 January February

November 39 1143 34.1 February March

December 29 953 30.4 March April

Total 522 13819 37.8 aStill Birth Ratio = Number of Still Births in jMitla Municipio per Month __ ^000 Number of Live Births in Mitla Municipio per Month 197

Table 17. Monthly Stillbirth Ratios for Mitla, .Xaaga, Loma Larga, and Corral del Cerro

Loma Corral de Probable Time Months Mitla Xaaga Larga Cerro Total of Conception

January 42.3 45.1 62.5 76.9 43.8 April May

February 46.2 29.1 — 34.5 42.6 May June

March 60.7 58.3 31.25 — 57.6 June July

April 45.7 46.5 50.0 — 45.0 July August

May 48.6 57.1 18.5 57.1 48.7 August September

June 38.3 38.7 — — 36.0 September October

July 36.0 5.0 22.0 60.6 32.2 October November

August 34.3 5.4 — — 28.6 November December

September 41.2 6.9 —- — 34.4 December January

October 32,2 7.3 33.0 — 28.5 January February

November 34.1 31.3 31.3 52.6 34.1 February March

December 34.6 9.2 — 41.7 30.4 March April

Mean 40.5 27.3 19.7 24.4 37.7 astill Birth Ratio = Number of Still Births for Specified Town per Month ^ ^QOO Number of Live Births for Specified Town per Month 198

Table 18. Live Birth. Sex Ratios3 and Still Birth. Sex Ratios3 by Month for All Towns, 1880-1973

Live Births Still Births

Males Females Ratio Males Female s Ratio

January 57 94 61 17 21 81

February 87 58 150 18 20 90

March 92 74 124 31 21 147

April 96 83 116 25 21 119

May 125 119 105 26 34 77

June 133 135 99 24 20 120

July 135 124 109 34 21 161

August 122 119 103 31 13 238

September 98 99 99 21 18 116

October 104 76 137 23 10 230

November 78 56 139 20 20 100

December 66 69 96 18 11 163

Mean 111 137

Standard Deviation 24.2 53.6 a„ „ ,. Males Sex Ratio = — : x 100 Females 199

nutritional stress during the first trimester of these pregnancies was

not a factor in producing the still birth. The high July through

September still birth sex ratio may indicate third trimester nutri­

tional stresses or birth traumas- This is consistent with other results

of still birth sex ratio studies. Cavalli-Sforza and Bodmer (1971)

report that fetal deformations, that are produced during early preg­

nancy, are much lower for males than for female fetuses. Therefore the still birth sex ratios may indicate that later fetal wastage also

contributes to the seasonal variations in births. In the absence of good evidence for cause of still births, however, this line of reasoning must remain speculative.

The monthly distribution of still birth ratios supports the proposed nutritional model. If conception does occur during the period May-August then pregnancies have a reduced probability of successfully ending in live, full-term births. The monthly distribu­ tion of still births has its mode in March. The mode may reflect the adverse affect of timing the first trimester of pregnancies during

May-August, when food shortages occur. If the nutritional status of women is lower during the first trimester of pregnancy, a time when fetal growth and development are especially sensitive to intrauterine biochemical changes, then the risk of still birth is increased. The monthly distribution of births may not be simply a matter of differ­ ences in the sexual availability and energy of males. The distribution may also reflect the functional integrity of the feto-placental unit and a woman's ability to successfully carry pregnancies to full term.

That ability varies as nutrition varies. 200

Table 19 presents the distribution of neonatal mortality rates

by month for all births in all towns. Neonatal (one month) death rates

follow the same pattern of monthly mortality as still births. Mean

neonatal mortality is 85.4 per 1000 live births in all years. June-

July conceptions produce twice as great a rate as November-December

conceptions. This evidence supports the inference that nutritional shortages underly the monthly pattern of still birth ratios and suggests that the nutritional impact persists through the first month of a new­ born's life. In summary, intrauterine conditions influence the rela­ tive survival chances beyond birth. Seasonal dietary shortages, operating through age-sex defined consumption patterns perhaps limit successful conception, increase risk of still birth, and also affect neonatal survivorship (1-neonatal mortality rate). Tables 20 to 23 present the monthly distribution of neonatal mortality rates for each population separately. Although small sample size hinders their inter­ pretation, they exhibit the same monthly pattern for neonatal mortality that was described for still birth ratios and nutritionally influenced death rates. Furthermore, Mitla has higher overall neonatal mortality rate whereas the rates were almost identical for the three villages.

The monthly distribution reflects the association of the summer period of food shortage with the first trimester of pregnancy. Nutritional stress during summer pregnancies produces a relatively greater pro­ portion of neonatal deaths than pregnancies during or immediately after harvest.

The monthly pattern characteristics of still birth and neonatal mortality disappears when infant mortality is examined (Figure 25). 201

Table 19. Neonatal Mortality Rate3 by Month for Four Towns, 1864-1973

Month of Neonatal Live Births Neonatal Probable Time Death Deaths of Cohort Mortality Rate of Conception

January 90 953 94.4 March April

February 87 937 92.9 April May

March 88 915 96.2 May June

April 107 937 114.2 June July

May 109 1022 106.7 July August

June 112 1252 89.5 August. September

July 134 1360 98.5 September October

August 115 1583 72.7 October November

September 77 1398 55.1 November December

October 79 1162 68.0 December January

November 99 1157 85.6 January February

December 84 1143 73.5 February March

Total 1180 13819

Neonatal Mortality Rate = Deaths of Infants Under One Month (Excluding Stillbirths) During Specified Time Total Number of Live Births During Same Specified Time Period

i i 202

Table 20. Neonatal Mortality Ratesa by Month for Mitla, 1864-1973

Neonatal Live Births Neonatal Probable Time Month. Deaths of Cohort Mortality Rate of Conception

January 77 781 98.6 March April

February 72 781 92.2 April May

March. 76 758 100.3 May June

April 91 758 120.0 June July

May 92 832 110.6 July August

June 94 988 95.1 August September

July 118 1071 110.2 September October

August 100 1305 76.6 October November

September 70 1137 61.6 November December

October 68 946 71.9 December January

November 90 962 93.6 January February

December 69 996 69.3 February March

Total 1017 11315 x = 89.9

Neonatal Mortality Rate = Deaths of Infants Under One Jdonth (Excluding Stillbirths) During Specified Time Total Number of Live Births During Same Specified Time Period 203

Table 21. Neonatal Mortality Ratesa by Month for Xaaga, 1864-1973

Neonatal Live Births Neonatal Probable Time Month Deaths of Cohort Mortality Rate of Conception

January 8 109 73.4 March April

February 11 111 99.1 April May

March 9 103 87.4 May June

April 10 120 83.3 June July

May 10 129 77.5 July August

June 14 175 80.0 August September

July 10 207 48.3 September October

August 11 200 55.0 October November

September 6 186 32.3 November December

October 7 145 48.3 December January

November 8 138 58.0 January February

December 8 96 83.3 February March

Total 112 1719 .x = 65.2 a Neonatal Mortality Rate = Deaths of Infants Under One Month (Excluding Stillbirths) During Specified Time Total Number of Live Births During Same Specified Time Period 204

Table 22. Neonatal Mortality Rates3 by Month for Loma Larga, 1910-1973

Neonatal Live Births Neonatal Probable Time Month Deaths of Cohort Mortality Rate of Conception

January 3 39 76.9 March April

February 3 32 93.8 April May

March 1 25 40.0 May June

April 3 32 93.8 June July

May 3 40 75.0 July August

June 3 54 55.6 August September

July 3 45 66.7 September October

August 4 45 88.9 October November

September 0 42 0 November December

October ' 1 41 24.4 December January

November 0 30 0 January February

December 5 32 156.3 February March

Total 29 457 x = 63.5

3Neonatal Mortality Rate = Deaths of Infants Under One Month (Excluding Stillbirths) During Specified Time Total Number of Live Births During Same Specified Time Period 205

TaBle 23. Neonatal Mortality Rates3 by Month for Corral del Cerro, 1893-1973

Neonatal Live Births Neonatal Probable Time Month Deaths of Cohort Mortality Rate of Conception

January 1 24 41.7 March April

February 1 13 76.9 April May

March 2 29 68.9 May June

April 3 27 111.1 June July

May 4 21 190.5 July August

June 1 35 28.6 August September

July 3 37 81.1 September October

August 0 33 0 October November

September 1 33 30.3 November December

October 3 30 100.0 December January

November 1 27 37.0 January February

December 2 19 105.3 February / March Total 22 328 x = 67.1

Neonatal Mortality Rate = Deaths of Infants Under One Month (Excluding Stillbirths) During Specified Time Total Number of Live Births During Same Specified Time Period 206

120-

110-

100-

90-

80-

70-

60-

50-

40-

30-

20-

10-

MONTH OF BIRTH

STILLBIRTH RATIO NEONATAL MORTALITY RATE * js INFANT MORTALITY RATE » .5

Figure 25. Stillbirth Ratios, 2Teonatal ilortality Rates, and Infant Mortality Rates by Ilonth of Birth of Decedents for All Towns, 1854-1973. ' 207

The distribution of infant mortality rates resembles the distribution

of monthly deatti ratios calculated for total deaths of individuals of

all ages. The shift in the monthly distribution of infant deaths

indicates that extrauterine environment becomes comparatively more

important than conditions of pregnancy by the end of the first year of

life (Figure 26).

All of this indicates that seasonal fluctuations in births limit

limit population. Whether the frequency of conception is constrained

by reduced sexual activity of males, by females' reduced physiological

ability to conceive, by fetal wastage, or by all three, the result is

the same. On one hand the particular mechanisms that decrease

successful conceptions or pregnancy outcomes are interesting because

they show how births are reduced under the particular social and

economic conditions of this production system. On the other hand the

identification of a condition or a particular stress or agent (nutri­

tion for example) is unimportant in terms of the overall adaptive

outcome. Because monthly rainfall varies, there are alternating

periods of work and food. Because work and food vary, there are

alternating periods of high and low birth rates.

Since crop outcome influences diet and nutrition, and because

nutritional status affects conception and/or fetal wastage, then the number of live births each year should be directly related to annual

crop outcomes.

However an association of annual birth and production could not

be demonstrated. The frequency of annual births, annual crude birth

rates, and annual fertility rates of each population (Appendix N) were 208

120-

1J0-

100-

90-

80-

70-

60-

50-

40-

30-

20-

10-

MONTH OF DEATH STILLBIRTH RATIO NEONATAL Mortality RATE ».5 INFANT rtORTALiTy RATE * .5 DEATH RATIO

Figure 26. Stillbirth Ratios, Neonatal Mortality Rates, Infant Itortality Rates, and Death Patios by Month of Death for All Towns, 1864-1973 209

correlated with total rainfall and summer rainfall of both the same

year as the births and of the previous year of the births. These correlations were all extremely weak and of unacceptable significance.

A low negative value (r = -.123) was obtained between annual still birth ratios (Appendix H) and previous year's rainfall. Finally, a low

value (r = +.120) was calculated for the association of nutritionally influenced death rates and previous year's rainfall. That is, annual births, annual still births, and annual undernutrition are not signifi­ cantly related to annual harvest (measured by rainfall). Therefore, the model developed in the previous pages that proposed a decrease in conceptions and successful full term pregnancies through nutritionally inhibited conception and fetal wastage cannot account for yearly dif­ ferences in births. If annual variations in harvest (estimated by rainfall) could have been shown to be directly associated with annual births and fertility variations, then an underlying mechanism for the annual regulation of these populations by food production would be demonstrated. But no association was found between any variables that estimate birth performance and the critical variable in agricultural production. Therefore, if the nutritional model is accepted, it may only be' accepted to account for the monthly distribution of births and does not account for variations in births between years. This result applies to all four populations. The problem of interpreting annual fluctuations in births in terms of annual variations in rainfall will be returned to in the discussion of mortality.

Crude birth rates and fertility rates are presented by year for all towns in Appendix N. Annual mean crude birth rate for each town is: 210

Mitla 49 births per 1000 population, Xaaga 74 births per 1000 popula­

tion, Loma Larga 75 births per 1000 population/ and Corral del Cerro

124 births per 1000 population. The difference in these rates reflects

differences in mean fertility rates (Mitla 180, Xaaga 348, Loma Large

386, and Corral del Cerro 571 per 1000 females ages 15 to 54). Mitla's rates are not only lowest but also the least variable. Corral del

Cerro's rates are highest and most variable. That is, the higher the rate the greater it varies by year. Several explanations may be offered for the differences in fertility between the populations. The space between births may be different, the ages of women may differ at the onset of their period of fertility, or fertility may be- affected by attempts to match births to a culturally defined goal number of desired children. Actually these are all related aspects of the same problem.

A sample of 2337 Mitla mothers, obtained from birth records, was tabulated by age and birth number of mother in order to estimate average age of mothers in Mitla upon the birth of each of their children (Appendix O). The mean age for the sample of mothers for first born is 20.5, a figure that may be regarded as an estimate of

Mitla's generation length. Differences in estimates of generation length between the four populations are presented in Table 24. ' Average space between children varies with birth number from over two and a half years to less than a year. Generally the space is greater between a woman's first two or three children than between subsequent births.

In Corral del Cerro the mean interval between children is 4.8 months 211

Table 24. Mother's Age at First Birth, Mean Number of Children, and Mean Space Between Children for Four Populations

Mean Age Mean Number Mean Years of Mother, of Children Interval Between First Child per Female Children

Mitla 20.5 — —

Xaaga 20.1 5.55 2.96

Loma Larga 20.1 5.83 2.98

Corral del Cerro 19.4 8.75 2.27

shorter than the overall mean, and 1.2 months shorter than the overall

mean in Xaaga and Loma Larga.

A few births have been recorded for fourteen year old mothers

and for women in their fifties in all four populations. However, most

women bear children during their early twenties through their thirties

in all towns. The age of mothers who have delivered still births or

who have delivered live births that led to neonatal death are not

recorded in the death registers. However, my impression from a small

sample of these deaths obtained from household census is that older

mothers have a higher risk of stillbirth than younger mothers.

Similarly, mothers who report illegitimate births tend to be

older than the mean age of mothers who report legitimate births. The

mean age of mothers who report illegitimate births is 29.1 calculated

for a sample of fifty births. Seventy-eight per cent of these

illegitimate births were recorded as the woman's first birth. Thus

the difference between average ages of mothers who give illegitimate

j I vs. legitimate first birth is over eight years. Most women establish their households when they are between 15 and 20 years old (ages of women upon religious marriage cannot be used to estimate the ages of persons upon cohabitation because marriage is often postponed). Women who approach twenty generally worry about their prospects for

"marriage," and men sometimes joke about "unmarried" women who pass their mid-twenties as catarronas ("old maids"). Therefore it is not surprising that illegitimate children are generally born by older women. Informants report that illegitimacy is probably higher for viudas ("widows") and may be a remarriage strategy. The identification of illegitimate births in the birth registers was discussed in Chapter

3. .The criteria used to identify illegitimacy do permit a distinction between premarital and other illegitimate births. People say that younger women experiment with herbal abortives more than older women

(because family disapproval is greater when young women, 15-20 years old, become pregnant). Thus the age differences between mothers who bear legitimate and illegitimate children may be exaggerated.

Twin births are common in the study area and the mean twinning ratio for all recorded births between the years 1880 and 1971 is 6.75 per 1000 live births (Table 25). That figure is consistent with the twinning rate for other Latin American populations (Cavelli-Sforza and

Bodmer 1971:438). Because mothers' ages for multiple births were unevenly reported, no estimate of mean age of mothers upon multiple birth was calculated. Similarly, because the archives were not transcribed and coded by surname it was impossible to calculate 213 a Table 25. Twin Ratios by Year for Four Towns, 1880-1971

Total Twin Twin Total Twin Twin Year Births Births Ratio Year Births Births Ratio

1880 100 3 27.2 1948 118 2 17.0 1881 73 3 41.1 1949 105 2 19.1 1887 98 3 30.6 1951 116 3 25.9 1888 124 1 8.07 1952 133 1 7.52 1891 89 1 11.2 1953 114 1 8.77 1894 125 3 24.0 1954 131 2 15.3 1917 104 2 19.2 1955 164 2 12.2 1924 139 2 14.4 1956 155 1 6.45 1932 94 1 10.6 1957 175 3 17.1 1933 136 2 14.7 1958 119 1 8.40 1934 128 1 7.81 1959 158 3 12.7 1936 140 3 21.4 1960 145 3 20.7 1937 108 2 18.5 1961 165 1 6.06 1938 121 1 8.27 1962 183 2 10.9 1939 103 4 38.8 1963 174 1 5.75 1942 128 3 23.4 1967 218 2 9.17 1943 116 1 8.62 1968 182 2 11.0 1944 104 3 28.9 1970 221 3 13.6 1945 127 2 15.8 1971 215 1 4.65

Twin Births During Specified Time aTwin Ratio = x iooo Total Number of Live Births During Same Specified Time 214

separate estimates of monozygotic and dizygotic twin ratios from sex

pairing (which requires sex determination of womb-mates).

The "target" or goal number of children that people want to

have is difficult to estimate.' The mean number of children for the

sample of 2337 Mitla women discussed above is 4.1. However this sample

of women is not composed of females that have completed their repro­

ductive cycle and thus the estimate is low. Generally both men and

women want children/ but some evidence exists that the goal is higher

for men than it is for women. Gossip about women who induced•abortion

by drinking poisonous "teas" occurs in all four towns. No data were

systematically collected regarding the frequency of abortion, therefore no estimates of abortion rates are possible. Generally women who

induce abortion are younger and usually they are aided by their female kinswomen, especially mothers and sisters. Men strongly dispprove of abortions which are therefore performed as a conspiracy that is always kept secret from them. Aborted fetuses are smuggled out of town in bundles of dirty laundry and are buried in the monte ("bush") where women.hope they will not be exhumed and exposed by dogs. Men want many children, and when asked how many they answer with the cliche, "as many as possible." Several men mused that "children are like live­ stock. You never know if they will survive, so you build the biggest herd, possible."

Barrenness is regarded as unfortunate and is taken to mean that a marriage is unfulfilled. The responsibility or "blame" for childlessness is usually attributed to females. Sexuality is evi­ denced by the number of children produced, and the "strength" or 215

"vigor" of a person's sexuality is measured by the number of children

to survive. If childlessness was attributed or "blamed" on males, the

implication of impotency would be emotionally destructive for them

because it questions their manliness. Women compensate for the

accusation by being efficient and obedient in household matters and

economically productive. The sexuality of a person is inferred from

their physical characteristics. Generally men say they prefer morenas

and gorditas ("chubby, dark complexioned women") because they are considered more sensuous. Women say that muscular men are more sexually attractive.

Although a forty-day period of abstinence from intercourse follows the birth of any child, that short interval does not explain the larger interval between births. Nursing occurs for at least one year, after which time children are introduced to table foods, usually bean broth and atole ("corn gruel"). Weaning occurs upon birth of the next child. In summary, fertility and birth are or may be influenced by culturally defined notions of spacing, goal number of children, abstinence, and sexuality as.well as mothers' ages at birth, parity, and abortion. However the impact of these influences cannot be systematically interpreted.

Although annual variations in birth and fertility rates do not correlate with rainfall, differences in these rates between towns may be the result of differences in perinatal and early neonatal mortality.

Perinatal (death of infants one day of age) for the four populations is presented in Table 26. The mean perinatal mortality rate for the four populations is 6.6. The rate is higher than the mean for Corral »*

216

Table 26. Perinatal Mortality Rates3 by Town for All Years, 1864-1973

Perinatal Live Perinatal Town Deaths Births Mortality Rate

Mitla 62 11315 5.48

Zaaga • 13 1719 7.56

Loma Larga 2 457 4.38

Corral del Cerro 3 328 9.15

Total 80 13819

a„ . , , ^ , Total Perinatal Deaths (One Day) , Perinatal Mortality Rate = -r • x 1000 Totalm Live Births

del Cerro (9.15) and Xaaga (7.56) and lower for Mitla (5.48) and Loma

Larga (4.38).

Early neonatal mortality defined as death of infants zero through seven days of age is presented for the four study populations in Table 27. Corral del Cerro has the highest early neonatal rate

(39.6) and Loma Larga exhibits the lowest (19.7). Differences in perinatal and early neonatal mortality between the populations may reflect underlying genetic causes that differentially operate in these populations, differential frequencies in birth traumas, or differences in initial maternal nurturing between .the populations. Because the cause of perinatal and early neonatal mortality is most frequently respiratory illness and because the death ratios for respiratory in­ fection are highest in Corral del Cerro, differences in perinatal and early neonatal mortality may involve some interaction of respiratory 217

Table 27. Early Neonatal Mortality Ratesa by Town for All Years, 1864- 1973

Early Neonatal Live Early Neonatal Town Deaths Births Mortality Rate

Mitla 302 • 11315 26.7

Xaaga 41 1719 23.9

Loma Larga 9 457 19.7

Corral del Cerro 13 328 39.6

Total 365 13819 a Semanatal Mortality Rate = Total Semanatal Deaths (.0-7 Days) ^ looo Total Live Births

illness symptoms and an inability to nurse. The significance of higher perinatal and early neonatal mortality in Corral del Cerro is that it elevates birth rates and fertility rates through reproductive over­ compensation. It may be recalled that dependency ratios are highest and harvest returns are lowest for man days of labor invested in

Corral del Cerro. Household labor shortages are a critical problem for that population's agricultural system. Because children are a potential labor source in Oaxaca, they are desired by farmers (Granskog 1974).

Therefore fertility partially reflects a mechanism for recruiting household labor. Since perinatal and semanatal mortality is high in

Corral, the reduced interval between children may be interpreted as supporting evidence for reproductive overcompensation. That is, high fertility and corresponding smaller spacing interval are responses to 218

high perinatal and early neonatal mortality, high dependency ratios,

and lower harvest returns for labor invested. This interpretation, it

must be cautioned, requires the assumption that people in the study

populations respond sexually with scheduled precision to deaths of new­

borns (ignoring the forty-day period of abstinence). The assumption, which seems unwarranted and unsupportable, is required because the patterned differences in newborn deaths that distinguish Corral as highest and Mitla and Loma Larga as lowest disappear when neonatal mortality (death of newborns one month of age) and infant mortality are considered.

Tables 28 and 29 present neonatal mortality and infant mortality for the four populations. The tables show that the neonatal and infant mortality rates exhibit almost a conplete inversion of perinatal mortality rates by town. Neonatal and infant mortality rates are quite similar for the three villages, whereas the higher rates for

Mitla indicate that environmental effects have become relatively more important. These effects are mainly infant diarrheas.

Deaths

There have been 8403 deaths registered in the towns' archives since 1864. One hundred forty-four of these refer to transients in the municipio, and 145 more are reported for residents in the eighteen ranchos that have come and gone over the decades. The remainder refer to deaths of residents of the four towns. Table 30 presents the total numbers of reported male and female deaths.for each town. 219

Table 28. Neonatal Mortality Rates3 by Town for All Years, 1864-1973

Neonatal Town Neonatal Deaths Live Births Mortality Rate

Mitla 1017 11315 89.9

Xaaga 112 1714 65.2

Loma Larga 29 457 63.5

Corral del Cerro 22 328 67.1

Total 1180 13819 aNeonatal Mortality Rate = Deaths of Infants Under One Month (Excluding Stillbirths) During Specified Time Total Number of Live Births During Same Specified Time Period

Table 29. Infant Mortality Ratesa by Town for All Years, 1864-1973

Town Infant Deaths Live Births Infant Mortality Rate

Mitla 2084 11315 184.2

Xaaga 229 1719 133.2

Loma Larga 50 457 109.4

Corral del Cerro 37 328 112.8

Total 2400 13819 ainfant Mortality Rate = Deaths of Infants Under One Year of Age (Excluding Stillbirths) During Specified Time Period Total Live Births During Same Time Period Table 30. Recorded Male and Female Deaths by Tovm, 1864-1973

Mitla Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro Total Deaths

Males 3730 367 83 47 4227

Females 3461 317 65 44 3887

Total Deaths 7191 684 148 91 8114 221

The monthly distribution of deaths is similar to that of

births with more than twice the percentage of total deaths occurring in

July than occur in February (Figure 27). Crude death rates and age-sex

specific rates are given for each population by year in Appendix 0.

Sex specific rates are listed in Appendix P. The rates for younger

individuals of both sexes are higher than for any other age classes

(Table 31), reflecting greater childhood mortality. Mean crude death rates are about the same for all populations (Appendix P) but annual variation is four times greater for Corral del Cerro's crude death rate than for Mitla's, twice the crude death rate for Xaaga and Loma, each of which exhibit twice as great a standard deviation unit as Mitla.

Mean sex specific death rates are slightly greater for males in all populations except Loma Larga. Crude death rates decline in all four populations after 1956. The reduction reflects the substantial impact that the arrival of a full time resident physician has had on general health and mortality. The "elbow" in each of the growth curves for the study populations (Figure 27) dramatically illustrates the impact of reduced mortality on overall population growth.

No correlations of acceptable significance were obtained between crude death rates for any of the study populations and annual rainfall (for the Tlacolula weather station). The variability in crude death rates therefore seems unrelated to the major fluctuating param­ eter in agricultural production.

The central concept for population adaptation discussed in

Chapter 2 was that populations that exhibit greater diversity in re­ source utilization strategies should be better adapted to fluctuating \

222

12.5- 12.0- 11-5- cn "-0- jE 10.5- S 10.0- ° 9.5- ^ 9.0" u. 8.5- ° 8.0- f— _ „

o 7.0- S 6.5 6.0- 5.5-

JFMAMJJASOND

MONTH OF DEATH

Figure 27. Monthly Distribution of Total Reported Deaths for Four Towns 223

Table 31. Per Cent of Deaths of Children Zero Through Six

Per Cent of Accumulative Age Class Total Deaths Per Cent

Under One Year 30.8 30.8

One-Two Years 10.1 40.9

Two-Three Years 4.8 45.7

Three-Four Years 2.9 48.6

Four-Five Years 1.6 50.2

Five-Six Years 1.3 51.5 224

environments because they are able to maintain greater constancy in

their vital rates. Up to this point, the description of demographic

performance of the four populations has been concerned with a compari­

son of crude birth rates, death rates, and fertility rates. It has

been shown that these rates are different for all four populations,

and more to the point, that the amount of annual variability is differ­

ent for the vital rates of all four populations. Greater amounts of

variability occur in all of the vital rates for Corral del Cerro, the

least diversified population, and the least amount of variability

occurs in Mitla's rates. This implies that the variability in rates of

these populations is significant in terms of the theory. However,

since no significant correlations have been demonstrated for rates

with rainfall, the significant differences in the variability of the

rates poses a problem of interpretation. In order to attribute the

differences in constancy to adaptation, the mechanisms by which the

variability occurs must be demonstrated. To understand the mechanism,

a closer examination of cause specific mortality is required.

Reported causes of death comprise a list of several hundred

folk and western illness names. The list is of very little intrinsic

interest, and as such is useless for describing disease patterns. Even

when the relative frequencies of the illnesses are computed, no

simplifying patterns are discernible. Reported causes were therefore

translated into a modified form of the International Classification of

Disease (as discussed in Chapter 3). The ICD groups similar ailments

and thus provides a way of identifying gross disease patterns. Many of the categories of the ICD contained only a few (1 to 10) cases 225

distributed over the entire time period covered by the study. These

cases (neoplasms, genital-urinary tract disease, mental disorders,

diseases of the sense organs and other nervous system disorders,

diseases of the musculoskeletal system connective tissue and skin, and

accidents) do not warrant systematic study here. Because they are few in number, their contribution to variability in rates is probably negligible. Similarly, deaths attributed to ill-defined causes were not considered. The remaining causes of death were grouped into three major categories of disease on the basis of their modes of transmission, their etiologies and anatomical location of their systemic or functional disruption, and their frequency of occurrence. The first category consists of unpredietable epidemic diseases and includes measles, whooping cough, and smallpox. The second major disease category con­ sists of degenerative diseases, or systemic functional disorders such as unspecified senility and diseases affecting both the circulatory and respiratory systems (coronary heart disease). The third major category of disease consists of endemic infectioous diseases, including enteric fevers and respiratory ailments. The first group of diseases affects . all populations uniformly. Epidemics of measles and smallpox occurred every three to five years and were responsible for increases in sex-age specific rates for individuals below 15 years old (especially children of both sexes under 10 years of age). Their impact on the overall mortality for all populations has been greatly reduced since the 1950s through the intervention of western medicine. Differences in annual variability between the four populations cannot be accounted for by these epidemic diseases, and therefore a discussion of their impact is 226

unnecessary for this study. Degenerative diseases may be relatively

new in the study area because they exhibit a secular trend. Their

recent occurrence may be related to the emergence of shop keepers and

merchants in Mitla, -who get little physical exercise, can afford to eat

more wheat, and who are often obese. On the other hand, increase in

degenerative disease may be a function of increased reporting related

to the arrival of the local physician. Because of the low overall rate

of degenerative disease it cannot account for significant annual

variations in death rates between the populations. Because degenerative

causes distribute evenly by month, they seem unrelated to the inter-

annual variations in resource utilization. Their significance derives

from their unique relationship to merchants in Mitla.

Endemic enteric fevers and respiratory ailments are by far the most important of the three disease patterns. They can be shown to affect both seasonal and annual patterns of deaths, and by extension, births. Their effects, however, differ between populations.

Of the enteric fevers that occur in the study area, amoebiasis is endemic and has the highest death rate. Barahona (1955) notes that over 90 per cent of the population of Mitla that has sought medical treatment has symptoms of amoebiasis. This estimate is confirmed by an analysis of stool samples from the seventeen subjects from Xaaga who were selected for blood analysis. Stool samples from all indi- . viduals included in the biochemical testing samples, August, 1973, and February, 1974, were analyzed for all bacterias and parasites.

In both series of test the stool of all individuals, except the infant female, were found to contain cysts of Entamoebia histolytica. 227

Entamoebia histolytica is one of 13 species of amoebas and is

the only species that is pathogenic in humans. It is transmitted from

human host to human host by feces contaminated food and it does not

require an intermediary host. Although contaminated water is often

responsible for increased incidence of amoebiasis (Manson-Bahr 1966),

water samples obtained from wells in Loma Larga, Mitla, and Xaaga and

samples from rivers in Loma and Xaaga were analyzed for E. histolytica.

No amoebic parasites were found in any of the samples. Analyzing water

for parasites is a delicate procedure that requires careful sampling

and immediate analysis of specimens. Because sampling procedures were

not well controlled and sample size was small, this result may be un­

trustworthy. Half of the well water samples did produce a positive

culture for Escherichia coli. However no river water samples or samples

from Mitla's water system contained E. coli. About half of the stool

samples also contained Escherichia coli. The water samples that

produced positive cultures for this bacteria are probably reflections

of contamination with human feces. Even though E. histolytica was not •

found in any of the drinking water, other evidence suggests that the

parasite's transmission may not require contaminated water.

Analyzing deaths from each town by cause indicates that the death ratio for enteric fevers is highest for Loma Larga (84 per 1000 deaths), next highest for Mitla (68 per 1000 deaths) and Xaaga (62 per

1000 deaths), and lowest for Corral del Cerro where only four deaths have been reported as caused from disease symptoms resembing those for enteric fevers. Sorting out amoebiasis from other enteric fevers

(typhoid, paratyphoid, salmonellas, bacillary dysentery, and 228

unspecified enteritis) permitted an identification of the population at

risk of amoebiasis. The sex-age specific rates for medically certified

cases were highest for individuals (both males and females) 2 through 5

years and 20 through forty. The monthly distribution of amoebiasis

death ratios indicates higher proportionate mortality from amoebiasis

during the summer months of June to September. Eighty-four per cent of the July-August mode of the monthly distribution is composed of enteric fevers (considering all years in the archives). Most of these

dysenteries are probably caused by E. histolytica. Thus chronic intestinal infection contributes to greatest mortality during the most arduous segment of the agricultural cycle when nutrition is poorest.

There are three possible explanations for seasonal increase in death caused by amoebiasis: changing susceptibility of the host, alterations in the pathogenicity of the parasite, or differences in the environ­ mental conditions that relate the parasite to the host. Amoebiasis has

(1) its highest rate in Loma Larga, (2) accounts for increased mortality of summer months, (3) is transmitted in the absence of an intermediary host, and (4) may not be transmitted by contaminated water. For these reasons other sanitary conditions were studied in an attempt to find significant differences between the four communities.

Sanitary conditions were examined because little evidence exists that pathogenicity varies (Hunter, Frye, and Swartzwelder 1960), and because susceptibility and environmental conditions are, in the case of many infectious diseases, opposites sides of the same coin.

The major environmental condition that distinguishes sanita­ tion between the four communities is the number of large animals. Loma 229

Larga has been shown to have the highest ratio of large animals to people (Table 6). The oxen that are used for plowing and that are the pride of men are stabled on house lots as are the dairy cows. Although pigs are omnivorous, and are well known as local sanitation engineers

(Werner 1970), they must be raised with cows. So where sanitation conditions may be enhanced by pigs, they are diminished by cows.

Manure from cows and bulls is composted throughout the year, and as described in Chapter 5, it is spread on fields in February and March.

During the summer months of heavy rainfall, manure piles are excellent environments for breeding flies. The piles are warm because of the exothermic reactions involved in composting and they are dairp because of the high rainfall. Characteristically the surfaces of the manure piles are infested with maggots. Since house compounds are small, manure piles are rarely more than twenty meters from food preparation and consumption areas. Often they are much closer. Latrines are not used in any of the villages, rather people defecate in or near their house lot in areas discretely concealed by cactus vegetation. Since the stools of all non-infants are contaminated with E^. histolytica (a hardy parasite that resists dessication in its cystic form), and because the fly population (the vector) increases during the summer, food is easily contaminated. Increased summer infection affects seasonal mortality from amoebas by a dose-response mechanism. The proposed model of greater proportionate mortality from amoebic dysenteries during "wet" periods is supported by comparing "dry" and

"wet" years. A positive correlation (r = +.77) between various years total rainfall for Tlacolula and medically certified annual amoebic 230 death rate for the period 1955 to 1973 supports the proposed model.

Furthermore a correlation of +.79 was obtained for medically'certified chronic amoebiasis and nutritionally influenced deaths for the same years.

The synergistic relationship between amoebiasis and under­ nutrition is well known (Scrimshaw 1970). Because one of the major symptoms of amoebiasis is nausea accompanied by appetite loss, the un­ anticipated high undernutrition-influence death rate following wet years is not a result of food shortages, but a consequence of voluntary reduction in dietary intake as a symptomatic response to amoebiasis. The observance of recommended dietary restrictions pre­ scribed by the folk medical system complicates the synergistic rela­ tionship between amoebiasis and undernutrition. The result is to reduce dietary intake and nutritional status following abundant harvest. The reduced nutritional status of individuals following wet years is a response to intestinal infection, not harvest outcomes.

Fertility is inhibited following years of relatively higher production because the same rainfall that provides larger harvest pro­ vides an increase in the fly population also. Synergistic under­ nutrition depresses fertility and increases risk of stillbirth. A negative correlation between nutritionally influenced death rate and rainfall was not obtained because real dietary deprivation operates in • dry or "lean" years to maintain undernutrition. Thus undernutrition is a constant condition that results from two distinct underlying causes, actual food shortages and synergism with intestinal infection. Nutri­ tionally influenced death rates correlate by year with annual marriage 231

rates for Mitla (r = +.63), because both marriages and synergistic

undernutrition follow wet years.

Figure 28 presents a schematic diagram of the synergistic model. It best fits data from Loma Larga, the relatively prosperous village that farms the alluvium of the Valley floor. It fits the patterned mortality of Xaaga and Mitla less well and is inapplicable for Corral del Cerro where the livestock population is small, manure is scarce, flies are uncommon, and where only four deaths from symptomatic amoebiasis have been recorded.

In Corral del Cerro a bimodal monthly distribution of death ratios occurs with the modes in February and October. Sixty-nine per cent of the February mode and fifty-seven per cent of the October mode is composed of respiratory illness, including unspecified broncho­ pneumonia, bronchitis, and pulmonary pneumonia. Most of these in­ fections are probably viral in nature (Barahona 1975, personal com­ munication), although no independent evidence was collected to dis­ tinguish the relative contributions of viral and bacterial infections.

Transmission of viral microorganisms is known to occur by airborn droplets of moisture (Landsberg 1969:115-119). The months of year during which temperature is lower and relative humidity is higher and winds are strongest (Winter, Spring, and Fall) facilitate trans­ mission by weather. Although it rains during the summer months, relative humidity is higher during the:winter. Furthermore, transmis­ sion is known to be enhanced by close contact with other people.

During the months of February and October people in Corral del Cerro spend greater amounts of time inside their thatched houses (because EWTERJC NON-INFANT RAINFALL ANIMALS FEVERS DEATHS (AMEBIASIS)

POPULATION SYNERGISM SIZE

FERTILITY HARVEST AND BIRTH

LJto Figure 28. Schematic Diagram of Synergistic Relationship Between Amoebiasis and Nutrition to 233

harvest has not yet begun, but non-harvest work has ended; and because

social activities reach their peak). Thus in each house during these

months ideal environmental conditions for viral microorganisms are

found and increased human contact enhances transmission. Periods of

greater rainfall diminish exposure to respiratory virus and provide

less than optimal conditions for the pathogens which are washed to the ground. The implications of these seasonal peaks in respiratory in­ fection for fertility were discussed above in a consideration of repro­ ductive overcompensation related to perinatal and early neonatal mortality. Figure 29 presents a schematic diagram for respiratory infection. Medically certified respiratory infection and rainfall are negatively related (r = -.61), indicating that annual variations in rainfall affect exposure to respiratory infection. Sixty-seven per cent of all respiratory causes of death are reported for children one year of age or younger in Corral, whereas only one death was recorded for that age class from intestinal infection (infant diarrhea syndrome).

The relatively higher death rate in Corral del Cerro is a result of higher infant mortality from respiratory disease. Its effect is to shorten birth interval and thereby produce a "younger" population.

In Xaaga and Mitla both infectious disease patterns occur, but with reduced proportionate mortality. Seasonal fluctuations flatten the monthly distribution of death ratios and decrease between-year variation differences. Furthermore, degenerative diseases and occupation-specific disease reduces between-year variation in Mitla.

For example, long distance traders and wholesalers account for 84 per cent of all malarial deaths recorded for Mitla. Malaria is not endemic RESPIRATORY inpamt RAINFALL NO ILLNESS ANIMALS, (VIRUSES) MORTAL ITy

REPRODUCTIVE POPULATION OVERCOMPENSATION SIZE'

MARRIAGES

Figure 29. Schematic Diagram of Respiratory Disease in the Upper Piedmont 235 in Mitla because the altitude of this general area exceeds the upper limits of the mosquito vector. However, traders who travel annually to the tropical lowlands are at greater risk of infection and therefore account for the greatest proportionate mortality of malaria. Weavers

(a common occupation in both Mitla and Xaaga) have reduced risk of amoebiasis, but some evidence suggests that they may be at higher risk of circulatory disease, such as arteriosclerosis and heart disease

(Barahona 1975, personal communication). The overall impact of diverse resource utilization is to reduce risk from a single predictable disease, and to spread risk to include many disease entities which have the accumulated effect of no seasonal pattern. CHAPTER 7

SUMMARY AND INTERPRETATION

The term adaptation is commonly used in anthropology to refer to a wide variety of phenomena. It is used to describe the adjustments that are made in economic and social organization of groups that enable them to "fit" prevailing circumstances of the physical environment.

Some anthropologists use the term to describe aspects of behavior and personality as psychological coping strategies that allow people to accommodate stresses found in their culture and society. Others use the term to refer to social structural arrangements that enhance the smooth functioning of a society. Physical anthropologists and human biologists invoke adaptation to label the differential genetic or phenotypic fitness of individuals who are exposed to environmental stress. In ecological anthropology adaptation is regarded as a bio- cultural process that increases the survival probabilities of popula­ tions. This study adopts the last usage.

It was argued in Chapter 2 that the most commonly used tech­ niques for estimating biocultural adaptation (Crow's Index of

Selection, carrying capacity, and population growth rates) suffers from two deficiencies. They either place data requirements beyond the grasp of anthropological methods, or they are difficult to interpret in terms of biocultural interaction. In Chapter 2 the concept of homeostatic adaptation (Lewontin 1957) was proposed as an alternative measure of

236 237

adaptation that avoided these shortcomings. Homeostatic refers to the

relative ability of a population to maintain constancy in vital rates

in varying environments measured by the comparative variation of its

adjusted birth and death rates. Following suggestions made by Levins

(1968), populations that are relatively better adapted are more flexible

or diverse in their total niche organization. The concept of homeo­ static adaptation is used here because it directs attention to the interaction of three variables of interest to ecological anthropology: demographic performance, cultural behavior, and environmental varia­ tion. Techniques developed in stable population theory permit sorting out the affect of demographic structure on vital rates from the affect of behavior-environment interaction.

Two hypotheses derived from Lewontin's (1957) notion of homeo­ static adaptation were tested. The major hypothesis states that in a fluctuating environment populations that are comparable in all dimen­ sions except niche organization maintain differential constancy in their vital rates. A directional hypothesis derived from the major hypothesis states that in a fluctuating environment where populations are comparable in all dimensions except niche organization, a popula­ tion with a more diversified niche organization will maintain greater constancy in vital rates than a population with a less diversified niche organization. The advantage of using the concept of niche organization is that it offers a systematic means of measuring the effect of structural differences in resource utilization strategies on demographic performance. Total niche organization may be regarded as a 238 structural representation of how a population creates and uses re­ sources.

To test the hypotheses four populations were studied in

Southern Mexico that fit the descriptive requirements of the hypotheses.

The area selected for study, the semi-arid Tlacolula wing of the Valley of Oaxaca, is characterized by three distinct physiographic zones: alluvial, piedmont, and mountainous. One population located almost exclusively in each of the three zones was selected for study. A fourth population, the town of San Pablo Villa de Mitla, uses all zones for agricultural production and may be considered a sub-regional center because it has been an administrative, ecclesiastical, and economic center for decades. Mitlenos are generally farmers, however the farming population of Mitla has varied over the decades between fifty per cent and eighty per cent, judging from occupations of fathers recorded on birth registers. Other major occupations in Mitla are weaving, commerce, and long distance trading.

The three villages chosen for study are all of comparable size, historical background, language, ethnicity, and distance to local markets. The lands of each of these villages are located almost exclusively in each of the major physiographic zones of the Valley.

Differences in farming techniques that distinguish the three villages may be considered adjustments to their different environmental condi­ tions. In addition to farming each village augments its income through different ancillary occupations. Loma Larga, the village situated in the flat, well watered alluvium, has developed a dairy industry, based largely on the alfalfa production that is made 239 possible by the high water table of the Valley floor. Xaaga, the village located in the lower and middle piedmont, is made up of day laborers and weavers in addition to dry corn farmers. Corral del Cerro farms the upper piedmont by digging stick where plow agriculture is impossible because of topographic and soil conditions. Households in

Corral del Cerro supplement their incomes from firewood sales, Thus four geographically propinquous local populations, each distinguised by the way in which it creates and uses resources, were compared.

Annual rainfall varies greatly in the Valley producing fluctuations in annual crop production. Dry and wet years are charac­ terized by crop failure and relative abundance respectively. Kirkby

(1973) has shown that labor is uniformly applied to farming in the

Mitla area of the Tlacolula wing in both dry and wet years. Therefore any differences in crop production may be attributed to the combined action of physiographic zone differences and rainfall.

Because the civil registries of these four towns are complete and detailed, it was possible to reconstruct the populations of each community back to 1864 from a baseline census that was taken in each town in 1973. Crude birth and death rates were computed from the recorded births and deaths and the reconstructed population figures for all years. These rates were adjusted using the 1930 population of the State of Oaxaca as a standard population in order to remove the potentially biasing affect of distorted age-sex distributions that are common in small populations. By adjusting the rates the affect of any unusual structural factors on the populations was sorted out from the affect of behavior-environment interaction on fluctations in rates. 240

The adjusted rates were analyzed for significant differences between

populations using a simple analysis of variance. Because differences in the fluctuations of the adjusted birth and death rates were found to be significant between populations, and because these differences

could not be attributed to intrinsic differences in the populations'

age-sex distributions, an attempt was made to relate the fluctuations in rates to fluctuations in the major parameter of ecosystem produc­ tion, rainfall.

No direct relationships were found between annual fluctuations in crude birth rates, crude fertility rates, or crude death rates and annual fluctuations in rainfall of the previous or same year. A direct relationship was found between annual variations in rainfall of the previous summer and annual variations in the following year's January-

February marriage rates. The correlation indicates that relatively abundant harvests enable farmers to invest in the maintenance of the social matrix through institutionalized ceremonies. The fact that variations in birth and fertility rates are not directly related to fluctuations in rainfall (and presumably agricultural production) is consistent with results reported by other investigators.

Leridon (1976) found no relationship between birth rate fluctuations and several indices' of economic production in France during the period 1940-1970. He did find a high correlation between fluctuations in the death and birth rates, however (Leridon 1976: 188).

In a study of annual fluctuations in mortality in five agricultural parishes in pre-industrial Finland (1749-1850) Jutikkala and Kauppinen

(1971) found no significant difference between agriculturally 241

catastrophic and normal years and variations in death rates. Epidemics

of typhoid, typhus, and dysentery (summer diseases) and epidemics of

smallpox and measles (winter diseases) played a major role in popula­

tion fluctuations but were not directly connected with food supply.

The inability to directly explain fluctuations in crude birth,

fertility, and death rates by fluctuations in crop production (esti­

mated by rainfall) suggests these populations are not directly regulated

in any simple way by aspects of the physical environment. Variations

in birth and cause specific death rates of each population can be linked

to fluctuations in rainfall but only through the differential effects

of rainfall on culturally defined resource utilization strategies, and

health conditions in each population. Because the health conditions of

each population are affected differently by rainfall, differences in

variations in annual death rate fluctuations are significant between

towns. High rainfall contributes to greater corn production and in­

creased marriage rates; and in the alluvial village it also produces

the conditions that increase deaths caused by enteric fevers (primarily

amoebiasis) and synergistic undernutrition. When annual rainfall is

low, harvest and marriage rates decline as do deaths caused by enteric

fevers. Judging from seasonal changes in albumin/total protein ratios and from the annual distribution of nutritionally influenced deaths

undernutrition is constant in populations where enteric fevers are

endemic. During wet years synergistic undernutrition occurs as a symptom of amoebiasis, and during dry years real food shortages reduce the nutritional status of the population. Because real food shortages become critical during the summer months and amoebiasis increases 242

during summer months also, undernutrition is not only a characteristic

of both dry and wet years but it is predictably seasonal. A result of

seasonal undernutrition is that it systematically contributes to

embryonic loss in the alluvial village. Thus annual birth and fertility

rates vary less in the alluvial village than in the upper piedmont.

In the upper piedmont village, which has many fewer large animals, enteric fevers are not a severe problem because manure is scarce and the fly population which flourishes on manure piles and transmits Entamoeba histolytica is reduced in size. Here increased rainfall increases harvest and reduces viral respiratory disease, the main cause of death. In the dry seasons and in dry years, however, harvest and diet are reduced in the upper piedmont village and respira­ tory infections increase. Birth rates in the upper piedmont are highest because infants and children are included in the population at risk of respiratory disease, increasing infant mortality and con­ tributing to reproductive overcompensation.

The lower piedmont population is subject to the disease pattern of both the upper piedmont village and the alluvial village. Thus its vital rates fluctuate less between years and within the same year. In

Mitla, a multistrategic population that includes occupational diversity

(craftsmen, merchants, traders, and trans-zone farmers) the monthly and annual disease patterns related to these occupations produce an overall effect of constant rates.

Thus rates fluctuate most in the high piedmont village that performs well demographically in wet years (high births and low deaths), but poorly in dry years (low births and high deaths). Annual 243

birth rates are "leveled" in the alluvial village because endemic

amoebiasis reduces births through synergistic undernutrition during wet

years, and real food shortages reduce births in dry years. However,

cause-specific death rates vary as rainfall varies in the alluvial

village. Rates are more constant in Xaaga than either of these popula­ tions, and they are the lowest and most constant in Mitla.

This result emphasizes the importance of small differences in

the interaction of cultural behavior and environment for population

regulation and the amelioration of direct weather effects on vital rates. The adjustments made by Loma Larga and Corral del Cerro to local environmental conditions affect the sizes and structures of these populations in systematic and predictable fashions. Because Mitla and

Xaaga are economically more flexible (that is, they exhibit more diversity in the use of resources)> they maintain comparatively greater demographic constancy measured by the relatively smaller variations in their annual birth and death rates. Mitla spreads the risk of death from any specific cause as does Xaaga (to a lesser degree). But Loma

Larga and Corral concentrate risk of cause-specific death, and in the case of Loma Larga embryonic loss. This result supports Levins' (1968:

45) observation that in uncertain environments, such as those char­ acterized by temporal variations, coarse grained patchiness and low density of usable resources, a broad niches is optimal.

Diversity in resource utilization may be one of the culturally elaborated mechanisms that operates, like generalized feeding behavior in other species, to increase the mean survival chances of all indi­ viduals (in relation to any one specific threat).thereby lowering the 244

chances of population extinction. This mechanism adapts populations by

spreading the risk of death and infertility. Diversity or flexibility

in resource utilization may be considered a culturally adaptive design

of a population in uncertain environments. The growth and persistence

of diversified centers may be adaptively advantageous in uncertain en­

vironments and unnecessary in fine grained, unvarying, or predictable

environments where specialization works best.

In a recent review of the contributions to the field of ecology made by the late Robert Macarthur, Fretwell (1975:6) included

in a list of "central concepts of modern ecology" the topics of

"studies of community diversity" and "studies of population regulation."

In a second list entitled "frontiers of ecological research" he entered the topic "the response of ecosystems and populations to variable en­ vironments including those that are seasonally (or predictably) variable and those that vary stochastically." The mechanisms by which popula­ tions regulate themselves in varying environments and by which diversity is created are only partially understood. Most ecologists agree that population regulation and indices of diversity are to a great extent determined by behavior. In human populations studies of cultural behavior may therefore be the key to some of the central issues in modem ecology. This study supports preliminary evidence that population regulation in varying environments is the result of complex, sometimes counter-intuitive processes. In human populations these processes involve the interaction of culturally defined behavior patterns and local environmental conditions. In order to study the biocultural basis of human population regulation and diversity, future anthropological studies will find,, as Weisenfeld and Gajdusek (1976

188) and Weiss (1976:371) have suggested, that a uniquely anthropo­ logical synthesis of long time series demographic, ethnohistoric, economic, and social data are required. APPENDIX A

FIELD QUESTIONNAIRE

Production, consumption, and census data were collected from all households of Xaaga, Loma Larga, and Corral del Cerro using the questionnaire presented in this appendix. Paid interviewers, all middle aged males who I trained, administered the questionnaires.

Ten per cent of all households were reinterviewed by me to establish a basis for evaluating the trustworthiness of responses elicited by the interviewers.

246 PUEBLO FECHA

ENTREVISTA POR. CASA No. CENSO FAMILIAR

NOMBRE RELACION PUEBLO EDAD ANO NACIO NACI6 ANO EDAD VIVE OTRO NATAL EN QUE ANTES MUERTO EN QUE EN QUE EN LOTE NACIO DE MURI6 MURlO LOTE TIEMPO

•u 248

CENSO DE ANIMALES cuantos en que en cuales cuantos cuanto venden edad mesos ppr cuantes otros tiene comen por ano venden venden pesos venden usos toros vac as burros chivos borregos caballos mules puercos polios guajolotes perros gatos abejas otros 1972/1973

CENSO DE LAS ROBLEDADES ano en que para para para para para cuantos valor en hizo o habi- cosina carreta cosecha zacate tiene pesos compro tacion casa de adobe jacal solar

pozo latrina arado de fiero • arado de madera yugo carreta caro CENSO DE ALIMENTACION 1. CUANTO COME LA FAMILIA (DlARIO 6 POR LA SEMANA) DE:

cantidad En Fe Ma Ab Ma Ju J1 Ag Se Oc No Di maiz frijol arroz yerbas comestiBles cafe azucar sal calabaza leche queso carne 250

2. EN QUE MESES COMPRA ESAS COSAS DE COMER:

En Fe Mr Ab My Ju J1 Ag Se Oc No Di maiz frijol arroz yerbas comestibles cafe azucar sal calabaza leche queso carne CEJSO" AGTUCOLA' Parcelaa

anos del usb sicnbra tiene ano en que tiene abono o con que tiene ano en que y de descanao todo o con que riego se construyo fertilizante frequencia nturos se construyo echa Ho. don do calidad tamano que parte semilla (tipo) el riego (tipoj echa abono (tipo) los muros insecticida cultivo descaiiso .

u

»

to Ul 252

dias de trabajo en cuales 1972 1973 meses

Maiz: 1. Quebrando 1° fiero 2° fiero 3° fiero

2. pintando curco o rayando 1° fiero 2° fiero 3° fiero

3. curquiando para sembrar a un fiero a dos fieros

4. desherbar a un fier o a dos fieros

5. horejuera

6. limpiar (por mano)

7. cosechar zacatear juntar frijol juntar calabaza piscar cortar zacate amarar zacate carrear 253

digs de trabajo en cuales 1972 1973 meses

8. cuantos almudes sembro

Frijol: 1. rozar

2. quebrar

3. tapar frijol

4. limpiar frijol

5. arancar frijol

6. carrear frijol

7. cuantos almudes sembro

Garbanzo: 1. quebrar 1° fiero 2° fiero

2, rayar 1° fiero 2° fiero

3. curcruiando para sembrar a un fiero a dos fieros 254

dias de trabajo en cuaj.es 1972 1973 meses

4. desherbar a un fiero a dos fieros

5. limpiar garbanzo

6. arancar garbanzo

7. cuanto siembra

Trigo: quebrar

tapar trigo

limpiar trigo

segar trigo

amarar manojos

carrear a una hera trillar a sacar semillas

cuantos ^Imudes sembro

Iguerilla: cuantos curcos de iguerilla tiene cortar sacar iguerilla 255

dias de trabajo en cuaxes 1972 1973 meses trillar e sacar semillas limpias cuanto tiempo dura iguerilla

Maguey: cuantos matas de maguey tiene sembrar limpiar cuanto tiempo dura maguey cuando esta bueno para cosechar

Alfalfa: cuantos curcos tiene sembrar en horejuera limpiar (por mano} podar alfalfa

1° corte

2° corte

3° corte

4° corte

5° corte

6° corte cuanto tiempo dura alfalfa 256

dias de trabajo en cuales 1972 1973 meses tamate jitomate (miltomate) cacalhuate otro Cuanto le dio la coaecha' de 1972 (ano pasado) Cuanto va a dar la cosecha de 1973 (este ano)

cosecha para, coiner para vender rguardar cosecha para comer para vender para guardar mazorca (carretas o piscadores) malr (fanegas o almudes) zacate 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 i tototnoztli I i i 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 i frijol de milpa frijol delgado (en grano) garbanzo (en grano) trigo (almudes) ! 1 1 1 1 1 1 iguerrilla (almudes) 1 1 I i » maguey (siatas) alfalfa toroate (matas) cacahuate otro

1. Cuales de los anos pasados rccuexda Ud. en que dio muy bueno la cosecha? 1971 1970 1969 196B 1967 1966 196S 1964 1963 1962 1961 1960 1959 1953 1957 1956 1955 1954 1953 1952 19S1 1950 1949 1948 1947 1946 1945 1944 1943 1942 1941 1940 1939 1930 1937 1936 1935 1934 1933 1932 1931 1930 1929 1928 1927 1926 1925 1924 1923 1922 1921 1920 1919 1918 1917 1916 1915 1914 1913 1912

2. Cuales de los anos pasados recuerda Ud* en que dio amy poco la cosecha? 1971 1970 1969 1968 1967 1966 1965 1964 1963 1962 1961 1960 1959 195B 1957 1956 195S 1954 1953 1952 1951 1950 1949 1948 1947 1946 1945 1944 1943 1942 1941 1940 1939 1938 1937 1936 1935 1934 1933 1932 1931 1930 1929 1928 1927 1926 1925 1924 1923 1922 1921 1920 1919 1918 1917 1916 1915 1914 1913 1912

3. En cuales anos comenso Ud. a trabajar mas fuerte sus tcrrenos (Es decir cuando puso riego, rauros* bordos, sanjas, abono, etc,)?_

4. En cuales anos abrio Ud. parcelas nuevas? Donde?

5. Si ha canbiado su-nanera de trabajar los terrenos, Cuales cambios ha hecho Ud. (escribo la contastacion a la vuelta de esta pagina)? 258

OTROS TRABAJOS

Quienes trabajan de jornaleros en su casa?

en que ano durante comenso a cuales meses trabajar de nombre por el aiTo jornalero sueldo albanxl peon de campo tejedor excavar pozos palenque machetero de caro otro otro cualquier trabajo que tiene el patron 259

Quinees tienen trabajo en su propio pueblo?

en que ano durante comenso a donde cuales meses trabajar cuanto vende sus nombre por el ano asi gana productos

empuntando rebozos

tejedor de telar

de machete

carnicero molinero lenero lechero (a) canastero lavandera molendera de la gente comerciante de animales partera o curandera 260

REIACIONES DE AMISTAD

1. Cuantos compadres tiene Ud.?_

2. Cuantos viven en: Xaaga Tlacolula Loma Larga Matatlan Corral del Cerro Oaxaca Mitla 6tro Pueblo San Lorenzo

3. Cuantos amigos mas cercas tiene Ud.?_

4. Cuantas amigas mas cercas tiene la senora de la casa?

5. Cuantas reuniones festivas ha tenido usted en su casa?

en cuales anos cuanto le costo cuanto ha tenido

fandango •

bautismos

confirmaciones

funerales

otros

6. Mas o menos cuantos reuniones festivas va Ud. por a'no?

7. Con quien ayuda Ud. en trabajos por golaneche o amistad?

compadres amigos familiares vecinos

8. Con que tipo de trabajo ayuda Ud. por amistad or golaneche?

hacer casa cambiar casa preparer fiesta de campo piscar otro

9. Cuantos dias por el ano trabaja Ud. por golaneche o amistad? 261

1. En los tiempos de los hacendados vivia Ud. aqui?

2. Tuvo Ud. mas ganado en los aiios de los hacendados que hoy?

3. Cuanto mas?

4. En los tiempos de los hacendados cuantos almudes sembraba Ud.

5. En los tiempos de los hacendados cuanto cosechaba?

6. En estos tiempos, en que mes sembraba la gente? APPENDIX B

FOLK ILLNESSES REPORTED AS CAUSE OF DEATH

Entered on each death register in the civil archives of the

four towns is a reported cause of death. From 1864 through the mid-

i 1950's causes of death were recorded in the local terms of the folk

medical system. From the mid-1950's through 1973 the causes were

medically certified by a resident physician and they were recorded in

western medical jargon. One hundred and seventy-eight of the three

hundred ninety recorded causes were in folk terms. These cause

death statements were used for demographic analyses. Therefore the two

terminological systems were made equivalent in order to achieve

secular consistency. To achieve equivalence both the folk and western

medical terms were translated into the appropriate categories of the

World Health Organization (1967). The translation was accomplished for the folk terms by the following procedure.

The recorded folk causes formed a topical outline used in open-ended interviews with local curanderas ("native healers") as described in Chapter 3. The curanderas were asked the following questions about each cause of death:

1. What is (illness term)?

2. Is (illness term) called by any other names?

3. How does one get (illness term)?

4. What are the symptoms of (illness term)?

262 263

5. Who tends to get (illness term) the most?

6. How can one avoid getting (illness term)?

7. If one gets (illness term)/ how should they take care of

themselves?

8. Can a person who has (illness term) be cured?

9. How do you cure (illness term)?

10. Is that cure usually successful? (repeat for each treatment plan)

11. Can one get (illness term) more than once?

Information obtained from the curanderas was synthesized by illness and offered to practicing physicians in the Valley of Oaxaca and to an epidemiologist in Tucson, Arizona, as model case studies for their diagnostic evaluation and translation into western medical terms. Thus cause of death for all registers were rendered in terms of the western medical system. All terms were then translated into the categories of the International Classification of Disease.

This appendix presents all of the folk illnesses reported as causes of death. The folk causes are grouped under the recommended category of the International Classification of Disease following the diagnostic opinions of the evaluating doctors. The major symptoms of each illness, derived from the interviews with the curanderas, are listed under each disease category. To facilitate reading all illness labiels from the International Classification of Disease are followed by "(ICD)." 264

Infective and Parasitic Diseases (ICD)

A. Intestinal Infectious Diseases (ICD)

1. Typhoid fever (ICD)

Symptoms: high fever with intermittent chills, headache, body aches, appetite loss, sometimes jaundice and periodic loss of consciousness.

Folk labels: calentura, fiebre, fiebre infantil, calentura infantil, fiebre tifoidea, tifoidea, fiebre intestinal.

2. Ameobiosis (ICD)

Symptoms: periodic sharp and pulsating pains in the lower abdomen and anus, overwhelming diarrhea of watery stools containing blood or puss, slight temperature, headache, nausea, occasional vomiting, listlessness.

Folk labels: disentaria, pujos, pujos de sangre, pujos blancos, pujos rojos, dolor del estomago, enipacho, violentos, latido.

3. Enteritis (ICD)

Symptoms: Stomach pain, appetite loss, diarrhea.

Folk labels: enteritis simple, interetis, enteritis infantil, enteritis aguda, gastroenteritis, enterocolitis.

4. Diarrhoeal disease (ICD)

Symptoms: stomach pain, loss of strength, vomiting, weight loss, appetite loss, greenish diarrhea.

Folk labels: deposiciones, diarrhea, vomito and diarrhea, devacuaciones, evacuaciones, miserere (refers to the 50th Psalm, a funeral dirge).

5. Unspecified intestinal infectious disease (ICD)

Symptoms: very strong stomach pain from knotted and twisted guts, diarrhea, chills, nausea, sometimes accompanied by abdominal swelling.

Folk labels: inflamaciones del estomago, inflamaciones, colera infantil, dolor intestinal, afecion intestinal, congestion intestinal, colico infantil, colera fermente, inflamacion en el vientre, vomitos. 265

B. Tuberculosis (ICD)

1. Pulmonary tuberculosis (ICD)

Symptoms: hacking cough, weight loss, loss of strength.

Folk labels: tisis pulmonar, tuberculosis pulmonar.

2. Unspecified tuberculosis (ICD)

Symptoms: weight loss, cold, diarrhea, occasional jaundice and appetite loss.

Folk labels: tisis, tuberculosis.

C. Other bacterial diseases (ICD)

1. Whooping cough (ICD)

Symptoms: persistent dry cough attacks, inability to breathe.

Folk labels: tos ferina.

2. Scarlet fever (ICD)

Symptoms:

Folk labels: anginas, escarlatina.

3. Erysipelas (ICD)

Symptoms: itchy and burning skin rash of pustules, fever (affects children only).

Folk labels: erisipela, disipela, erisepela gangrenosa.

D. Viral diseases accompanied by exanthem (ICD)

1. Smallpox (ICD)

Symptoms: high fever, diarrhea, body covered with small itchy blisters that cause scars and may cause blindness.

Folk labels: virguelas.

2. Measles (ICD)

Symptoms: high fever, diarrhea, vomiting, appetite loss, rash.

Folk labels: sarampion. 266

Other viral diseases (ICD)

1. Mumps (ICD)

Symptoms: facial swelling and fever.

Folk labels: papera.

Rickettsioses and other arthropod-borne diseases (ICD)

1. Typhus (ICD)

• Symptoms: fever, chills, body ache, headache, appetite loss, red skin blotches, nausea, loss of consciousness.

Folk labels: tabardillo, tifu.

2. Malaria (ICD)

Symptoms: alternating high fevers with violent chills, head­ ache, body aches, loss of consciousness.

Folk labels: frios, calenturas intermitentes, fiebre inter- mi tentes, intermitentes, paludismo, fiebre paludica, frios intermitentes.

Nutritional and Metabolic Diseases (ICD)

Diseases of endocrine glands other than thyroid (ICD)

1. Diabetes mellitus (ICD)

Symptoms: attacks of confusion, loss of consciousness.

Folk labels: nutritional deficiency (ICD).

2. Unspecified nutritional deficiency (ICD)

Symptoms: weight loss, strength loss, loss of energy and appetite.

Folk labels: adinamia.

Mental Disorders (ICD)

Psychoses (ICD)

1. Psychoses associated with other physical conditions (ICD) 267

Symptoms: violent, distorted face, insanity, sometimes jaundice, often resulting from a fall or a blow on the head.

Folk labels: conjestion viliosa, derramiento biliosa, comocion cerebral.

2. Unspecified, psychosis (ICD)

Symptoms: incapacitation, fear, melancholy, violently insane.

Folk labels: demente, trastornes, mentales.

B. Neuroses, personality disorders, and other non-psychotic mental disorders (ICD)

1. Alcoholism (ICD)

Symptoms: constant drunkeness lasting for weeks or more and leading to loss of strength, twitching face, loss of muscular control, and insanity.

Folk labels: enebrio.

Diseases of the Nervous System and Sense Organs (ICD)

A. Inflammatory diseases of the central nervous system (ICD)

1. Meningitis (ICD)

Symptoms: loss of muscular control.

Folk labels: meningitis.

B. Other diseases of the central nervous system (ICD)

1. Epilepsy

Symptoms: Lose muscular control, fall to the ground, lose consciousness, violent shaking, drooling, facial distor­ tion, sadness, and depression in the heart.

Folk labels: mal de corazon, ataques, ataques de epilepsia, status epilepticus. 268

Diseases of the Circulatory System (ICD)

A. Cerebrovascular disease (ICD)

1. Cerebral haemorrhage (ICD)

Symptoms: loss of consciousness, loss of muscular control.

Folk labels: hemorragia cerebral.

2. Acute but ill-defined cerebrovascular disease (ICD)

Symptoms: twitching, facial spasms, deformation of the mouth, shaking, bloated belly.

Folk labels: congestion serebral, congestion, congestion alcolico, congestion cerosa.

B. Other diseases of the circulatory system (ICD)

1. Unspecified diseases of the circulatory system (ICD)

Symptoms: chest pains, loss of consciousness.

Folk labels: ataques cardialigia.

.Diseases of the Respiratory System (ICD)

A. Influenza (ICD)

1. Unqualified influenza

Symptoms: persistent cough, body aches, headache, nose ache, yellow nasal mucous, fever.

Folk labels: influensa, grippe, gripa, crup.

B. Pneumonia (ICD)

1. Unspecified bronchopneumonia (ICD)

Symptoms: painful cough, upper chest pains, wheezing, appetite loss, body aches.

Folk labels: bronconeumonia, bronquitis, pulmonar.

2. Unspecified pneumonia (ICD) Symptoms: painful cough, painful ribs, wheezing, appetite loss, body aches, difficulty breathing.

Folk labels: pulmonia, pulmonia catarral, pulmonia lobar, catarro pulmonar.

Bronchitis, emphysema, and asthma (ICD)

1. Unqualified bronchitis (ICD)

Symptoms: continuous cough, slight occasional fever.

Folk labels: bronquitis.

Other diseases of the respiratory system (ICD)

1. Pleurisy

Symptoms: middle and back pain, cough, headache, occasional fever.

Folk labels: pleurecia.

2. Pulmonary congestion and hypostasis (ICD)

Symptoms: difficulty breathing, wheezing.

Folk labels: de^ fumar, congestion pulmonar.

Diseases of the Digestive System (ICD)

Diseases of oesophagus, stomach, and duodenum (ICD)

1. Unspecified diseases of the oesophagus, stomach, and duodenum (ICD)

Symptoms: severe stomach pain, vomit and spitting blood.

Folk labels: vomito de sangre.

Hernia of the abdominal cavity (ICD)

1. Hernia, unspecified (ICD)

Symptoms: knotted painful muscle in the lower abdomen, in­ ability to work, loss of strength, abdominal pain, fallen genitals.

Folk labels: ernia, flojadas. 270

C. Other diseases of intestine and peritoneum (ICD)

1. Peritonitis

Symptoms: Stomach pain, headache.

Folk labels: peritonitis.

D. Diseases of the liver, ballbladder, and pancrease (ICD)

1. Unspecified liver disease (ICD)

Symptoms: jaundice, loss of strength, coldness, appetite loss, nausea, tiredness, sadness, withdrawn with loss of all desires, slight temperature and slight diarrhea.

Folk labels: tiricia, tristesa, fiebre amarillo, fiebre biliosa, hitorpecia, idropecia, itrofecia, del higado, icteria.

2. Unspecified gallbladder disease (ICD)

Symptoms: sharp, lasting pain in the abdomen.

Folk labels: un dolor fuerte, dolores, una postema, dolor colico, colico.

Diseases of the Genito-Urinary System (ICD)

A. Diseases of the uterus and other female genital organs (ICD)

1. Disorders of menstruation (ICD)

Symptoms: profuse menstrual bleeding that will not stop.

Folk label: hemorrajia de mujer.

Complications of Pregnancy, Childbirth, and the Puerperium (ICD)

A. Delivery (ICD)

1. Unspecified complications of delivery

Symptoms: stomach, back, and leg pains; inability to expel infant* fever; profuse sweating; vomiting, uncontrollable bleeding, may be accompanied by loss of consciousness.

Folk labels: de^ parto, de puerpueriz. \

271

B. Complications of the puerperium (ICD)

1. Sepsis of childbirth and the puerperium (ICD)

Symptoms:

Folk labels: septicemia, pisciperal, septicemia consecutiva.1.

Diseases of the Musculoskeletal System and Connective Tissue (ICD)

A. Arthritis and rheumatism, except rheumatic fever (ICD)

1. Rheumatoid arthritis and allied conditions.

Symptoms: aching bones, especially in the legs.

Folk labels: riumatismo, artritis reumatoidea.

Congenital Anomalies (ICD)

A. 1. Unspecified congenital anomalies (ICD)

Symptoms: monsters with deformed heads and bodies.

Folk labels: debilidad congenito.

Certain Causes of Perinatal Morbidity and Mortality (ICD)

1. Unspecified conditions of new born at birth (ICD)

Symptoms: infant dies immediately upon being born or during birth, especially in difficult birth or birth that takes a long time.

Folk labels: al^ nacer, nacer de tiempo, de terming, nacimiento laboroso.

2. Anoxia and hypoxic conditions (ICD)

Symptoms: infant is born dead, sometimes before it is due, sometimes discolored and small.

Folk labels: asfixia al nacer, asfixia intrauterina. 272

3. Unqualified conditions of stillbirth (ICD)

Symptoms: Infant is born dead.

Folk labels: antes de nacimiento, nacio muerto.

4. Unspecified conditions of the newborn (ICD)

Symptoms: difficulty breathing and nursing, improper tying of umbilical cord.

Folk labels: edema de los recen nacidos, malida de los recen nacidos.

5. Foetal death of unknown cause (ICD)

Symptoms: Improper prenatal care and maternal care during pregnancy.

Folk labels: falta de cuidado.

6. Unqualified immaturity (ICD)

Symptoms: born before full term of pregnancy, born dead.

Folk labels: antes de nacer, nacio antes de tiempo.

Symptoms and Ill-Defined Conditions (ICD)

A. Ill-defined symptoms of unknown causes (ICD)

a. aire (severe headache and chills, may be upper respiratory illness) b. de^ repentura c. caganxia fraludosa d. poltina e. muerte natural f. sarna (itchy skin rash) g. tumor (hard lump on head, or body) h. agotamiento general (listlessness) i. atrofia (weight loss and shrunkenness) j. sudor miliar (sweating and fever) k. absesos 1. hipo (hiccups) m. colerin n. eritema (possibly erthematous conditions of the skin)

B. Ill-defined diseases (ICD)

1. senility without mention of psychosis (ICD) 273

Symptoms: body hurts, inability to work, eat, sleep, walk or sometimes speak clearly; loss of strength (begins at about age forty for men and a few years later for women).

Folk labels: vejez, ancianidad, senilidad, crepitud, avansada edad.

Sudden death, cause unknown (ICD)—may be upper respiratory disease.

Symptoms: convulsions leading to loss of consciousness-

Folk labels: alferecia (applies only to infants), convul- siones (applies only to adults).

Ill-defined conditions of the respiratory system (ICD)

Symptoms: cough, sometimes accompanied by headache, back or chest ache, fever, difficulty breathing, appetite loss or chills.

Folk labels: tos, catarro, resfriado, costipado, tos convulsia, dolor de costado, fiebre de catarro, catarro intestinal, edema general.

Accidents, Poisonings, and Violent Deaths (ICD)

Homicide and injury intentionally inflicted by another person (ICD)

Symptoms: wounds.

Folk labels: heridas, leciones, cadaver muerto, violentamente.

Accidents (ICD)

Symptoms: burns, falls, auto accidents, drownings.

Folk labels: acidente, quemaduras, caidas, golpe de animal. APPENDIX C

TREATMENTS AND RECOMMENDED PATIENT CARE FOR FOLK ILLNESSES

The folk illnesses recorded as the cause of death in the civil

archives of the four study populations are discussed in Chapter 3 and

in Appendix B. In Chapter 3 it was argued that the cause of death

reporting was accurate because the folk illness labels or the symptoms

that were reported revealed nothing sensitive about the source of the

illness in local terms. That is, since ailments are caused by dis­

ruptive interpersonal behavior, then reporting biophysically discom­

forting symptoms or illness terms to the town secretary reveals no

sensitive social information. Appendix.B presents major symptoms of

the folk ailments and their probable translation into western medical

terms.

This appendix includes a short compendium of the treatment plans and recommended patient care for the folk ailments. The treat­

ments and patient care recommendations were synthesized from interviews with curanderas ("native healers") as discussed in Chapter 3. Many of the treatments administered by native healers involve the use of teas, purgatives, enemas, and ointments. These compounds are prepared by the healers from locally available medicinal plants. Some of these plants are illustrated in Appendix D. Some treatments include com­ mercially available non-prescription salves and balms. These are noted by an asterisk (*) throughout the appendix. Lastly, this

274 275

catalog does not include all of the remedies that are used in the study

area. It presents professional treatments for fatal illnesses that

are recorded in the civil registries of the four towns only.

Affecion Intestinal

Patient care. This ailment affects adults and is a result of

pujos or of falling on one's buttocks. Dietary prescriptions recommend boiled eggs, milk, and cheese.

Treatment. Once a day for three consecutive days the patient

must bathe in water containing two zempulsuche flowers. After the initial three days of bathing, apply Pomada de Manzana* or Pomada de

Alte* to the lower abdomen.

Alferecia

Patient care. This ailment affects children under two years of age only. Alferecia comes from evil eye, or muina contaminated breast milk, or gusts of air that may startle a child. Patients must remain out of the sun and air, and may not eat sweets, sweetened chocolate, sweetened coffee, or fruit. They should rest or sleep, eating only atole ("corn gruel"), tortillas, bread, or mother's milk.

Treatment. A tea made from pitiona, ruda, and a pinch of anis is boiled and administered in spoonfuls every half hour. Then warm alcohol is rubbed on the body with piru leaves once or twice each day to counteract the aire ("air"). The word alferecia is of Arabic origin and in Standard Mexican Spanish refers to epilepsy. However, in folk terms it refers to a convulsion that infants and children expe­ rience immediately before they die. 276

Atagues and Mai de Coraz6n (convulsions and epilepsy)

Patient care. This illness, like muina, comes from anger, envy and fear and is directly the result of interpersonal conflict. It mainly affects adolescents and adults through children and even infants are not immune. People who tend to get atagues should avoid "strong" foods like chocolate, milk, and meat because these foods tend to provoke seizures. Diets should be restricted to atole ("corn gruel") and tostadas ("toasted tortillas").

Treatment. Atagues are almost impossible to cure. Treatment begins by administering a purgative of palm oil. About one liter or one marazo ("beer bottle") of warm palm oil is ingested by the patients to make them vomit and to give them diarrhea. A tea is pre­ pared by boiling ruda, corral fino, concha erisa, cebache negro, cedron leaves and bark, one half of a cigarette, and the urine of a ten- or eleven-year old boy. A large cup of this room temperature tea is drunk by the patient each morning before breakfast for one week. The tea also promotes vomiting. After a few days a wash tub full of water is boiled and one handful of salt and one handful of ashes are added to the boiling water. The tub is removed from the fire and two pieces of wood are placed over the top of the tub. The patient rests his or her feet on the wood to receive the steam on the soles of their feet. If the patient can withstand the pain, their feet are placed in the hot water three times. Afterward the feet are dried and the patient lays down. The soles of the feet are then massaged with sheep or goat grease mixed with salt and one-half of a cigarette. The steam 277

treatment is only administered once. After the massage the patient

must rest.

Healers report that they have heard of other treatments for

atagues that are used in the Valley of Oaxaca. In some towns the

patient must eat a dead humming bird (including the feathers, legs, and

internal organs, but excluding the beak). In Matatlan, a town about five kilometers from Mitla, a purgative is prepared by toasting and grinding the bark of the cascara tree and then mixing it in pulque

("cactus beer"). The purgative causes the patient bo vomit a littlet white "bag" that has arms and legs and that walks away leaving the patient cured.

All healers believe that seizures are associated with the heart. They say that people who have seizures experience a tickling sensation in their ears and nose immediately before a seizure. I questioned a few known epileptics about their auras and was told by them that they experience tactile and taste sensations before seizures. None of them mentioned auditory or visual sensations, symptoms that are commonly reported by epileptics in the United States.

Bronguitis, catarro, toz, gripa, pulmonia, catarro, pulmonar

Patient care. This group of illnesses comes from a chill and affects children almost exclusively. Throat swelling makes eating difficult or impossible and breathing painful. Patients may not bathe and should be kept warm. These illnesses occur commonly in November and December. 278

Treatment. Catarro can be cured, but bronquitis, which is a

well developed derivative of catarro, is always fatal. A tea made

from boiling jasmin, gordo lobo, manzana, and itamo de castilla is

given to the patient every half hour for several days.

Calambres

Patient care. This weakened condition that is accompanied by

muscular stiffness is the result of being sick for a long time or from

not eating. It also comes from bathing when perspiring or from

getting excessively drunk. The condition is extremely painful and

affects the aged mainly. This is a "cold" illness and patients should

sit in the sun and stay warm.

Treatment. A wash of boiled mescal and piru leaves is rubbed

on the arms and legs where they ache with big clumps of piru leaves.

The wash is "hot" and that is why it helps.

Comocion Cerebral

Patient care. Generally caused by a strong blow to the head.

This ailment befalls adult men mainly and requires bed rest.

Treatment. Apply compresses saturated with warm alcohol to the head and neck two or three times daily or until symptoms subside.

Congestion

Patient care. Congestion can result from muina, a psychogenic derivative that is engendered by anger or envy, or it may come from eating too much. It is especially a consequence of overeating very

"strong" foods, such as chocolate, milk, avocados, and cactus fruits. 279

During treatment and for several months thereafter the patient can eat only atole ("corn gruel"), tostadas ("toasted tortillas"), and orangeade or limeade

Treatment. A cup of boiled salt water is given to make the patient vomit. Enemas may never be used.

Desipela, erisipela

Patient care. Thisi.illness is caused by large temperature gradients between one's body and the air. For example children get disipela from sleeping in a draft or by going into the hot sun when the body is cool or chilled. It affects mainly children under ten years old. There are two forms, disipela blanca which is characterized by white pussey sores and disipela colorada which has red sores. It is recommended that patients stay in the cool shade or sit in the warmth of the sun to maintain their original body temperature.

Treatment. Daily bathing in water containing the juice of the pajaro bobo plant is required for several days. Thereafter flowers of thepajaro bobo are pasted on the sores with lard for three days, changing the flowers twice each day. The flowers suck the pus frum each sore. After the third day lard or butter is rubbed on the skin until the condition clears up.

Debilidad congenito

Patient care. Since this'.illness is caused by exposure of a pregnant woman to a lunar or solar eclipse, women must stay out of direct moonlight and sunlight. They must remain indoors or cover their heads with anything red, such as a red cloth or even a red hair 280

ribbon will do. Women who have been exposed to moonlight, eclipses, or changes in lunar phase must not bathe or get into water. Exposure

to moonlight, sunlight, eclipses, and other celestial events causes

deformed infants because the moon "eats" the head, legs, and arms of

the fetus. The moon's "anger" may even kill the woman.

Treatment. Not curable.

Diarrea, deposiciones, mal de estomago, inflamacion, inflamacion del estomago, disenteria, pujos, vomitos, colera, inchasones

Patient care. The cover term for this illness is either diarrea or mal de estomago. Deposiciones and disenteria are early painful complications of diarrea while pujos and vomito are extremely grave complications. Inflamaciones and inchasones are complications characterized by swelling of the gut and colera is a childhood version thought to come from muina or evil eye. These intestinal and stomach ailments result from eating filthy food, from excessive and:continuous mescal drinking, from excessive exposure to the sun, and from lack of bathing. Patients may not eat meat or grease. Only atole ("corn gruel"), tortillas, tea, rice, and beans are allowed in the diet.

Patients must eat very little and work very little.

Treatment. Diarrea is treated with a purgative of salt water which causes vomiting. If salt water doesn't work it is followed by drinking Aciete de Comer*. If the purgatives fail then an enema of boiled linseed oil and water is administered (approximately one liter).

Disenteria, deposiciones, and pujos are treated with cool baths and by drinking lemonade for several days. Sugared bananas, cool milk, and 281

Alka Seltzer are also prescribed. Vomitc -caused from contaminated food

is treated like diarrea. If vomito and colera are suspected to come

from evil eye then the patient is rubbed with a fresh egg to "cleanse"

him. The evil eye is caught in the egg yolk. If this doesn't work

then the arms, back of the neck, belly, and face are sucked with a

mouth full of water to capture the evil eye. Some healers treat evil

eye by cleaning the patient's body with clumps of piru and ruda leaves;

others cleanse patients with chiles and still others use alvacar leaves

or a zapote. A few healers rub the patient with the undershorts or

the undershirt of a twin to capture the evil eye. After the evil eye has been removed from the patient's body, a tea of lengua de vaca water is drunk for two days to alleviate the diarrhea.

Dolores de Costado

Patient care. This painful ailment comes from a chill that one may get from drafts or bathing while perspiring. It requires rest.

It mainly affects adults.

Treatment. A tea brewed from ruda leaves and stems, anis, the bark of anona, cedron leaves, borraja leaves, and the arm or leg of a scorpion is drunk. The patient should sip this tea all day for two consecutive days. An ointment, either Pomada de Manzana* or Pomada de

Alte* is rubbed on the painful areas of the back, usually around the rib cage. 282

Dolores del estomago, empacho, dolores del frio, dolor colico, and colico

Patient care. Dolor del estomago has two principal forms:

dolor colico or emphacho and dolor del frio or dolor del desmando. One

gets dolor del frio from going out late at night or very early in the

morning or from drinking cool water too quickly while perspiring. It

is an illness of excessive "cold." Empacho and dolor colico or simply

colico are the result of eating chocolate, or greasy and fatty meat or

milk, avocados, cactus fruits, and cheese when one has muina. Over­

eating is not the cause; rather the combination of muina and "strong"

foods causes dolor colico. In the case of both types of dolor del

estomago one should eat only tortillas, atole ("corn gruel"), lime or orangeade, bread, and sugared tea. Dolor del estomago affects adults primarily, especially men and particularly those who are easily affected by muina. Thus healers say that a person's resistance to this disease depends on their strength of character.

Treatment. Colico and emphacho forms are treated with a tea that is drunk three times a day for several consecutive days. The tea is a brew made from itamo de castilla leaves, anis, cinnamon, and ruda leaves. Additionally dry hot towels (warmed near a fire) are placed on the abdomen where the pain seems localized and are changed every half hour. Alternate cures rely on a purgative prepared from magnesia anisada, a commercial bicarbonate compound, and rosa de castilla.

These ingredients are boiled together in water and the tea is drunk hot. Also, heated leaves of lengua de vaca may be coated with mineral oil and pasted on the belly to "pull the heat out of the stomach-." 283

If the purgative does not alleviate the symptoms/ a tea of viushito

(a species of cactus) and yerba del empacho may be given to the

patient to induce diarrhea or a tea of yerba buena may be administered

to reduce stomach discomfort.

Dolor del frio is treated by the same remedies. Additionally,

a brew of room temperature mescal, hot coffee, and hot children's

urine may be drunk to restore heat to the stomach.

Escalo frio

Escalo frio refers to chills and is a symptom not an illness.

It frequently accompanies fiebre, catarro, pulmonia, and pasmo. It is treated by massages generally and by eating "hot" foods.

La calentura, la fiebre, tifo, fiebre amarillo, tabardillo pinto

Patient care. This contagious disease comes from the Mixes and from fleas. It affects older people only and last from fourteen to sixteen days. Patients must stay warm, and only bathe in tepid water.

They may not use soap and should eat only cold foods such as pineapple, bananas, and oranges but not bread, atole, or meat.

Treatment. The stomach and intestines must be cooled and refreshed by an enema of one-half liter of water, palo mulato bark, and espinosilla leaves and stems (both of which are cold plants).

Massages with cold alcohol are then administered. These treatments are carried out at noon for three or four consecutive days. After each massage the patient should take a sponge bath in warm water. 284

Latido

Patient care. This ailment is caused by working too hard,

especially working without eating. Afflicted persons cannot eat

"strong" foods, especially chiles and coffee and should not take

Mejoral*, a commercially available aspirin compound.

Treatment. A tea made by brewing yerba amarga, cacahuaton, salve de castilla, and yucacaca is drunk for nine mornings before breakfast.

Pano, pellagra

Patient care. This illness affects adults, especially pregnant women but never children under twelve years old. It is caused by over­ work. No special care is necessary other than working less.

Treatment. Back massages with Pomada de Mazana* or Aciete de

Comer* help. In Mitla some healers also prescribe herbal teas.

Pasmo, influencia, fiebre, constapado, dolor de cabeza, aire

Patient care. Pasmo is the general cover term for all of these ailments, and all of them are progressive complications or derivatives of pasmo. People get pasmo from abrupt temperature changes. For example bathing when perspiring or exposing oneself to cold air may cause pasmo. Adults and children over ten years old are the population at risk. Pasmo may last a week or two and then subside, or it may turn into a more grave condition such as influencia, fiebre, or costapado. Four to eight days of bed rest are recommended and bathing is prohibited even for several days after one is cured. Thereafter one 285 must bathe carefully. Baths are allowed only when the water and air temperatures are nearly equal. One's hair must not get wet while bathing. Patients must stay out of drafts, may not arise too early

(because of chilling morning air), and should avoid the sun.

Treatment. Several treatment plans are available. The first is a concoction of aciete de siete flores,* aciete de manzanilla,* and chicken fat which is pasted on the top of the patient's head.

Another remedy is prepared from pajaro bobo leaves, cuanasana leaves, and San galletano leaves. The leaves of each plant are warmed in the sun, pasted on the patient's head with mineral or vegetable oil. Then a rag is tied around the patient's head and the patient is encouraged to sleep. Upon waking the treatment is repeated using each plant's leaves separately.

Dolor de cabeza is treated by rubbing warm alcohol or Aciete de Comer* on the patient's temples. Another remedy involves pasting chiguiadores on the temples. Chiguiadores are circles of paper that have needle holes through their centers. They are pasted on the head with a gummy substance called tecomaca that is made from the sap of the tecomaco tree. The "air" that causes the head ache exits the head through the needle holes in the paper chiguiadores.

Costapado and fiebre are treated with a herbal mixture similar to that used for pasmo. A mixture of fresh ground yerba santa leaves, aciete de comer,* almond extract, and chicken fat placed on a yerba santa leaf are pasted on the top of the head. The application is changed a few times per day and is used daily for about a week. 286

Pulmonia

Patient Care. Pulmonia is a complication of gripa. It comes

frcm getting soaked and chilled in the rain. This happens to people

who work in the rain and to drunks who may sleep in the rain. Pulmonia

is painful, accompanied by a cough, a high fever, and appetite loss.

Patients should avoid fruits (especially citrus) and drink only warm

water. Cold foods are prohibited.

Treatment. A tea is prepared by boiling jasmin, anona leaves,

anis, cinnamon, gordo lobo leaves, dried apples, itamo de castilla

leaves, clarin leaves, borraja leaves, pomegranate skin, garlic clove,

and a small piece of sappy pine. This tea is drunk by the patient

instead of water for a week or more. The tea loosens the phlegm in

the chest and lungs which the patient spits up in globs. The illness

ends when a big glob of phlegm is finally spit up. If the patient's

fever goes up then an enema of paletaria water is administered to

reduce the fever and empty the stomach.

Riumatismo

Patient Care. This illness affects persons over forty years old only. Patients should rub turpentine or gasoline on their skin especially their legs, and sit in the sun to warm themselves.

Treatment. Not curable. sarampion

Patient Care. This annual plague kills some children but does not affect others because they have "strong blood." The afflicted cannot bathe for weeks after the rash occurs and should abstain from \

287 meat, lard, coffee, chocolate, and milk. Recommended foods include beans, chick peas, consume, atole ("corn gruel"), and tea.

Treatment. Only doctors have medicine that may cure sarampion.

However to help sarampion run its course a tea of rosa de castilla and sugar is administered. If that does not "hurry the illness along," then a warm tea of tomatoe juice and sugar is taken. If the rash passes but diarrhea lingers, the condition is considered dangerous and an enema of linseed oil and sugar (one-half liter for children and one full liter for adults) is given to remove the rash from the stomach lining.

Sarna

Patient Care. This itchy skin rash affects babies and chil­ dren. Patients may not eat guajes, calabazas, or any edible weeds

(that are illustrated in chapter 6). Soap may not be used for bathing

Because it burns the skin.

Treatment. Three baths with pajaro bobo and yerba de sarna leaves are taken. Thereafter any commercial ointment should be kept on the rash until it heals.

Senilidad and Vejez

Patient Care. This ailment affects adults and aged persons over forty years old, especially males. It is recommended that one should work less if they suffer from vejez.

Treatment. Not curable. 288

Tiricia, Tristesa

Patient Care. Tiricia is a more grave condition of tristesa which results from the death or departure of a spouse/ children, or parents- It is good to bathe, take a trip, find a new job, visit one's compadres ("ritual kinsmen") and friends often.

Treatment. Not curable.

Tisis, Tuberculosis

Patient Care. This contagious disease is gotten from strangers or from visiting other towns. It is an illness of excessive heat and requires care and treatment with "cold" remedies. Adults and aged are the principal population at risk. Healers recommend baths and bed rest during recuperation. One should eat only fruits, especially water melon and cantalope, but no bananas.

Treatment. The patient is bathed in water in which lettuce has been boiled. If this does not alleviate the symptoms then the patient is Bathed in water in which yerba de gualolote has been boiled, These latter baths are given for four consecutive days.

Toz

Toz refers to a hacking cough. Generally adults have toz which is a symptom of at le^st five illnesses: Catarro, gripa, pasmo, pulmonia, and tos ferina. The patient care programs and treatment plans for toz are discussed under these illnesses.. 289

Toz fernia

Patient Care. This contagious, epidemic disease affects

children up to ten years old. Patients should not eat beans, meat,

sweets, or sour foods. Bread, cheese, and milk are recommended foods.

Treatment. A boiled tea of garlic clove, anona bark, jasmin

stems, and borraja leaves is drunk in place of water for twenty days.

This tea stops the cough.

Viruelas (small pox)

Patient Care. This contagious illness has two forms, black and

white. The form depends on the color of the rash. The black form is

"stronger." It comes from people in other towns and affects people of

all age groups. Even newborns may have viruelas. Healers report that

viruelas causes blindness, scars, and when the throat is covered with

the rash, inability to eat. The afflicted may not bathe for two weeks

because they must stay dry.

Treatment. In order to cure viruelas the little granule in

each welt of the rash must "come out," This usually occurs on the

fourth da,y, when the rash appears to dry out. Warm alcohol is washed

on the rash daily and gargling with a warm tea of gordo lobo water is

recommended until the rash clears up. On the fourth and fifth days

after the rash first appears the patient is bathed in hot flor de sauco

water. Bathing in plain warm water is recommended thereafter until the

rash is gone. Curanderas ("native healers") agree that viruelas is not

always curable.

| i V

APPENDIX D

MEDICINAL PLANTS

Native healers often administer teas, enemas, baths, and

massages as part of their treatment plans for illnesses that are recorded in the civil death registry. Some of the ingredients of these remedies are patent medicines that are bought in general stores or in markets in the district or state capital. Other ingredients are medicinal plants that are grown locally in house gardens and are sold in markets. Other remedies are prepared by the healers from wild plants that are collected locally.

It is not possible to assess completely the medical efficacy of these herbal remedies. Some of the herbal medicines may "work" insofar as they reduce symptomatic discomfort. For example, a brew made from the leaves of the piru tree contains small amounts of opiates and bella dona that may alleviate the pain discomfort of intestinal ailments when administered as a tea or infused as an enema (Martinez 1959a:227). The juice of the chicalote plant contains essential oils that soothe and cleanse sores and skin rashes. Pajaro bobo (Rivea corymbosa), which is not illustrated here, is mildly narcotic and may have a calming effect on distraught patients. Other herbal remedies may be damaging or dangerous, such as the poisonous oleander that is administered during difficult labor. Poinsettia, which is also poisonous (not illustrated here) is prepared as a tea and administered as an abortative. Local

290 291

physicians insist that the plants have no pharmacological value and

their continued use contributes to morbidity and mortality. Native

healers insist that the remedies are effective.

Some cactus plants that are not illustrated here are used to

treat stomach discomfort: Viushito, nopal, and nogal. At the end of

the appendix five plants are illustrated that are used for the treat­

ment of non-fatal ailments that were not encountered in the death

archives. They are included here because they are common home remedies

and were easy to collect. The appendix is not a complete catalogue of

Oaxacan medicinal plants; it presents only a small portion of the

Oaxacan healer's pharmacy. The plants included here make up about one-

quarter of the herbs sold in nearby markets. However, the illustrated

plants are the most commonly used medicinal herbs for treating the

ailments discussed in Appendix B in the area immediately around Mitla.

Local names are given in Spanish for all plants. Whenever

possible the Linnean name is also given and in a few cases the

probable place of origin is noted. The sources used for these

identifications are Martinez (1937, 1959a, 1959b). The plants were

collected, dried, and pressed by me and are now part of the permanent collection of the University of Arizona Herbarium. Illustrations are

by Mr. Robert Hale, 292 anona (Annona reticulata)

Tea made of leaves is used to treat tos ferina, pulmonia, and dolores de costado

cacahuaton

Tea made of leaves ^nd stem is used to treat latido, and given to mothers immediately after child birth. Baths in cacahuaton water are recommended three days after child birth for mothers. 293

cedron

Leaves are used to prepare teas that are drunk to treat dolores de costado, atagues, inal de corazon, and muina.

chicalote (Argemone ochrolenca)

The whitish juice of the stem is used as an ointment for most skin diseases. The juice is also used as an eye wash to treat conjunctivitis. 294

espinosilla (Loeselia mexicana)

The leaves and stem of espinosila are boiled with other herbs to make an enema solution that is adminis­ tered to treat calentura, tifo, fiebre amarillo, tuberculosis, tarbardillo, and fiebre.

flor de sauco (ggmbucus mexicana)

The flowers ^nd leaves are included in a bath for the treatment of viruelas, in a gargle for treating anginas, and in a topical wash for wounds. It is -used as a tea, enema, and massaging lotion for post parturn maternal care. gordo loBo (golamnn verbascifolium).

Gordo lobo is prepared as a tea to treat catarro, pulmonia, and bronquitis and as a gargle for viruelas. It is administered as an enema/ tea, and rubbing solution for post partum maternal care. 296

jasmin asalia jasmin amargo

Four distinct jasmin plants are used in the study area somewhat inter­ changeably. Both the Blossom and leaves are used to prepare teas to treat catarro, pulmonia/ and tos ferina. The flower is used to concoct an eye wash for treating eye infections. 297 298

manzanilla dulce (Montanoa subtruncata)

As a tea manzanilla dulce is used to treat dolor de estomago, catarro, and malaria. It is recommended for any illness that is characterized by chills and is administered by mid wives as a tea to help women expell the placenta after delivery. As an ingredient in an enema solution manzanilla dulce may be administered for stomach aches.

piru (Schinus mollel

Leaves and blossoms of this tree are boiled in mescal or alcohol to pre­ pare a rubbing ointment that is massaged into the arms and legs of individuals suffering from calentura and alferecia. It is sometimes prepared as a tea for treating stomach aches. 299

pitiona (jLippia geminata)

A tea made of pitiona is adminis­ tered for the treatment of alferecia.

guaj ilote (Elaphrium aloexylonl

The blossom of this tree is used to prepare baths for the treatment of tisis and tuberculosis. Teas of guaj ilote are also used as a home remedy for upset stomach. 1

300

(Left)

romero (Rosmarinus officinalis; origin, southern Europe)

Romero is used to prepare teas, enemas, and massaging solutions for post partum maternal care.

(Right) rosa de castilla or rosa china (Nerium oleander)

Prepared as a tea for treating sarampion, as a purgative for empacho, as an eye wash for conjunctivitis, Small portions of leaves are eaten with, lard By women experiencing difficult laBor. 301

(Left)

ruda (Ruta graveolens; origin, Europe)

Ruda is made into a tea used to treat alferecia, costado, ataques, mal de corazon, dolor colico, dolor de estomago, and dolor de costado. It is also administered as a tea to help women expell the placenta after giving birth.

(Right) salve de Castillo (Rosa centifolia; probable origin, Europe)

Prepared as a tea to treat latido and given as post partum maternal care three days after delivery. 302

santa maria amarga (Chrysanthemum parthenium)

Used to prepare a tea for treating latido, to speed up labor, and to help expel the placenta after child birth.

I*

yerba buena (Ljppia dulcis; probable origin, Europe)

Used to prepare a tea for treating dolor de estomago. 303

yerba santa

A paste of mineral oil, chicken fat, and yerba santa is applied to the head for treating fiebre, catarro, costapado, pasmo, calentura, and influensa. It is also eaten by women to aid in the expulsion of the placenta after child birth. 304

The following five plants are not used to treat most of the ailments discussed in this study. They are included here, however, because they are frequent home remedies.

(Left)

trobador

(Right). san caytano 305

tulipan or clarin CTulipa gesneriana) (Left)

lengua de vaca

(Right1 APPENDIX E

MONTHLY AND ANNUAL RAINFALL FOR OAXACA DE JUAREZ, 1941-1972

Rainfall data presented here are from World Weather Records

(1941-1950) and Monthly Climate Data for the World (1951-1972) (in

Kirkby 1973). Because Oaxaca de Juarez is further from the study area

(55 kilometers) than Tlacolula de Matamoros (8 kilometers), Tlacolula rainfall figures from Kirkby (1973) are used for annual rainfall estimates. Data presented in this appendix are used only when monthly data are required. All figures are in millimeters; n.d. designates no data reported. Total annual precipitation and monthly means are presented only for those years that have complete monthly records.

307 Year Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May June July Aug. Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec. Total Mean

1941 14.0 2.0 3.0 108.3 34.0 127.9 64.0 67.2 241.5 70.0 19.0 22.3 773. 2 64.4 1942 0 20.0 0 20.5 9.5 157.3 124.0 116.2 187.3 5.2 24.8 7.6 672.4 56.0 1943 0 0 0.7 22.3 31.5 79.9 42.5 113.7 138.3 14.2 8.6 5.8 457.4 38.1 1944 0 0 9.5 0 54.2 232.4 39.5 157.1 198.3 16.2 0 0 707. 2 58.9 1945 0 0 13.7 5.5 70.6 73.9 73.2 101.9 80.4 91.4 14.7 3.0 528. 3 44.0 1946 0 0 0 42.6 158.4 122.3 21.5 49.9 125.2 53.5 8.4 0 581.8 48.5 1947 30.0 9.2 0.4 24.7 192.3 166.1 44.9 129.4 144.0 n.d. 16.4 7.2 — 1948 0 0 13.1 63.4 168.5 133.9 76.9 60.1 87.8 22.0 4.7 0 630.4 52.5 1949 0 0 7.3 11.0 113.6 89.4 72.0 41.7 137.0 30.4 44.0 0 546.4 45.5 1950 0 0 17.6 29.2 95.0 60.5 95.5 19.1 101.0 143.9 0 0 561.8 46.8 1951 0 0 n.d. 30.0 90.0 60.0 90.0 20.0 110.0 140.0 0 0 540.0 45.0 1952 0 0 n.d. n.d. 70.0 160.0 90.0 60.0 200.0 20.0 0 0 — 1953 0 0 0 20.0 50.0 200.0 100.0 50.0 40.0 20.0 0 10.0 490.,0 40.8 1954 0 10.0 1,0 40.0 90.0 100.0 90.0 30.0 120.0 100.0 4.0 0 585. 0 48.8 1955 2.0 0 10.0 10.0 4.0 80.0 180.0 150.0 240.0 40.0 10.0 20.0 746. 0 62. 2

1956 10.0 0 n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. —

1957 n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. — 1958 n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. — 19.59 n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. — 1960 n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. 70.0 n.d. n.d. — 1961 n.d. 0 n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. — 1962 0 1.0 1.0 40.0 70.0 150.0 40.0 110,0 110.0 20.0 1.0 4.0 543.,0 1963 0 3.0 n.d. n.d. 60.0 n.d. n.d. 100,0 130.0 n.d. n.d. 0 — 1964 0 10.0 n.d. n.d. 110.0 n.d. n.d. 40.0 n.d. n.d. n.d. 0 — 1965 n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. 30.0 220.0 n.d. 170.0 40.0 120.0 n.d. 0 — — 1966 0 n.d. n.d. 10.0 n.d. 120.0 130.0 110,0 139.0 127.0 18.0 1.0 — 1967 0 0 10.0 30.0 50,0 140.0 n.d. 90.0 47.0 n.d. 12.0 0 — 1968 20.0 10,0 20,0 10.0 40.0 n.d, n.d. 60.0 n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. — 1969. 10.0 0 20.0 10.0 n.d. 100.0 110,0 320.0 n.d. n,d. 10.0 0 — 1970 n.d. 3.0 0 n,d, 90,0 104.0 129.0 20.0 115.0 40.0 12.0 0 — 1971 3,0 2,0 10,0 7.0 24.0 200.0 40.0 190.0 140.0 80.0 n.d. n.d. — 1972 n.d. 0 n.d. 30,0 n.d. n.d. 30.0 60.0 n.d. 60,0 20.0 n.d. — APPENDIX F

PERCENTAGE OF OCCUPATIONS RECORDED FOR FATHERS ON BIRTH REGISTERS IN MITLA BY DECADE, 1864-1973

Most birth registers record the occupation of fathers whether the father's name was recorded or not. The numbers of these occupations were totaled and divided by the total recorded occupations during the decade in order to establish an estimate of the relative proportion of men engaged in various occupations per decade- The figure for each occupational category was multiplied by 100 to convert the figures into percentages. These percentages are presented for the decades 1864-1973

(decade 1) through 1964-1973 (decade 10) and are offered as evidence for occupational diversity in Mitla versus the three villages.

309 Decade Number - Mean of Occupation 12 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Total farmer .55 .65 .46 58 .52 .53 .91 .49 .61 .30 .56 day laborer .001 .07 12 .15 .18 .03 .25 .20 .42 .14 long distance trader .05 .03 .12 18 .21 .19 .02 .15 .04 .02 .10 rope maker .07 .14 .07 04 .02 .03 cloth maker .05 .08 .10 02 .03 weaver .07 .01 .03 01 .02 .001 .003 .01 .06 .02 distiller .05 .03 .08 05 .02 .01 .02 merchant .01 .004 .002 01 .02 .001 .03 .05 .06 .02 mescal seller .06 .01 .02 .01 baker .005 .002 .02 .02 .01 .02 .02 .02 .01 tanner .03 .002 .01 .004 .01 tortilla maker .03 ,002 .01 .04 .01 carpenter .002 01 .001 .01 .02 .01 .005 .01 mason .01 .001 .02 .03 .01 share cropper ,005 .002 .01 bacon cutter .01 .002 .002 .001 shepherd .01 .01 .02 .004 tailor .002 .004 .006 .01 .01 .003 thread maker .002 .002 .002 .001 seamstress .001 .002 .002 .001 .001 cart driver .002 .01 .01 .002 butcher .01 .002 .001 charcoal maker .01 .002 .001 candle maker .002 .01 .001 blacksmith ,001 .001 chocolate maker .002 .002 cantor .001 veterinary .01 .001 slaughterer .001 sandal maker .001 .002 scribe .001 Decade Number Mean of Occupation 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Total mid-wife .002 .002 blood sucker collector .001 .001 ice maker .01 wood miller .01 chauffeur .001 .003 .01 .06 teacher .01 .004 .003 .01 mechanic .004 .01 shoemaker .002 .01 .003 fireworks maker .006 federal employee .003 healer .01 Barber .01 artisan .01 musician .002 .01

N = 39.64 c^ses. APPENDIX G

ANNUAL HARVEST FROM XAAGA SCHOOL FIELD 1938-1973

Most towns in the Valley of Oaxaca have an elementary school that includes grades one through four and in some towns grades one through six. These schools are built, chartered, staffed, and supplied with,educational materials by the Federal government. Maintenance of school facilities, purchase of school furniture, purchase of recrea­ tional equipment, and purchase of special supplies (such as craft paper and teaching aids that individual .teachers demand to enrich the curricula) are paid for by each respective town. Taxes are levied by household to meet some of these expenses. Because taxes are always unpopular and difficult to collect, many smaller villages cultivate a parcela escolar ("school plot") and sell the harvest to generate money for the school. The schools in each of the three villages included in this study are partially financed by the annual production from a parcela escolar. Each town hires a townsman to plow the field each year and the school children help to plant, weed, and harvest the crop. The president of the annual school committee is responsible for organizing the labor for the school plot. In Xaaga, the piedmont village, harvest records have been carefully kept for every year since the school's construction except for the years 1947, 1948, and 1950-1952. The parcela escolar in XaagcL has not changed in size (28,375 square meters or 2.84 hectares) or location for the entire period represented by these

312 313 harvest figures. Its soil is sandy gray loams of coarse texture and variable depth. The field's slope is about 5% and it relies on rain­ fall for water. It has been fertilized once (in 1965) with composted leaves and mulch/ and a few low soil retention walls were built in 1966 to counteract top soil erosion, according to the school archive. The archive attributes poor harvest of 1953, 1956, 1957, 1961, 1962, 1965, and 1967 to scarce or untimely rainfall. Good harvest in 1958, 1959,

1970, and 1973 are attributed to good rainfall. Although the school parcela harvest figures should fluctuate proportionately with rainfall no significant correlations were produced between amount harvested and

Tlacolula rainfall, amount harvested and Oaxaca de Juarez summer rain­ fall, or amount harvested and Oaxaca de Juarez June and September rain rainfall. No significant relationship exists because the amount of land planted varies from year to year.

Amount of harvest from the school parcela is not an acceptable index of annual harvest potential in the study area and cannot be used to construct an index from rainfall because the amount of the field that is planted varies each year. The portion of the field that is cultivated depends on the president of the school committee who organ­ izes the labor, supplies the tools, and purchases the seed (with village funds) for planting. The president of the school committee should respond to the variable demands of the school teachers for funds.

Thus if the teachers insist that the school needs money and if the president can be convinced to organize cultivating of the field then the harvest of the parcela escolar should represent the amount of land planted with the limits of rainfall. School harvest represents the 314

budgetary goals, the ability of school teachers to motivate the presi­

dent of the school committee/ and the president's willingness to fulfill

the duties of his office more than it reflects variable rainfall. The

archive has recorded the amount of land cultivated for two years only,

and the amount of seed planted for two years only. In 1966 an

estimated one-half hectare was cultivated and in 1969 two hectares.

In 1970 seven almudes of corn were planted and in 1971 eight almudes

were planted.

Almud and fanega are volume measures in which the harvest of

maiz en qrano (dry corn kernels) and frijoles (beans) .are recorded. One

almud is equivalent to .8 liters; one fanega equals 1.60 bushels. One

fanega equals 24 almudes. The weight of corn varies depending on

variety. White corn, the most preferred variety is the heaviest per

volume measure. One almud of dried maiz en grano weighs 4.1 kilos on

the average. Zacate ("corn stalks") are used for fodder and their harvest is measured in tercios ("bundles"). One tercio is the amount

an adult man can embrace with both arms. Thirty to thirty-two tercios of zacate make us a carreta ("wagon load"). Totomoxtle ("corn husks") are used for fodder and are measured in piscadores or canastas

("baskets"). A piscador is made from dried carriso ("native American bamboo") and is cylindrical in shape, one meter tall by .5 meters in diameter. The value of the corn harvest was inconsistently recorded over the years and reflects the following inflationary trend. Corn sold for 50 centavos per almud (@ 12.2 centavos per kilo) from 1938 to 1944;

75 centavos per almud (@ 18.2 centavos per kilo) from 1945 to.1949; 80 centavos per kilo in 1956; 55 centavos per kilo in 1957; and one peso 315 per kilo from 1959 to 1973. No price data are available for the years

1950 to 1955 and 1958. 316

Maiz Frijol in kilos Zacate Totomoxtle in kilos Year (in almudes) in tercios in piscadores (in almudes)

1938 984 50 (240) 1939 1312 110 (320) 1940 656 160 (160) 1941 640 152 17 (156) (10) 1942 1943 1546 371 4 (377) (18) 1944 1013 192 16 (247) (34) 1945 648 183 20 (158) 1946 820 181 19 (200) 1947 622 174 19 (151) 1948 1949 1178 274 31 (287) 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 737 180 20 1955 300 120 40 10 1956 295 109 8" C72) 1957 295 32 4 (72) 1958 299 65 7 (73) 1959 300 57 8 125 1960 300 100 35 1961 180 152 20 1962 267 80 6 1963 258 85 8 1964 336* 130 15 1965 100 50 5 1966 70 25 1967 0 0 0 1968 80 10 1969 1500 200 35 1970 2450 249 317

Maiz Frijol in kilos Zacate Totomoxtle in kilos Year (in almudes) in tercios in piscadores (in almudes)

1971 936 123 25 (23) 1972 540* 203 11 (11) 1973 1045 260 15 (62) APPENDIX H

MARRIAGES AND MARRIAGE RATES FOR MITLA 1864-1973

Religious marriage does not indicate the beginning of a new

domestic group or household in the Valley of Oaxaca. New households are

established by contractual agreements negotiated between families and

successful contracts result in common law unions. Common law unions may

endure for years before a civil ceremony performed by a district judge,

or a religious ceremony performed by a priest legitimizes the union in

the eyes of the State or God. Civil ceremonies are generally uneventful

affairs and today they occur when a union is successfully negotiated.

Religious ceremonies, however, are postponed until families can afford

the fandango ("wedding celebration"), a costly and lavish fiesta that

lasts for days. Fandangos are so expensive that the wealth on hand of the bride's and groom's families and the padrinos (Godparents) of the bride and groom may be insufficient to pay for them. Institutionalized borrowing, guelagetza, allows the families and the Godparents to bring together the necessary resources for the fandango. Because the frequency of religious marriages represents the frequency of fandangos, marriages are an index of community wealth. Since community wealth varies with annual harvest outcomes, marriages are an index of harvest.

The church in Mitla has recorded the dates of all marriages performed in the parrochia ("parrish") since 1684). The frequencies of marriages presented here for sample years from 1864 to 1973 are for the town of

318 319

Mitla only. The years ending in digits 0, 1, 5, 6 were chosen for each

decade between 1860 and 1920. All years since 1935 are presented.

Annual marriage rates were computed for the sampled years using the

formula:

MARRIAGE TOTAL MARRIAGES IN MITLA PER YEAR 1Q00 RATE ~ POPULATION OF MITLA BETWEEN AGES 15 AND 50 X

Because church marriages are postponed, the range of the ages of brides and grooms is broad and includes adolescents and older adults. The ages

15 and 50 that are used as limits of marriageable age in the denominator of the rate were defined by the range of reported ages recorded in the archive. Although the denominator should include only unmarried indi­ viduals 15-50 it was impossible to estimate that portion of the popula­ tion. Thus the less specific and therefore less precise rate was calculated using total number of individuals between 15 and 50 in the

Mitla population for each year. Population in the formula refers to the population of Mitla on January 1st of the specified year.

January-February and May-June are the months of highest frequencies of marriages. The size of the first mode reflects the quantity of harvest from the previous year's agricultural cycle that has been invested in fandangos• Since harvest depends upon rainfall, especially summer rainfall, the number of January-February marriages reflects the adequacy of the previous summer's rainfall for agricultural production. January-February marriage rates correlate with previous summer's (June to September) rainfall for the years of 1941 to 1972 320

(r = .52, sig. at .05). January-February marriage rate was computed

using the formula:

JANUARY-FEBRUARY = MARRIAGE RATE

TOTAL MARRIAGES FOR MITLA IN JAN. AND FEB. EACH YEAR . TOTAL POPULATION OF MITLA BETWEEN AGES 15 AND 50 EACH YEAR

Because the January-February mode reflects the inferred agricultural quality of the previous year it is useful as an index of relative annual production. The annual April-May marriage rate appeared to be negatively associated with spring rainfall of the same year perhaps indicating, as informants report, that postponed planting in years of low spring rainfall permits "last minute" marriages before the busy agricultural cycle begins. Testing the proposition did produce a negative correlation (-.32) of spring (January-May) rainfall with April-

May rates of the same years. Because the correlation is not significant at the .05 level the April-May rates are not presented. Marriage rates and Xaaga school parcel harvest (r = +.43, sig. at .05) indicating a relationship between years of good harvest and investment in social security.

1. This correlation does not include the years 1946-1950 which include group marriages performed by the Archbishop of Oaxaca. These marriages do not occur in the sanctuary of the church but in the church yard where anywhere from thirty to 100 couples may be married in a large group ceremony. Because these marriages are not always followed by fandangos, they were excluded. Years which have incomplete rainfall records are also excluded. 321

January- Population Total Annual January- February Between Marriages Marriage February Marriage Year 15-50 in Year Rate Marriages Rate

1865 628 16 25.5 5 8.0 1866 643 2 3.1 2 3.1 1868 650 35 53.9 11 16.9 1870 657 15 22.8 1 1.5 1871 662 22 33.2 2 3.0 1875 698 25 35.8 8 11.5 1876 696 14 20.1 6 8.6 1880 790 22 27.9 4 5.1 1881 759 16 21.1 1 1.3 1885 824 16 19.4 5 6.1 1886 836 20 23.9 5 6.0 1890 830 53 63.9 9 10.8 1891 850 121 142.4 31 36.5 1895 867 43 49.6 20 23.1 1900 866 31 35.8 5 5.8 1901 821 21 25.6 6 7.3 1905 918 54 58.8 21 22.9 1906 942 70 74.3 24 25.5 1910 958 47 49.1 15 15.7 1911 971 75 77.2 13 13.4 1915 975 22 22.6 10 10.3 1916 962 22 22.9 8 8.3 1920 1020 58 56.9 16 15.7 1921 1038 53 51.1 19 18.3 1925 1131 73 64.6 16 14.2 1926 1157 60 51.9 35 30.3 1930 1204 47 39.0 14 11.6 1931 1209 55 45.5 24 19.9 1935 1243 37 29.8 9 7.2 1936 1250 47 37.6 7 5.6 1937 1262 58 46,0 11 8.7 1938 1280 49 38.3 24 18.8 1939 1294 64 49.5 20 15.5 1940 1319 68 51.6 17 12.9 1941 1304 48 36.8 17 13.0 1942 1339 53 39.6 13 9.7 1943 1351 71 52.6 18 13.3 1944 1359 54 39.7 15 11.0 1945 1399 48 34.3 13 9.3 1946 1452 47 32.4 19 13.1 1947 1474 38 25.8 16 10.9 1948 1513 24 15.9 4 2.6 1949 1524 38 24.9 17 11.2 1950 1557 27 17.3 10 6.4 1951 1599 33 20.6 9 5.6 322

January- Population Total Annual January- February Between Marriages Marriage February Marriage Year 15-50 in Year Rate Marriages Rate

1952 1626 27 .16.6 14 8.6 1953 1650 107 64.9 27 16.4 1954 1606 27 16.8 7 4.4 1955 1663 35 21.0 8 4.8 1956 1682 45 26.8 12 7.1 1957 1730 147 85.0 7 4.1 1958 1760 69 39.2 8 4.6 1959 1792 139 77.6 8 4.5 1960 1834 52 28.4 35 19.1 1961 1888 83 44.0 9 4.8 1962 1938 69 35.6 8 4.1 1963 1966 57 29.0 11 5.6 1964 2106 168 79.8 14 6.7 1965 2037 50 24.6 20 9.8 1966 2093 37 17.7 9 4.3 1967 2140 50 23.4 10 4.7 1968 2184 40 18.3 10 4.6 1969 2212 42 19.0 6 2.7 1970 2336 59 25.3 9 3.9 1971 2405 74 30.8 19 7.9 1972 2446 81 33.1 24 9.8 1973 2478 106 42.8 24 9.7 Mean rate 39.0 10.1 Standard deviation 22.1 7.0 APPENDIX X

POPULATIONS OF MITLA, XAAGA, LOMA LARGA, AND CORRAL DEL CERRO BY FIVE YEAR AGE-SEX COHORTS, 1864 TO 1973

The populations of each of the four towns were reconstructed by

the following procedures. A complete census by household was taken in

the field for the villages of XaagS, Loma Larga, and Corral del Cerro

and an existing 1970 household census of Mitla was obtained from

archives pertaining to the town school. In all of these censuses age

and sex are indicated for all individuals and the information is assumed

to be complete and accurate. The base line populations that were ob­

tained from censuses were tabulated by sex and one year age intervals.

Then for each year back through time the population was reconstructed by

making all individuals in each age cohort one year younger and adding

all deaths that occurred during that year to their respective sex-age

categories. Those individuals less than one full year of age were

"lost" each year and the number of infants that were "lost" were checked

against births reported for each town in the corresponding year. In

most years the numbers of individuals "lost" did correspond with births

and the years in which they did not are assumed to have been affected by migration (especially resulting from births by transients). These procedures are not sensitive to changes in population sizes or propor­ tions that occur because of migration. Furthermore the population figures presented here do not represent the population at the midpoint

323 324 of the time interval (one year), which is the demographic convention, but on the first of January for each year. Lastly, reported ages, not . birth dates, were used for determining age of all individuals and therefore age cohorts are only generally accurate (to within one year error at each boundary). Five year age cohorts were calculated by sex in all years for each reconstructed population, and these are presented here along with totals by sex and total population for each town per year. The numbers of males are recorded in the upper left corner and females in the lower right in each respective square of the table. 325

Mitla

Age Class 1864 1865 1866 1867 1868 1869 1870 in Years (< 12 mo) 25 18 27 36 33 53 30 Infant 28 31 36 34 29 39 27 16 20 14 22 26 30 43 1-2 27 24 28 33 23 25 30 56 49 48 48 50 64 2-4 44 47 58 72 74 72 66 64 60 68 78 86 88 81 76 5-9 72 56 67 73 78 84 95 80 76 68 59 53 66 64 10-14 61 67 66 63 76 70 64 76 77 83 81 84 77 75 15-19 69 63 61 63 54 59 71 49 50 62 61 66 70 61 20-24 57 63 68 70 69 64 58 44 45 41 44 44 42 47 25-29 46 43 42 44 48 56 61 32 31 32 35 39 38 40 30-34 58 49 47 42 39 40 40 35 41 43 36 38 28 24 35-39 50 57 61 61 59 52 46 23 24 21 25 25 32 36 40-44 24 26 29 37 39 47 54 39 37 34 30 25 20 20 45-49 23 22 19 21 21 22 24 27 28 29 31 38 39 35 50-54 16 17 22 25 27 23 22 21 23 27 23 24 27 24 55-59 12 14 14 12 9 14 16 8 7 8 15 13 16 16 60-64 17 11 8 11 13 12 13 5 5 5 14 5 2 4 65-69 3 6 9 9 9 11 8 5 6 5 5 3 1 0 70-74 2 2 1 1 2 2 4 1 2 3 3 5 3 2 75 and over 6 6 7 7 6 5 5 603 607 628 650 657 675 661 Total by Sex 618 615 675 680 673 691 702 TOTAL 1221 1222 1285 1330 1330 1336 1363 326

Mitla

Age Class 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 in Years (< 12 mo) 34 28 49 32 30 29 28 Infant 36 35 31 30 38 39 35 20 24 21 35 20 25 19 1-2 24 29 23 24 23 31 36 83 78 77 63 62 72 2-4 53 70 74 70 53 46 49 67 76 78 85 95 102 103 100 5-9 107 104 104 100 93 89 86 77 82 86 79 71 69 68 10-14 62 68 70 79 92 103 96 67 59 52 66 63 75 79 15-19 64 72 76 68 61 59 64 72 78 82 76 70 61 57 20-24 58 57 50 56 61 61 59 57 58 62 66 68 68 70 25-29 63 64 62 58 53 52 54 36 38 34 38 44 55 57 30-34 39 41 45 53 56 57 58 27 30 31 32 33 24 33 35-39 44 40 37 38 38 36 38 36 29 30 25 23 25 28 40-44 55 54 51 45 43 41 36 17 21 20 26 32 33 27 45-49 27 35 38 44 53 49 49 32 28 22 16 14 9 14 50-54 19 19 20 20 22 23 29 25 28 32 33 31 25 18 55-59 21 22 24 19 19 18 17 19 17 16 19 18 19 20 60-64 11 7 6 12 9 11 15 4 9 9 6 11 11 11 65-69 5 8 6 6 7 8 3 0 70-74 0 1 0 0 1 4 4 3 3 33 2 2 6 75 and over 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 3 2 3 4 3 3 3 683 686 710 Total by Sex 698 694 695 705 712 734 719 712 719 731 751 TOTAL 1395 1420 1429 1410 1413 1426 1456 327

Mitla

Age Class 1878 1879 in Years 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884 (< 12 mo) 41 33 31 30 22 31 32 Infant 42 35 28 22 24 27 25 21 27 24 22 30 22 30 1-2 30 25 27 16 22 24 27 57 47 57 63 73 72 2-4 45 83 67 65 60 59 63 56 108 88 90 76 80 76 82 5-9 83 70 72 83 93 98 106 75 90 99 99 78 102 84 10-14 91 94 86 82 77 73 66 84 76 67 64 65 71 87 15-19 68 77 89 99 92 87 91 49 63 67 73 77 82 74 20-24 73 66 60 57 63 67 74 76 71 62 60 56 48 61 25-29 47 50 58 57 58 81 65 60 63 68 65 68 75 71 30-34 57 54 50 50 49 44 47 34 38 66 54 57 59 62 35-39 44 50 53 53 55 55 53 29 30 43 30 32 33 37 40-44 21 34 36 34 36 42 49 45-49 28 23 32 24 27 28 28 46 42 39 39 35 32 33 50-54 15 23 22 29 25 26 23 34 38 41 42 42 43 36 14 11 28 7 13 15 21 55-59 16 18 20 19 27 30 35 22 20 11 19 14 11 8 60-64 17 14 21 18 16 14 14 65-69 12 13 22 10 14 18 16 3 5 5 7 14 17 14 70-74 4 3 12 8 8 7 10 3 2 3 3 2 2 4 0 0 5 75 and over 0 2 3 3 5 4 8 4 5 6 5 Total by Sex 729 719 794 727 731 780 801 763 745 761 745 769 805 801 Total 1492 1464 1555 1472 1500 1585 1602 328

Mitla

Age Class 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 in Years (< 12 mo) 37 25 37 46 43 43 39 Infant 22 24 43 47 48 44 42 25 26 38 29 33 1-2 29 23 19 21 17 36 36 34 30 73 66 67 66 67 64 69 2-4 60 45 56 52 68 67 48 5-9 79 97 103 107 112 110 100 97 91 92 94 89 89 80 83 72 72 68 71 75 93 10-14 69 78 88 93 101 95 88 68 15-19 95 98 94 97 80 79 84 79 74 68 62 67 76 65 65 69 82 89 90 20-24 63 83 93 83 79 85 77 85 61 70 52 61 25-29 68 72 76 50 57 60 62 67 77 84 60 54 52 30-34 66 58 54 44 54 54 53 68 63 57 53 55 57 52 35-39 62 58 58 64 49 49 45 39 41 45 47 42 50 48 46 46 44 40-44 52 50 52 54 51 48 46 44 33 48 45-49 31 25 28 30 40 32 30 32 37 44 44 46 20 23 50-54 20 23 19 19 24 32 31 27 24 21 28 26 55-59 24 23 23 21 19 15 13 36 37 36 32 24 26 27 6 6 9 11 14 16 17 60-64 14 15 19 18 20 20 22 5 65-69 17 13 9 55 3 5 11 6 4 5 7 7 10 12 5 7 7 7 7 7 70-74 3 5 5 5 3 6 3 5 6 5 4 5 5 3 75 and over 6 6 6 5 7 6 8 80 3V 787 808 824 810 817 Total by Sex 795 771 787 794 815 839 832 819 TOTAL 1574 1574 1589 1623 1663 1642 1636 329

Mitla

Age Class 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 in Years (< 12 mo) 49 53 48 43 37 29 40 Infant 32 42 46 41 32 30 45 34 33 28 31 31 31 26 1-2 30 27 26 27 33 25 28 79 87 85 83 77 81 80 2-4 77 78 47 76 73 77 73 5-9 77 100 80 105 118 125 123 86 89 95 103 112 112 114 103 103 104 105 95 92 93 10-14 87 90 84 85 78 83 83 70 67 53 71 89 93 91 15-19 91 89 103 86 83 85 73 62 67 64 20-24 87 91 91 75 70 76 57 75 68 74 80 63 67 78 84 85 80 84 25-29 77 76 79 69 67 63 57 56 61 59 51 60 60 61 30-34 63 57 62 74 80 63 70 50 41 49 50 47 50 55 35-39 51 63 57 52 48 53 43 49 53 54 51 47 47 41 40-44 41 35 37 41 44 46 60 46 45-49 47 44 44 44 46 47 40 48 46 44 42 39 31 27 30 30 36 42 42 43 50-54 31 37 43 42 43 40 41 13 14 17 21 18 18 17 55-59 22 19 22 27 26 27 30 15 14 11 7 6 7 9 60-64 25 23 20 16 18 17 14 7 6 9 11 11 7 3 65-69 11 8 8 13 13 12 9 5 2 2 5 4 3 3 70-74 3 55 4 4 4 3 5 5 7 6 75 and over 7 7 7 7 9 9 8 5 6 3 5 835 876 848 880 880 885 887 Total by sex 848 871 844 880 870 852 861 TOTAL 1683 1747 1692 1760 1750 1737 1748 330

Mitla

Age Class 1899 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 in Years (< 12 mo) 38 53 41 49 57 61 63 Infant 45 46 40 44 45 49 43 29 32 32 31 32 40 38 1-2 33 37 32 31 31 34 37 77 77 79 75 75 79 86 2-4 67 68 82 88 86 82 82 119 119 115 116 119 123 118 5-9 112 116 109 107 103 116 118 91 96 110 113 116 116 116 10-14 91 98 108 107 111 111 113 96 100 91 88 90 89 94 15-19 81 82 77 82 83 91 98 62 64 80 85 84 89 92 20-24 85 71 76 78 79 76 77 70 70 46 57 57 59 62 25-29 51 56 61 68 74 79 77 68 76 54 71 73 60 62 30-34 74 65 63 60 53 47 53 53 47 56 56 56 63 70 35-39 49 60 64 58 63 67 57 49 46 40 40-44 47 46 42 45 50 47 34 47 36 42 53 47 44 39 42 35 42 41 45-49 33 38 38 42 51 46. 42 37 36 36 34 36 40 37 50-54 37 38 36 32 37 37 42 21 32 35 32 33 29 29 55-59 35 33 34 33 32 31 30 12 11 9 11 11 17 25 60-64 11 16 16 20 24 26 26 2 4 5 7 9 11 10 65-69 8 7 9 11 10 14 14 2 3 3 3 3 4 70-74 2 6 10 9 0 8 7 7 6 6 6 6 6 6 7 75 and over 4 4 5 4 5 7 9 877 879 879 921 941 972 994 Total by sex 872 892 893 912 931 962 978 TOTAL 1749 1808 1772 1833 1872 1934 1972 331

Mitla

Age Class 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 in Years (< 12 mo) 56 47 57 48 45 39 49 Infant 47 51 54 47 45 33 51 34 34 30 35 31 32 25 1-2 32 36 34 40 33 39 25 86 90 89 84 88 110 80 2-4 84 90 94 83 96 95 98 119 5-9 123 124 125 135 135 129 125 130 132 128 128 156 133 111 113 118 121 114 109 112 10-14 105 104 108 112 115 122 125 109 111 112 111 114 111 113 15-19 107 105 131 109 110 103 100 85 83 84 85 89 104 108 20-24 73 80 81 87 90 100 98 75 82 80 83 85 76 77 25-29 71 71 74 72 72 64 71 54 57 54 51 52 65 71 30-34 58 65 71 73 69 63 58 70 62 66 51 54 46 51 35-39 54 51 46 42 49 52 60 48 51 52 47 47 43 34 40-44 59 53 59 57 46 47 42 38 38 43 38 36 44 45 45-49 41 42 31 35 45 53 47 50-54 36 37 29 34 33 32 33 44 48 47 41 34 30 32 36 55-59 28 34 37 30 27 31 26 24 32 31 38 41 40 24 22 24 18 18 15 16 60-64 26 24 26 24 22 19 16 9 8 7 13 19 19 17 65-69 10 12 12 6 17 19 20 5 7 7 6 5 4 6 70-74 9 9 7 8 6 5 6 6 5 3 3 6 6 6 75 and over 11 11 13 11 9 12 13 Total by sex 1001 998 1013 990 1001 1017 1003 982 1006 1052 1006 1024 1053 1035 TOTAL 1983 2004 2065 1996 2025 2070 2038 332

Mitla

Age Class 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 in Years (< 12 mo) 53 36 42 32 41 43 45 Infant 50 43 44 34 32 50 35 30 34 21 35 23 28 25 1-2 34 36 32 35 25 23 32 127 70 65 66 71 69 68 2-4 79 84 79 89 92 81 68 117 5-9 127 121 115 111 107 101 144 139 139 129 129 125 126 111 119 128 127 121 119 116 10-14 120 120 147 121 124 135 130 107 109 99 101 125 100 110 15-19 102 106 106 114 115 112 115 82 106 108 100 97 98 91 20-24 98 100 101 92 88 93 99 68 68 82 89 86 91 89 25-29 74 78 84 92 88 88 89 50 75 76 55 69 70 72 30-34 59 57 56 55 61 64 68 41 48 50 58 56 55 59 35-39 60 59 52 49 50 53 51 40-44 39 40 41 34 37 47 36 40 37 39 41 41 50 48 38 37 38 37 26 31 28 45-49 53 53 43 45 38 36 32 20 50-54 31 25 30 33 34 35 24 32 39 46 37 41 41 20 28 27 23 18 19 20 55-59 39 35 28 23 22 20 26 20 21 22 16 17 19 18 60-64 16 19 27 26 24 22 19 6 11 8 10 5 8 11 65-69 19 13 12 12 10 12 13 3 9 11 8 7 6 5 70-74 6 11 10 11 12 14 9 2 6 7 3 3 3 4 75 and over 9 7 7 5 7 7 11 1004 975 971 939 946 943 933 Total by sex 1026 1029 1045 1019 995 1026 1012 TOTAL 2030 2004 2025 1958 1941 1969 1945 333

Mitla

Age Class 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 in Years l< 12 mo) 41 50 58 55 55 51 51 Infant 38 41 41 38 44 44 55 30 29 36 33 34 34 38 1-2 27 29 28 36 32 37 35 66 67 69 76 83 87 88 2-4 69 71 80 77 76 78 83 106 107 107 108 107 106 112 5-9 126 127 118 117 116 112 116 111 107 107 108 107 106 112 10-14 131 126 126 121 124 125 122 117 116 114 116 114 107 106 15-19 118 120 124 131 125 124 120 89 92 98 101 109 116 110 20-24 102 109 111 110 113 • 117 118 94 89 89 89 88 86 89 25-29 91 85 86 90 97 96 118 72 79 83 83 80 85 83 30-34 73 80 79 82 83 85 79 61 59 63 62 69 67 73 35-39 51 50 59 62 66 68 76 39 48 46 48 51 54 53 40-44 48 46 46 48 48 47 47 30 29 32 32 31 33 41 45-49 35 36 39 43 47 46 44 33 30 24 25 23 26 24 50-54 35 36 33 31 28 29 30 18 20 26 26 22 18 21 55-59 34 41 36 38 31 32 30 19 18 16 18 18 14 17 60-64 16 14 18 16 22 30 33 11 65-69 14 17 14 16 13 16 15' 12 13 11 12 12 11 4 4 4 6 7 6 11 70-74 9 9 6 6 6 7 8 7 7 8 9 6 7 7 75 and over 12 14 15 14 11 12 12 948 967 996 1004 1013 1013 1046 Total by sex 1030 1046 1058 1071 1081 1101 1137 TOTAL 1978 2013 2054 2075 2094 2114 2183 334

Mitla

Age Class 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 in Years (< 12 mo) 49 57 53 55 49 52 60 Infant 49 55 52 60 57 52 53 39 42 44 45 48 42 49 1-2 43 42 46 41 50 48 46 91 98 103 110 115 112 115 2-4 86 99 103 114 113 119 80 117 123 133 140 146 155 160 5-9 115 114 117 121 132 145 156 103 102 102 102 108 115 123 10-14 113 110 108 104 108 108 107 104 100 97 100 103 102 102 15-19 123 120 121 122 119 110 107 108 109 108 105 102 101 98 20-24 119 126 121 120 118 121 116 94 95 102 106 104 104 106 25-29 107 105 109 110 110 111 119 84 84 83 81 86 87 89 30-34 81 84 89 90 94 98 98 76 76 74 77 75 74 74 35-39 72 76 80 82 77 77 79 58 61 63 62 68 68 69 40-44 56 45 59 57 61 66 72 45-49 39 33 47 50 50 53 52 44 45 42 42 42 41 44 28 27 26 30 37 37 31 50-54 32 27 32 33 41 40 39 20 21 22 23 22 26 22 55-59 29 23 21 23 27 28 32 18 17 14 15 15 15 17 60-64 28 28 25 17 17 17 17 14 15 16 10 13 10 10 65-69 15 12 17 20 19 18 16 14 11 12 13 12 11 10 70-74 9 9 10 11 9 10 9 7 8 9 11 11 13 11 75 and over 10 11 8 10 11 11 13 1063 1079 1108 1135 1164 1177 1198 Total by sex 1131 1141 1160 1177 1205 1220 1203 TOTAL 2194 2220 2268 2312 2369 2397 2401 335

Mitla

Age Class 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 in Years (< 12 mo) 54 60 60 67 55 45 52 Infant 62 58 50 49 58 39 39 52 53 49 63 45 40 1-2 44 49 46 52 45 43 52 34 122 125 125 135 134 149 138 2-4 125 127 128 136 133 131 129 167 174 175 177 185 192 196 5-9 167 176 183 187 193 198 206 131 137 142 150 156 161 165 10-14 114 117 128 141 153 164 174 101 100 105 112 119 128 136 15-19 101 98 102 105 104 110 115 95 99 98 96 96 94 94 . 20-24 116 117 110 103 102 95 14 105 102 96 96 94 92 95 25-29 116 116 115 115 109 112 112 96 100 101 101 98 93 87 30-34 103 107 108 107 113 108 108 74 74 77 82 85 91 98 35-39 82 81 90 92 94 100 103 67 40-44 69 64 65 68 69 66 73 78 72 72 74 74 75 57 56 59 56 59 59 62 45-49 43 46 53 60 65 69 74 44 46 44 48 46 51 48 50-54 39 38 37 38 39 40 42 22 27 33 34 36 39 40 55-59 36 38 39 38 37 35 35 15 16 14 18 17 18 26 60-64 17 20 22 24 28 31 29 10 13 13 13 14 11 9 65-69 13 13 15 18 14 15 16 11 11 10 9 9 9 11 70-74 12 11 13 11 11 10 10 13 16 15 16 16 17 16 75 and over 13 15 15 15 15 14 15 1237 1269 1284 1324 1350 1363 1381 Total by sex 1281 1302 1331 1314 1385 1397 1410 TOTAL 2518 2571 2615 2638 2735 2760 2791 336

Mitla

Age Class 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 in Years (< 12 mo) 31 50 57 45 58 57 65 Infant 32 45 45 41 47 48 51 30 30 47 51 40 55 53 1-2 37 29 42 40 33 43 46 85 79 78 99 116 129 133 2-4 118 114 92 99 97 108 113 199 193 182 167 153 132 141 5-9 211 207 210 201 187 171 172 131 169 175 180 186 196 189 10-14 178 183 152 194 200 204 202 141 144 149 153 155 156 171 15-19 • 128 140 150 160 170 174 181 97 106 115 119 125 132 141 20-24 96 98 101 107 119 121 133 88 86 83 81 77 89 100 25-29 107 100 98 94 92 109 97 82 94 81 81 83 80 80 30-34 109 109 107 107 106 99 94 82 87 80 80 76 72 68 35-39 102 100 101 99 96 115 100 68 75 81 85 85 81 79 40-44 73 77 82 70 92 97 94 61 57 55 54 54 51 67 45-49 70 66 68 64 69 65 69 50-54 48 48 53 44 48 58 48 49 37 55 61 68 66 64 34 35 37 38 40 38 46 55-59 36 36 35 24 35 41 46 20 22 24 24 25 24 23 60-64 28 29 27 26 25 29 . 30 9 11 10 14 14 16 18 65-69 18 18 22 23 23 22 23 9 6 3 1 1 2 4 70-74 9 9 9 8 8 15 11 15 15 17 16 14 13 9 75 and over 14 13 12 9 10 14 8 1230 1307 1327 1332 1350 1392 1435 Total by sex 1415 1410 1408 1932 1477 1541 1534 TOTAL 2645 2717 2735 2764 2827 2933 2969 337

Mitla

Age Class 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 in Years (< 12 mos) 35 44 32 60 30 41 60 Infant 47 51 53 37 59 60 32 58 29 37 32 54 28 39 1-2 45 44 50 51 31 54 59 136 156 131 118 98 123 111 2-4 114 128 130 132 138 125 150 162 173 198 219 127 210 212 5-9 160 153 166 184 185 192 206 176 162 151 130 139 157 168 10-14 - 208 199 186 169 169 156 147 171 174 182 192 187 175 160 15-19 186 191 198 203 200 205 159 140 149 153 156 163 165 171 20-24 141 150 159 163 168 178 185 110 115 119 125 131 136 146 25-29 99 104 104 117 126 133 143 73 72 73 85 95 107 88 30-34 91 87 86 90 95 96 99 71 71 73 72 76 72 69 . 35-39 121 101 103 94 87 86 84 73 70 67 63 61 65 67 40-44 97 96 89 88 92 91 93 71 73 72 65 61 57 56 45-49 69 71 79 87 84 85 86 50-54 28 38 48 55 58 59 62 67 67 68 60 64 61 59 47 48 50 50 37 38 28 55-59 45 51 34 60 57 60 50 24 26 28 20 29 23 36 60-64 29 26 24 25 28 34 39 20 21 i 18 15 15 16 16 65-69 19 16 17 16 18 20 21 5 8 9 13 14 15 13 70-74 11 13 16 17 18 11 5 6 5 1 1 0 1 4 75 and over 7 7 5 10 9 10 14 1406 1433 1442 1470 1375 1490 1506 Total by sex 1555 1556 1562 1603 1628 1657 1631 TOTAL 2961 2989 3009 3073 3003 3147 3137 338

Mitla

Age Class 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 in Years (< 12 mos) 63 67 60 57 75 58 64 Infant 61 70 82 42 66 72 61 58 63 64 58 53 74 57 1-2 42 60 68 78 42 61 69 117 181 168 180 2-4 122 156 178 141 153 166 164 203 187 176 192 199 174 184 203 232 237 5-9 218 203 213 229 223 234 274 190 214 222 206 209 190 198 10-14 159 179 181 187 200 212 196 149 127 135 153 166 189 213 15-19 181 165 166 155 152 158 178 178 189 184 171 154 143 121 20-24 191 197 197 202 192 179 161 152 153 159 164 167 172 183 25-29 150 158 164 174 182 190 195 117 122 128 135 146 150 150 30-34 98 109 119 130 140 150 158 69 77 86 98 103 111 119 35-39 82 86 93 93 97 97 108 67 70 76 68 65 64 72 40-44 97 91 80 78 77 77 79 59 57 57 51 61 61 64 45-49 79 81 86 88 90 93 87 59 53 45 51 49 53 52 50-54 71 79 79 83 84 45 77 39 47 51 54 55 55 48 55-59 58 51 53 51 53 68 77 38 40 32 34 31 28 38 60-64 43 51 48 51 56 52 44 18 16 20 22 30 34 36 65-69 19 22 14 30 34 36 45 12 9 9 10 10 12 7 70-74 6 5 11 15 15 13 14 4 6 8 9 7 1 5 75 and over 11 10 10 4 0 0 0 1581 1631 1666 1703 1765 1795 1844 Total by sex 1707 1770 1836 1854 1906 1924 2013 TOTAL 3288 3401 3496 3557 3671 3719 3843 339

Mitla

Age Class 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 i n Vparq (< 12 mos) 80 65 72 90 70 82 93 Infant 57 49 77 69 81 87 70 63 78 63 71 90 69 82 1-2 60 53 55 76 67 78 87 182 191 195 201 208 222 227 2-4 167 185 182 165 202 191 218 267 281 298 294 295 316 328 5-9 297 280 299 310 298 279 288 171 181 199 230 235 264 279 10-14 210 227 223 233 273 297 280 221 205 208 188 196 170 180 15-19 177 184 200 211 194 207 223 129 151 165 188 211 220 204 20-24 163 152 150 157 177 176 183 179 165 150 139 116 126 146 25-29 197 202 189 175 159 162 151 156 178 163 30-34 161 162 170 183 162 172 180 189 194 195 200 126 129 141 145 146 154 160 35-39 118 128 139 146 156 160 171 80 92 97 104 111 120 125 40-44 89 91 94 95 106 114 105 65 60 59 57 66 72 88 45-49 76 74 172 73 78 86 86 52 54 55 57 58 60 55 50-54 82 85 89 92 83 73 70 47 46 44 46 47 46 45 55-59 76 77 78 74 76 81 85 43 45 47 41 43 44 45 60-64 • 48 45 48 63 70 68 72 28 26 22 18 28 35 35 65-69 44 46 52 50 42 31 39 11 16 26 30 29 22 19 70-74 17 21 28 30 36 37 41 5 6 3 3 0 4 7 75 and over 9 4 5 9 4 12 14 1905 1952 2006 2072 2132 2204 2281 Total by sex 2049 2075 2260 2217 2296 2334 2382 TOTAL 3954 4027 4266 4289 4428 4538 4663 340

Mitla

Age Class 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 in Years (< 12 mos) 101 73 105 110 0 Infant 98 84 88 80 0 92 100 70 101 109 1-2 70 96 84 83 78 240 242 272 259 265 2-4 231 234 251 248 259 325 359 365 370 397 5-9 304 301 323 352 373 296 114 291 313 327 10-14 259 270 257 277 285 197 227 235 263 276 15-19 222 232 272 256 238 20-24 207 186 195 167 176 196 207 191 204 222 161 185 207 215 199 25-29 140 146 164 174 180 148 135 111 122 142 30-34 187 174 158 151 139 160 167 180 176 152 35-39 180 189 194 194 199 108 144 145 149 156 40-44 141 152 162 160 170 95 122 109 118 121 45-49 70 70 82 97 108 53 53 62 70 87 50-54 52 76 74 82 83 48 50 55 57 51 55-59 87 87 78 70 65 44 45 43 42 41 60-64 74 70 73 75 79 41 43 37 37 40 65-69 44 59 65 62 68 18 12 23 29 33 70-74 45 40 37 41 30 14 19 15 16 14 75 and over 16 19 24 25 36 2348 2276 2520 2614 2586 Total by sex 2416 2506 2577 2698 2612 TOTAL 4764 4782 5095 5245 5174 341

Xaaga

Age Class 1864 1865 1866 1867 1868 1869 1870 in Years l< 12 mos) 1 4 2 4 5 1 4 Infant 1 0 2 1 1 4 6 1 1 4 4 4 4 1 1-2 1 0 0 2 1 1 3 3 3 3 6 6 8 9 2-4 1 2 1 1 2 3 4 4 5 5 5 4 5 6 5-9 8 7 6 5 4 2 2 5 4 5 5 6 5 5 10-14 4 3 3 5 6 8 7 7 8 8 7 5 4 5 15-19 3 5 6 5 6 4 3 2 1 1 2 6 5 8 2D-2 4 2 2 2 2 1 3 5 3 3 2 2 1 2 1 25-29 0 0 0 1 2 2 2 2 3 4 3 3 3 3 30-34 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 4 3 3 2 2 3 35-39 2 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 4 4 40-44 2 4 0 0 1 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 45-49 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 50-54 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 55-59 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 60-64 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 65-69 0 0 0 1 1 1 .1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 70-74 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 75 and over 0 0 0 0 0 0 34 38 40 43 48 46 51 Total by sex 25 24 25 27 28 32 37

TOTAL 59 62 65 70 76 78 88 342

XaagS

Age Class 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 in Years (< 12 roos) 3 4 3 2 2 3 4 Infant 1 1 1 0 2 4 5 3 3 3 2 2 1 3 1-2 4 1 1 1 0 2 2 7 6 2 2 4 5 5 2-4 5 8 7 4 2 1 6 7 9 11 8 6 7 6 5-9 3 4 4 4 6 6 2 5 4 3 4 5 4 6 10-14 9 5 3 1 1 2 4 5 4 5 4 5 5 4 15-19 3 4 5 7 7 6 4 8 6 4 3 3 4 4 20-24 6 5 6 4 2 2 5 1 2 5 5 5 5 5 25-29 2 2 1 3 5 6 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 30-34 0 1 2 2 2 2 1 4 3 3 2 3 2 2 35-39 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 3 2 3 3 4 3 40-44 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 4 2 4 3 3 45-49 1 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 4 0 1 2 50-54 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 55-59 1 1 2 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 60-64 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 65-69 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 70-74 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 75 and over 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 51 50 48 Total by sex 45 45 47 51 38 36 35 31 31 35 35 TOTAL 89 89 83 76 75 82 86 343

Xaag£

Age Class 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884 in Years (< 12 mos) 0 2 2 1 3 4 3 Infant 3 2 1 1 2 1 0 3 0 0 1 1 3 3 1-2 1 3 2 1 1 2 1 6 6 3 2 1 2 5 2-4 6 5 6 4 5 3 4 4 6 5 5 6 4 3 5-9 6 4 4 6 5 8 9 9 8 6 7 6 4 5 10-14 2 4 6 5 6 5 3 3 4 5 4 6 9 8 15-19 3 1 1 2 2 2 4 5 3 4 5 4 3 4 20-24 5 6 6 5 4 3 1 3 2 2 2 3 4 2 25-29 6 3 2 1 2 3 5 4 5 5 5 4 3 2 30-34 1 3 4 5 4 5 3 1 2 1 1 2 4 5 35-39 2 2 2 2 2 1 3 3 3 3 2 2 1 2 40-44 0 0 0 0 1 2 2 2 2 3 4 3 3 3 45-49 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 4 4 3 3 2 2 50-54 2 2 2 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 2 4 4 55-59 0 0 0 1 2 0 2 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 60-64 1 1 1 1 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 65-69 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 70-74 0 0 0 0 0 '1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 75 and over 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 49 49 45 45 48 52 53 Total by sex 39 37 38 36 38 39 39 TOTAL 88 86 83 81 86 • 91 92 344

Xaaga

Age Class 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 in Years (< 12 mos) 5 2 1 1 1 3 2 Infant 2 1 3 1 1 2 0 3 5 2 1 2 2 1-2 1 0 2 1 2 0 0 1 7 9 11 9 6 2 2 2-4 2 1 3 3 4 2 1 4 4 5 8 11 15 15 5-9 8 6 6 4 3 4 4 5 5 6 4 3 4 4 10-14 4 6 5 8 9 8 6 6 7 6 4 5 5 5 15-19 5 5 6 5 3 4 6 5 4 6 9 8 6 7 20-24 1 2 2 2 4 5 5 3 4 3 3 4 5 4 25-29 5 5 4 3 1 1 2 2 2 3 3 2 3 4 30-34 2 1 2 2 4 4 4 5 5 4 3 2 2 2 35-39 4 5 4 5 3 2 1 1 1 2 4 4 4 4 40-44 2 2 2 1 3 4 5 45-49 3 2 2 1 2 1 1 0 0 1 2 2 2 2 3 4 3 3 3 3 2 50-54 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 4 3 3 2 2 2 3 55-59 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 4 4 4 3 60-64 0 1 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 65-69 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 70-74 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 L 1 1 75 and over 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 58 60 Total by sex 61 61 60 63 63 39 40 43 42 41 42 42 TOTAL 97 100 104 103 101 105 105 345

Xaaga

Age Class 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 an Years (< 12 mos) 5 4 2 4 2 1 4 Infant 1 4 2 4 2 0 5 0 2 2 1 3 2 1 1-2 0 0 3 1 3 1 0 4 5 4 3 4 5 5 2-4 1 1 1 3 4 7 5 12 10 8 5 4 6 6 5-9 5 4 4 3 2 1 4 5 8 11 15 15 12 10 10-14 6 4 3 4 4 5 4 6 4 3 4 4 5 8 15-19 5 8 9 8 6 6 4 6 4 5 5 5 6 3 20-24 6 5 3 4 6 3 6 6 9 8 3 7 6 4 25-29 2 2 4 5 5 6 5 3 3 4 5 4 6 9 30-34 4 3 1 1 2 2 2 3 3 2 3 4 3 3 35-39 1 2 4 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 3 3 40-44 4 5 3 2 1 1 1 2 4 4 4 4 2 2 45-49 2 1 3 4 5 3 4 1 1 50-54 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 0 0 0 55-59 0 0 0 0 0 1 3 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 60-64 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 3 2 2 1 0 0 65-69 2 2 2 2 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 2 2 70-74 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 75 and over 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 63 66 62 60 64 64 66 Total by sex 42 45 46 48 49 44 50 TOTAL 105 111 108 108 113 108 116 346

Xaaga

Age Class 1899 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 in Years (< 12 mos) 4 5 2 3 2 7 6 Infant 1 6 3 3 6 7 6 2 4 2 2 3 2 3 1-2 5 1 4 1 1 5 4 5 5 6 15 5 2-4 3 7 3 6 6 10 6 5 7 6 7 8 7 7 9 8 5-9 5 6 7 7 9 9 10 8 5 4 6 6 6 7 10-14 4 5 3 2 4 5 6 11 14 14 10 8 6 4 15-19 3 2 3 4 4 4 5 2 3 3 5 8 11 14 20-24 7 6 6 6 4 3 2 5 5 5 5 3 2 3 25-29 3 4 4 2 5 6 5 8 6 7 6 4 5 5 30-34 4 5 5 6 5 3 4 4 5 4 6 9 8 6 35-39 1 1 2 2 1 3 4 2 4 4 3 3 4 5 40-44 3 3 3 3 3 1 1 2 2 2 3 3 2 2 45-49 3 2 1 1 1 3 3 50-54 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 3 4 3 4 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 55-59 3 3 3 3 1 2 3 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 60-64 0 0 0 1 3 3 2 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 65-69 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 1 0 0 0 0 70-74 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 2 2 2 2 1 75 and over 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 66 69 67 68 69 84 74 Total by sex 48 54 55 55 58 62 64 TOTAL 114 123 122 123 127 146 138 347

Xaaga

Age Class 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 in Years (< 12 mos) 2 4 5 2 5 7 7 Infant 4 6 0 8 2 5 9 2 2 7 5 1 0 6 1-2 5 2 5 0 8 2 3 6 6 7 10 13 13 6 2-4 10 13 11 12 7 11 5 9 10 9 10 10 9 14 5-9 «. 10 10 0 13 15 16 19 8 7 7 8 7 8 9 10-14 7 7 9 8 9 9 9 4 6 6 6 7 8 7 15-19 3 2 4 5 6 7 7 13 9 6 4 6 20-24 7 4 3 4 4 4 5 3 2 3 5 8 10 13 12 8 25-29 6 6 5 3 2 3 4 5 5 3 2 3 3 5 30-34 3 2 5 6 5 6 6 6 5 4 5 5 5 5 35-39 5 6 1 3 4 3 2 4 6 7 6 4 5 5 40-44 1 1 3 3 4 5 6 4 3 3 4 5 4 5 45-49 3 3 1 1 1 1 1 2 3 3 2 3 • 4 2 50-54 0 0 3 3 3 4 4 2 1 1 2 2 2 3 55-59 4 3 0 2 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 60-64 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 65-69 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 70-74 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 75 and over 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 72 80 79 80 84 86 89 Total by sex 66 67 62 73 74 77 79 TOTAL 138 147 141 153 158 163 168 348

Xaaga

Age Class 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 in Years (< 12 mos) 6 7 6 9 4 9 5 Infant 11 3 8 5 6 7 9 4 4 2 4 7 1 6 1-2 5 11 3 5 4 4 5 10 9 12 8 6 8 8 2-4 6 5 14 14 13 8 5 18 15 13 16 12 11 11 5-9 15 14 8 8 2 11 13 9 10 10 9 13 16 14 10-14 7 10 13 15 16 12 10 6 7 6 8 8 8 10 15-19 9 8 8 7 8 7 10 6 6 7 7 5 4 4 20-24 4 5 6 7 7 9 8 6 5 4 4 5 6 6 25-29 3 3 4 3 2 4 5 30-34 8 10 11 10 7 4 • 4 4 3 2 2 3 3 2 3 2 3 2 5 8 9 35-39 5 6 5 5 5 3 2 4 5 5 4 4 2 1 ' 40-44 4 2 3 1 1 4 5 7 6 4 5 2 2 3 45-49 1 3 4 5 4 2 1 2 3 4 4 5 6 5 50-54 4 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 3 55-59 1 3 3 4 4 4 2 1 1 1 1 L 1 1 60-64 1 1 1 0 0 1 3 1 1 1 0 0 65-69 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 70-74 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 75 and over 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 90 92 91 94 87 88 90 Total by sex 80 80 85 84 78 82 84 TOTAL 170 172 176 178 165 170 174 349

Xaaga

Age Class 1920-• 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 in Years (< 12 mos) 0 6 3 6 3 14 6 Infant 4 3 3 9 3 6 5 1 0 5 3 4 3 9 1-2 5 4 3 1 8 1 5 12 8 7 5 7 11 8 2-4 8 8 10 9 5 10 9 13 14 12 15 15 13 12 5-9 14 16 17 11 12 14 16 12 15 12 11 11 13 14 10-14 5 4 2 11 13 14 13 10 7 12 15 14 12 15 15-19 12 14 16 12 9 5 4 4 6 7 7 8 8 7 20-24 8 7 7 6 9 13 13 6 6 4 4 4 4 6 25-29 6 7 7 9 8 6 7 3 3 5 6 6 6 6 30-34 3 2 1 4 4 5 6 10 9 6 4 3 3 3 35-39 2 2 3 2 2 3 2 2 2 5 7 8 9 8 40-44 4 5 5 3 2 2 2 4 4 3 1 0 1 2 45-49 1 1 1 4 4 3 4 3 3 2 2 3 3 3 50-54 3 3 3 2 1 1 1 4 4 4 6 5 3 3 55-59 2 1 1 1 2 3 3 2 1 1 2 2 3 3 60-64 3 4 4 4 2 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 65-69 1 0 0 1 3 3 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 70-74 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 75 and over 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 86 88 88 94 93 1-6 106 Total by sex 82 83 85 91 89 93 97 TOTAL 168 171 173 185 182 199 203 350

Xaaga

Age Class 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 in Years (<12 mos) 14 5 8 4 6 8 9 Infant 12 7 6 8 5 5 4 4 9 5 6 4 4 5 1-2 4 6 6 5 8 5 4 14 13 18 14 18 8 10 2-4 13 8 11 13 14 17 15 14 9 12 20 18 23 23 5-9 12 17 13 12 13 17 16 12 15 14 12 11 13 9 10-14 17 11 12 14 13 12 15 12 11 11 13 13 11 14 15-19 1 10 13 14 16 17 11 12 15 14 12 15 12 10 20-24 15 11 8 4 3 2 10 7 7 8 8 7 12 15 25-29 7 6 8 11 11 14 10 4 4 4 4 6 7 7 30-34 6 9 7 5 6 6 5 5 6 5 6 6 4 4 35-39 1 3 4 5 6 6 8 5 3 3 2 2 4 5 40-44 3 2 2 3 2 1 3 5 7 8 9 8 5 3 45-49 4 2 2 2 2 2 1 3 1 3 1 2 5 7 50-54 1 4 4 3 4 4 2 2 2 3 3 3 3 1 55-59 3 3 2 2 1 1 4 4 6 5 3 3 2 2 60-64 1 0 1 2 3 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 3 5 65-69 4 4 2 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 70-74 0 0 3 3 4 4 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 75 and over 2 2 2 2 2 2 3 118 114 120 120 124 124 129 Total by sex 106 105 106 110 114 118 117 TOTAL 224 219 226 230 238 242 246 351

Xaaga

Age Class 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 in Years (< 12 mos) 8 10 4 5 5 5 7 Infant 6 2 6 5 7 7 6 6 5 4 4 4 1-2 7 4 2 3 2 6 4 7 7 10 12 13 17 15 15 12 2-4 13 9 8 7 11 12 17 24 16 18 15 18 18 23 5-9 20 22 23 22 19 17 14 12 20 18 21 20 21 15 10-14 12 12 13 17 16 20 22 13 11 11 12 9 12 20 15-19 12 14 13 12 14 11 12 10 12 13 11 13 12 10 20-24 12 13 16 17 11 11 12 14 12 14 11 10 10 12 25-29 7 4 2 0 9 12 13 8 8 6 11 14 13 12 30-34 7 10 10 12 9 16 3 4 4 6 7 7 8 7 35-39 7 5 6 6 14 7 10 5 6 6 4 4 4 4 40-44 4 5 6 6 8 7 5 3 2 2 4 4 5 6 45-49 1 2 2 1 3 3 4 7 7 7 4 2 2 1 50T54 2 2 1 2 0 0 1 0 1 2 5 5 3 5 55-59 4 3 4 4 2 2 2 3 3 3 3 1 0 0 60-64 1 1 1 1 4 4 3 5 3 3 2 2 3 3 65-69 .1 2 2 2 2 1 1 0 2 2 3 5 5 3 70^74 2 2 1 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 75 and over 4 4 5 5 6 4 4 132 134 135 139 138 140 145 Total by sex 117 115 121 126 129 132 137 TOTAL 249 249 256 265 267 272 282 352

Xaaga

Age Class 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 in Years (< 12 mos) 7 13 7 6 10 7 10 Infant 7 3 7 4 7 4 10 7 5 10 5 5 9 4 1-2 6 3 2 8 3 5 3 12 15 15 19 16 17 16 2-4 18 19 14 7 12 12 13 22 22 25 5-9 23 22 22 22 16 17 22 25 26 22 20 16 13 16 17 23 22 23 10-14 23 22 19 17 14 16 17 17 22 20 18 11 14 12 15-19 13 17 16 20 22 23 • 22 10 12 9 12 19 15 17 20-24 11 10 13 10 12 13 17 13 11 13 10 9 9 11 25-29 15 16 10 8 9 9 8 14 10 9 7 8 11 9 30-34 1 0 9 11 11 13 14 6 10 13 9 8 9 7 35-39 10 11 9 6 2 1 0 6 7 7 8 7 5 9 40-44 6 5 3 5 8 8 8 6 4 4 1 3 5 6 45-49 5 5 8 4 2 2 2 1 3 4 • 5 4 4 2 50-54 1 1 2 8 9 10 10 4 3 1~ " " 1 1 1 3 55-59 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 2 1 2 2 1 60-64 4 9 2 1 1 0 0 65-69 3 3 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 4 2 2 3 3 3 2 2 2 1 1 1 70-74 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 2 3 1 1 1 2 75 and over 4 3 3 3 4 4 4 148 159 Total by sex 158 144 150 154 158 143 139 146 140 145 146 152 TOTAL 291 298 304 284 295 300 310 353

Xaagfi

Age Class 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 in Years (< 12 mos) 8 10 13 9 8 6 12 Infant 8 9 9 11 6 6 4 10 6 10 12 8 6 5 1-2 9 8 8 9 10 3 6 16 21 20 24 24 26 23 2-4 9 15 16 23 26 25 21 25 25 25 26 27 27 33 5-9 19 16 17 16 23 22 26 22 22 22 22 22 23 23 10-14 22 25 26 22 21 19 16 16 17 22 22 23 21 20 15-19 19 16 13 16 17 22 25 16 15 20-24 16 11 12 10 14 16 19 19 19 19 15 14 9 12 18 15 17 16 16 25-29 12 10 12 13 16 15 17 10 9 8 8 11 8 11 30-34 18 8 9 9 8 12 10 6 7 8 10 7 9 7 35-39 8 11 11 12 14 8 8 11 9 8 9 5 5 5 40-44 6 4 1 1 0 7 10 45-49 7 8 7 5 9 11 8 3 5 8 7 8 6 4 1 1 3 4 5 6 7 50-54 4 4 2 2 2 3 5 4 5 3 3 1 0 1 55-59 7 7 7 8 7 3 3 1 1 1 1 3 4 4 60-64 0 0 1 1 1 6 5 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 65-69 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 70-74 2 1 1 2 3 1 1 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 75 and over 4 4 3 3 2 3 3 165 172 183 186 185 186 194 Total by sex 167 163 164 174 183 196 178 TOTAL 332 335 347 360 368 362 372 354

Xaagd

Age Class 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 .1961 in Years (< 12 mos) 11 11 14 10 17 15 12 Infant 10 11 11 8 13 8 15 11 11 9 14 7 17 15 1-2 4 10 10 9 8 13 7 18 21 36 31 33 30 38 2-4 19 13 19 24 28 26 27 35 39 38 36 38 39 38 5-9 30 39 36 33 30 31 31 22 23 23 25 31 35 39 10-14 17 16 20 22 26 30 39 20 20 22 22 22 20 22 15-19 26 22 20 19 16 17 16 22 22 23 21 20 20 19 20-24 13 16 17 22 25 26 22 10 12 10 14 15 22 22 25-29 17 17 16 14 13 13 16 17 14 17 16 16 10 12 30-34 11 12 16 14 17 17 17 6 7 35-39 9 8 11 17 13 9 9 7 11 9 10 12 6 9 6 7 6 6 7 40-44 10 12 13 8 8 9 8 7 6 6 9 45-49 6 4 5 1 1 0 7 10 10 12 7 5 9 9 7 7 6 50-54 8 7 8 6 4 1 0 2 4 5 6 7 7 7 55-59 2 2 2 3 5 7 6 3 3 1 0 1 1 2 60-64 5 6 6 3 3 2 2 1 0 2 3 3 3 3 65-69 1 1 1 5 5 5 6 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 70-74 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 75 and over 2 3 3 3 3 3 3 201 Total by sex 209 230 224 242 257 266 186 197 205 211 223 229 239 TOTAL 387 406 435 440 465 486 505

i 355

Xaaga

Age Class 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 in Years (< 12 mos) 10 11 12 12 12 11 15 Infant 8 8 8 11 10 13 18 11 8 10 12 12 10 10 1-2 15 6 8 6 10 9 10 38 34 27 28 32 33 2-4 41 26 34 28 27 16 22 24 46 48 53 60 61 55 57 5-9 36 36 43 41 46 42 44 38 36 37 36 37 49 47 10-14 36 33 30 31 31 36 35 23 25 31 35 39 38 36 15-19 20 22 26 30 39 36 33 21 22 22 20 22 23 25 20-24 20 19 16 17 16 20 22 23 21 20 20 19 21 22 25-29 17 22 25 25 21 19 18 10 14 15 21 21 23 21 30-34 16 14 13 13 16 17 22 17 16 16 10 12 9 13 35-39 16 13 16 17 17 16 14 8 7 10 16 13 17 16 40-44 7 11 9 9 11 15 13 6 7 6 6 7 8 7 45-49 13 10 8 9 8 7 10 9 6 6 6 9 6 7 50-54 0 7 10 10 12 13 8 4 8 8 6 6 9 6 55-59 6 4 3 0 0 0 7 4 5 6 6 5 4 8 60-64 2 3 4 6 5 5 3 3 1 0 1 2 3 4 65-69 6 3 3 2 2 2 3 0 2 3 3 3 3 1 70-74 0 4 4 5 5 4 2 2 2 1 1 1 0 2 75 and over 3 3 3 2 3 2 5 273 280 290 298 309 316 330 Total by sex 247 252 257 262 268 278 291 TOTAL 520 532 547 560 577 594 621 356

Xaaga

Age Class 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 in Years {< 12 mos) 12 27 6 16 18 Infant 9 18 15 12 14 14 12 24 5 14 1-2 17 9 17 15 12 31 32 33 46 34 2-4 24 36 36 43 40 54 50 49 52 55 5-9 38 41 35 41 49 50 59 61 55 57 10-14 42 40 46 42 44 37 36 37 44 47 15-19 30 31 30 35 35 31 35 39 38 36 20-24 26 30 39 36 33 22 20 22 23 25 25-29 16 17 16 19 22 20 20 19 21 22 30-34 24 25 21 19 16 14 20 21 23 21 35-39 13 13 16 16 22 6 10 12 9 13 40-44 16 17 17 6 13 10 16 13 17 16 45-49 8 8 10 14 13 6 6 7 8 7 50-54 8 8 8 7 10 6 6 9 6 7 55-59 10 10 11 12 7 8 6 6 6 9 6 60-64 2 0 0 0 7 5 6 5 4 8 65-69 6 6 5 5 3 0 1 2 3 4 70-74 1 • 1 2 2 3 3 3 3 3 3 75 and over 5 5 5 4 5 334 365 368 382 393 Total by sex 300 315 329 338 348 TOTAL 639 680 697 720 741 357

Loma Larga

Age Class 1910 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 in Years (< 12 mos) 2 1 1 0 2 1 2 Infant 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 3 1 1 1 0 2 1 1-2 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 3 2 3 2-4 4 4 5 2 2 0 0 0 2 3 2 2 3 3 5 5 6 5-9 4 2 3 3 3 2 0 1 1 1 0 1 2 2 10-14 3 4 4 3 3 4 4 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 15-19 0 1 2 3 3 3 4 2 2 2 1 0 1 1 20-24 2 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 2 3 2 2 25-29 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 1 1 0 0 1 1 30-34 1 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 3 3 4 3 2 1 35-39 1 1 1 1 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 1 2 3 40-44 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 45-49 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 50-54 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 55-59 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 60-64 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 65-69 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 70-74 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 75 and over 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 18 19 20 20 22 23 25 Total by sex 18 18 18 19 20 22 22 TOTAL 36 37 38 39 42 45 47 358

Loma Larga

Age Class 1917 1918 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923 in Years (< 12 mos) 1 1 0 0 0 2 0 Infant 3 3 4 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 1-2 1 1 0 0 3 1 1 0 1 1 4 4 2 2 2 1 0 2-4 4 1 3 3 4 2 2 6 6 5 4 3 3 4 5-9 0 2 2 3 3 5 4 3 1 5 5 6 6 6 10-14 3 3 3 2 0 0 2 1 1 1 2 2 3 4 15-19 4 3 3 3 4 3 3 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 20-24 2 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 1 0 1 1 1 2 25-29 1 0 0 0 1 2 3 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 30-34 1 2 2 2 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 35-39 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 3 4 3 2 1 1 0 40-44 1 1 0 1 2 2 2 0 0 1 2 3 3 4 45-49 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 50-54 1 2 2 1 1 1 0 0 55-59 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 60-64 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 65-69 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 0 70-74 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 2 75 and over 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 26 26 24 23 23 25 25 Total by sex 25 27 28 24 25 26 27 TOTAL 51 53 52 47 48 51 52 359

Loma Larga

Age Class 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 in Years (< 12 mos) 2 0 1 2 0 0 1 Infant 1 4 1 0 1 4 1 0 1 0 0 1-2 1 2 0 0 0 4 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 1 2 2 2-4 2 2 1 3 3 3 2 3 2 2 1 0 0 0 5-9 5 4 5 3 2 1 4 4 4 3 3 4 3 2 10-14 2 3 3 5 4 5 4 7 5 6 6 6 4 4 15-19 2 2 0 0 2 2 3 1 4 4 5 4 6 4 20-24 2 2 3 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 3 25-29 3 3 3 2 1 1 1 0 1 30-34 1 1 2 2 1 0 0 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 0 1 35-39 2 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 2 40-44 2 1 1 1 2 2 2 3 2 1 1 0 0 0 45-49 0 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 3 3 4 3 2 50-54 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 55-59 2 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 60-64 0 1 1 1 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 65-69 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 70-74 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 75 and over 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 27 26 25 27 Total by sex 27 25 25 26 29 30 26 26 28 28 TOTAL 53 55 55 53 53 53 53 360

Loma Larga

Age Class 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 in Years (< 12 mos) 5 0 5 3 3 3 2 Infant 1 2 3 1 1 2 0 1-2 1 5 0 2 3 3 2 1 1 0 2 1 1 2 1 1 6 5 8 4 7 2-4 3 3 3 1 3 3 4 1 2 2 2 2 6 5 5-9 3 3 4 5 2 3J 3 2 1 0 0 0 1 2 10-14 5 3 2 1 4 3 3 3 3 4 3 2 2 1 15rl9 3 5 4 5 4 5 3 5 5 5 4 4 3 3 20-24 0 0 2 2 3 3 5 2 2 1 3 3 4 5 25-29 3 2 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 30-34 1 2 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 35-39 1 0 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 40t44 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 2 2 2 45^-49 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 50-54 2 2 2 2 1 0 0 3 3 4 3 2 1 1 55-59 1 1 1 0 1 2 2 0 0 0 1 2 3 3 60-64 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 65-69 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 70-74 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 75 and over 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 i 0 0 0 29 28 33 36 37 37 37 Total by sex 28 27 25 25 24 26 26 TOTAL 57 55 58 57 60 63 63

i 361

Loma Larga

Age Class 1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 in Years (< 12 mos) 5 1 5 1 2 2 2 Infant 0 3 0 0 1 4 1 2 5 1 5 1 2 2 l-?2 0 0 3 0 1 0 4 7 7 8 7 11 7 8 2-4 4 2 1 3 2 3 1 7 9 12 9 10 13 12 5-9 4 4 5 5 5 3 4 2 2 2 6 5 17 9 10-14 4 5 2 3 3 4 4 0 0 0 1 2 2 2 15-19 1 1 3 3 3 4 5 4 3 2 2 1 0 0 20-24 3 3 3 3 1 0 0 3 3 2 1 2 3 3 25-29 2 1 2 2 4 4 4 1 2 2 3 3 3 2 30-34 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 2 35-39 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 2 2 40-44 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 2 2 45-49 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 2 3 3 3 3 1 0 50-r54 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 55-59 0 0 0 0 0 2 3 2 2 1 0 0 1 1 4 2 0 0 0 60-64 1 0 1 0 1 2 2 2 2 0 1 2 3 2 1 65-69 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 70-74 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 75 and over 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 41 Total by sex 41 44 45 46 57 49 25 26 24 24 25 32 29 TOTAL 66 67 68 69 71 89 78 362

Loma Larga

Age Class 1945 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 in Years (< 12 mos) 1 3 3 5 1 1 3 Infant 3 2 0 6 2 1 5 2 1 3 1 3 1 1 1-2 1 3 2 0 4 2 1 4 5 3 5 5 7 5 2-4 5 5 4 4 3 6 6 14 13 14 10 10 6 8 5-9 3 3 3 5 3 4 5 12 9 10 13 12 14 13 10-14 5 5 5 3 4 3 3 2 6 5 7 9 12 8 15-19 2 3 3 4 4 5 5 0 1 2 2 2 2 6 20-24 3 3 3 3 4 1 2 2 2 1 0 0 0 1 25-29 3 3 1 0 0 3 3 2 1 3 3 2 30-34 2 2 2 2 4 4 4 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 35-39 0 0 0 1 1 2 2 1 1 40-44 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 45-49 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 50-54 0 0 2 1 1 1 1 3 3 3 1 0 1 1 55-59 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 2 2 60-64 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 65-69 1 2 0 2 2 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 70-74 0 0 2 0 0 1 2 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 75 and over 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 49 51 53 55 53 54 56 Total by sex 32 34 30 35 34 35 40 TOTAL 81 85 83 90 87 89 96 363

Loma Larga

Age Class 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 in Years (< 12 mos) 2 3 4 3 4 4 4 Infant 0 1 2 3 4 4 6 2 2 2 4 3 4 1 1-2 5 0 1 2 2 4 4 5 4 5 6 6 7 9 ' 2-4 6 6 5 6 3 6 9 7 9 9 9 8 9 7 5-9 5 7 8 7 10 10 7 14 10 10 6 8 7 9 10-14 3 5 3 4 5 5 7 8 12 11 13 13 14 10 15-19 5 3 4 3 3 3 5 5 6 8 11 6 7 10 20-24 2 4 4 5 5 5 3 2 2 2 3 7 5 6 25-29 3 3 4 1 2 2 4 1 0 0 0 1 3 2 30-34 1 0 0 3 3 3 3 2 3 3 2 1 1 0 35-39 4 4 4 3 3 1 0 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 40-44 0 1 1 2 2 4 4 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 45-49 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 50-54 2 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 0 55-59 0 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 0 1 1 1 2 60-64 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 2 2 2 2 1 65-69 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 70-74 2 2 2 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 75 and over 0 0 0 1 2 2 0 56 59 62 66 66 70 67 Total by sex 39 38 40 43 47 51 55 TOTAL 95 97 102 109 113 121 112 364

Loma Larga

Age Class 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 • 1964 1965 in Years (< 12 mos) 2 6 3 3 3 3 2 Infant 1 1 4 3 3 3 1 4 1 6 2 3 2 3 1-2 6 1 0 3 1 3 3 7 8 6 9 A 7 4 7 6 9 13 10 7 4 4 7 9 11 13 11 13 11 11 o-ry 8 10 9 12 17 16 14 9 9 8 9 7 9 11 10-14 8 7 10 10 7 8 10 10 6 8 7 9 9 9 15-19 3 4 5 5 7 7 7 10 13 13 14 9 9 5 20-24 4 3 3 3 5 4 4 7 9 5 6 10 10 13 25-29 4 5 5 5 3 4 3 2 2 6 , 5 6 7 9 30r34 4 1 2 2 4 4 5 0 0 1 2 2 2 2 35-39 0 3 3 3 3 4 1 2 1 1 1 0 0 0 40-44 4 3 3 1 0 0 3 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 45-49 1 2 2 4 4 4 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 50-54 0 0 0 0 1 1 2 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 55-59 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 1 1 1 0 0 1 60-64 1 1 1 2 1 ' 1 1 0 1 1 1 2 2 1 65-69 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 1 0 1 70-74 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 2 75 and over 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 69 80 Total by sex 73 76 75 77 79 56 57 60 62 62 65 65 TOTAL 125 130 136 137 139 144 145 365

Loma Larga

Age Class 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 in Years (.< 12 mos) 1 3 5 5 6 2 5 Infant 1 4 2 2 3 3 3 2 1 3 4 5 5 2 1-2 1 1 4 4 3 2 2 6 4 5 8 8 11 13 2-4 7 6 4 3 6 6 7 9 12 9 8 9 8 8 5-9 13 10 7 8 9 7 8 13 11 13 11 11 9 12 10-14 9 12 17 16 14 13 10 8 15-19 9 7 9 11 13 11 10 10 7 8 10 9 12 7 6 8 8 8 8 9 20-24 5 5 7 8 7 10 10 13 11 7 7 3 5 5 25-29 3 3 5 3 4 5 5 5 6 10 9 12 11 11 30-34 5 5 3 3 2 3 3 6 5 6 7 9 5 6 35-39 2 2 4 4 5 4 4 1 2 2 2 2 6 5 40-44 3 3 3 4 1 2 2 1 1 0 0 0 1 2 45-49 2 1 0 0 3 3 3 1 1 2 2 1 1 50^54 2 3 3 4 3 3 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 55-59 0 0 1 1 2 2 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 60-64 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 65-69 1 2 1 1 1 1 0 70-74 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 3 75 and over 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 80 77 82 85 91 91 97 Total by sex 66 68 70 70 73 74 77 TOTAL 146 145 152 155 164 165 174

i i 366

Loma Larga

Age Class 1973 in Years (< 12 mos) 5 Infant 4 5 1-2 3 12 2-4 5 11 5-9 9 9 10-14 7 13 . . 15-19 17 7 20-24 7 15 25-29 7 6 30-34 5 10 35-39 2 6 40-44 4 2 45-49 3 0 50-54 0 3 55-59 5 1 60-64 1 1 65-69 0. * o r

i 0 1 4 75 and over 1 110 Total by sex 81 TOTAL 191 367

Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 in Ysars (< 12 mos) 3 0 0 0 1 1 0 Infant 1 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1-2 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 1 1 0 1 0 1 2-4 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 5-9 1 2 3 3 2 2 1 0 1 1 2 2 2 2 10-14 0 0 0 0 1 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 15-19 2 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 20-24 0 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 25-29 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 30-34 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 35T39 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 40-44 2 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 45-49 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 50-54 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 1 1 1 0 1 1 55-59 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 60-64 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 65-69 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 70-74 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 75 and over 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Total by sex 13 10 10 9 12 12 12 11 9 9 8 9 11 11 TOTAL 24 19 19 17 21 23 23 368

Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 1906 in Years (< 12 mos) 3 0 0 0 1 1 0 Infant 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 3 0 0 0 1 1 1-2 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 2 2 2 2 1 0 1 2-4 2 2 2 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 2 2 3 3 5-9 0 0 0 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 0 10-14 3 3 2 2 1 0 0 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 15-19 0 0 1 1 2 3 3 0 0 0 0 1 1 2 20-24 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 25-29 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 30-34 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 35-39 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 40-44 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 45-49 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 50-54 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 2 0 0 0 0 55-59 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 60-64 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 65-69 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 70-74 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 75 and over 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 15 15 13 13 13 14 14 Total by sex 17 13 11 12 12 11 12 TOTAL 27 27 24 25 25 25 26 369

Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913 •i n Ypar«5 (< 12 mos) 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 Infant 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 1^2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 2-4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 1 0 0 0 1 5-9 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 2 2 3 3 2 1 10-14 0 1 1 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 0 1 2 15-19 2 2 1 0 0 0 1 2 2 2 3 2 2 2 20-24 1 1 2 3 3 2 2 0 0 1 1 2 2 25-29 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 30-34 2 2 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 35-39 0 0 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 40-44 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 45-49 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 50-54 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 55-59 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 60-64 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 65-69 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 70-74 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 75 and over 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 13 13 12 14 12 13 14 Total by sex 11 10 10 10 10 10 12 TOTAL 24 23 22 24 22 23 26 370

Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920 in Years (< 12 mos) 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 Infant 2 0 0 0 2 3 0 0 0 2 1-2 0 0 0 0 2 1 0 1 0 2 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2-4 0 1 2 2 2 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 5-9 0 0 0 0 1 2 2 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 10-14 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 3 1 1 1 1 15-19 1 2 2 2 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 20-24 1 0 0 0 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 25-29 2 3 3 2 2 1 0 1 1 2 2 2 2 1 30-34 0 0 0 1 1 2 3 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 35-39 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 40-44 1 1 1 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 45-49 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 50-54 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 55-59 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 60-64 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 65-69 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 70-74 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 75 and over 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 12 12 12 10 10 11 10 Total by sex 14 12 11 12 13 15 12 TOTAL 26 24 23 22 23 26 22

i 371

Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 in Years i (< 12 mos) 2 1 1 1 1 0 1 Infant 0 1 0 1 0 0 3 1 0 0 1 1 1 0 1-2 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 2 2 2 1 1 2 3 2-4 3 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 2 2 2 5-9 2 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 10-14 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 15-19 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 1 1 1 1 0 20-24 2 2 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 25-29 0 0 1 1 2 2 2 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 30-34 3 2 2 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 35-39 0 1 1 2 3 3 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 40-44 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 45-49 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 50-54 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 55-59 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 60-64 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 65-69 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 70-74 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0' 75 and over 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 12 10 9 9 10 10 10 Total by sex 12 10 10 11 10 10 13 TOTAL 24 20 19 20 20 20 23 372

Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 in Years (< 12 mos) 1 1 0 3 1 1 0 Infant 1 3 2 0 0 1 3 1 l" " 1 0 2 1 1 1-2 3 0 3 2 0 0 1 2 2 2 3 2 2 2 2-4 0 2 1 4 5 5 2 3 3 3 3 4 4 5-9 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 0 1 2 2 2 3 4 10-14 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 15-19 0 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 20-24 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 25-29 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 30-34 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 0 1 1 1 35-39 1 1 0 2 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 40-44 1 1 1 2 3 3 1 1 1 0 45-49 0 D 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 50-54 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 55-59 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 60-64 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 65-69 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 70-74 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 75 and over 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 11 12 12 15 15 15 16 Total by sex 14 15 16 16 15 16 17 TOTAL 25 27 28 31 30 31 33 373

Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 1941 in Years (< 12 mos) 0 0 1 0 0 3 1 Infant 1 0 1 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1-2 1 1 0 0 3 3 0 2 1 0 0 1 1 1 2-4 0 1 1 1 0 0 2 3 4 4 3 2 2 2 5-9 6 6 5 5 3 1 1 3 3 4 4 4 3 4 10-14 1 1 1 1 4 6 6 2 2 2 3 3 3 3 15-19 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 2 2 20-24 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 25-29 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 30-34 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 35-39 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 40-44 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 45-49 2 2 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 ; 1 1 1 0 50-sU ' 0 0 1 1 1 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 55-59 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 60-64 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 65-69 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 70-74 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 75 and over 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 14 14 15 15 15 18 17 Total by sex 14 14 14 16 16 16 14 TOTAL 28 28 29 31 31 34 31 374

Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 1948 in Years (< 12 mos] 1 1 0 2 0 2 0 Infant 1 3 0 _ 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 " o" " 2 n 0 2 1-2 0 1 3 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 2-4 1 0 0 3 2 2 0 1 1 1 0 0 5-9 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 2 4 3 2 2 1 1 1 10-14 5 5 3 1 1 1 2 4 4 4 3 4 4 3 15-19 1 1 4 6 6 5 5 2 3 3 3 3 4 4 20-24 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 2 2 2 3 25-29 0 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 30-34 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 35-39 0 0 0 0 0 0 o : 0 1 1 1 1 1 l 40-44 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 l 45-49 0 0 0 1 1 1 l 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 l 50-54 1 1 1 0 0 0 o 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 55-59 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 ! 0 0 0 0 ^ 1 1 1 60-64 0 0 0 0 0 1 i! 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 65-69 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 ! 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 , 70-74 0 0 0 0 0 0 o ; 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 " 75 and over 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 16 17 14 17 17 19 19 Total by sex 14 17 16 17 16 16 15 TOTAL 30 34 30 34 33 35 34 375

Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 in Years K 12 mos) 1 3 0 0 0 0 3 Infant) 1 1 3 1 1 1 0 0 1 3 0 0 0 0 1-2 0 1 1 2 1 1 1 4 2 3 4 4 3 0 2-4 0 0 1 2 4 4 4 0 2 2 4 4 5 6 5-9 2 2 2 2 0 2 2 1 1 1 0 0 0 2 10-14 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 15-19 3 1 1 1 2 2 1 4 3 4 3 2 1 1 20-24 4 6 5 5 5 2 1 3 3 3 4 4 4 3 25-29 1 1 1 1 1 4 6 1 2 2 2 3 3 3 30.-34 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 35-39 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 40-44 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 45-49 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 50-54 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 55-59 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 60-64 1 2 2 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 65-69 0 0 0 1 1 1 2 0 70-74 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 75 and over 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 20 23 23 22 22 22 25 Total by sex 16 17 18 19 20 22 21 TOTAL 36 40 41 41 42 44 46 376

Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 in Years (< 12 mos) 3 4 4 2 3 0 4 infant 1 2 2 2 2 4 2 3 2 3 4 2 3 0 1-2 0 1 1 1 2 2 4 0 3 5 8 12 9 9 2-4 3 2 1 1 2 4 5 6 4 4 3 3 5 8 5-9 4 5 6 6 5 3 3 2 4 4 5 6 6 4 10-14 2 2 0 1 2 4 5 1 0 0 0 2 2 4 15-19 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 20-24 1 1 2 2 1 1 • 1 3 3 2 1 1 1 1 25-29 6 5 5 2 1 1 1 3 4 4 4 3 3 3 30-34 1 . 1 1 4 6 6 5 2 2 2 3 3 3 4 35-39 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 2 2 2 40-44 0 0 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 45-49 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 50-54 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 55-59 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 60-64 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 65^69 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 70-74 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 75 and over 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 29 31 33 36 39 39 42 Total by sex 22 24 24 24 26 30 32 TOTAL 51 55 57 60 65 69 74 377

Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 in Years (< 12 mos) 2 1 2 1 2 0 2 Infant 2 1 2 3 1 2 0 4 2 1 1 1 2 0 1-2 1 2 1 2 2 1 2 5 6 6 7 3 2 3 2-4 8 6 5 4 5 6 6 12 14 14 12 13 11 10 5-9 3 4 6 10 10 11 10 4 3 3 5 8 12 14 10-14 6 6 5 3 3 3 4 4 5 6 6 4 4 3 15-19 0 1 2 4 5 6 6 0 0 2 2 4 4 5 20-24 2 2 2 2 2 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 25-29 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 30-34 5 2 1 1 1 2 2 4 4 3 3 3 2 1 35-39 1 4 6 6 5 5 2 3 3 3 3 4 4 4 40-44 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 0 1 2 2 2 3 3 45-49 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 50-54 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 55-59 0 0 0 0 0 •0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 60-64 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 65-69 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 70-74 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 75 and over 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 44 44 47 47 47 47 49 Total by sex 33 33 34 39 40 42 42 TOTAL 77 77 81 86 87 89 91 378

Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1970 1971 1972 1973 in Years {< 12 mos) 1 2 0 4 Infant 3 3 1 2 2 1 1 0 1-2 0 3 0 1 3 5 3 4 2-4 5 8 5 3 7 8 6 4 5-9 10 10 8 8 14 12 13 11 10-14 6 3 10 11 3 5 8 12 15-19 5 4 3 3 6 6 4 3 20-24 2 2 5 6 2 2 4 4 25-29 2 1 2 0 1 1 0 0 30-34 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 35-39 1 6 1 2 3 3 3 2 40-44 1 1 5 5 3 2 3 4 45-49 6 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 50-54 1 0 2 1 0 0 0 0 55-59 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 60-64 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 65T69 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 70-74 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 75 and over 1 1 1 1 50 51 50 53 Total by sex 46 44 45 47 TOTAL 96 95 95 100 APPENDIX J

ANNUAL POPULATION AND PER CENT INCREASE FOR FOUR TOWNS, 1864 TO 1973

The total population of each town per year was obtained from

Appendix I, and is listed by town for each year of habitation. The per cent increase over the previous interval, which is a crude estimate of actual population growth, was calculated using the following formula:

PER CENT = INCREASE

(TOTAL NUMBER OF INDIVIDUALS PER TOWN IN YEAR X) - (TOTAL NUMBER OF INDIVIDUALS PER TOWN IN YEAR X - 1) ± 1Q0 TOTAL NUMBER OF INDIVIDUALS PER TOWN IN YEAR X - 1

379 Mitla Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro

Per Cent Per Cant Per Cent Per Cent Year Population Increase Population Increase Population Increase Population Increase

1864 1217 59 1865 1222 .4 62 5.1 1866 1285 5.2 65 4.8 1867 1330 3.5 70 7.7 1868 1330 — 76 8.6 1869 1366 2.7 78 2.6 1870 1363 .2 88 12.8 1871 1395 2.3 89 1.1 1872 1420 1.8 86 -3.4 1873 1429 .6 83 3.5 1874 1410 1,3 76 -8.4 1875 1413 .2 75 -1.3 1876 1426 .9 82 9.3 1877 1456 2.1 86 4.9 1878 1492 2.5 88 2.3 1879 1464 -1.9 86 -2.3 1880 1555 6.2 83 -3.5 1881 1472 5.3 81 -2.4 1882 1500 1.9 86 6.2 1883 1585 5.7 91 5.8 1884 1602 1.1 92 1.1 1885 1574 -1.8 97 5.4 1886 1574 — 100 3.1 1887 1589 1.0 104 4.0 1888 1623 2.1 103 -1.0 1889 1663 2.5 101 -1.9 1890 1642 -1.3 105 4.0 1891 1636 -.4 105 — 1892 1683 2.9 105 — 1893 1747 3.8 111 5.7 24 1894 1692 -3.2 108 -2.7 19 -20.8 Mitla Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro

Per Cent Per Cent Per Cent Per Cent Year population Increase Population Increase Population Increase Population Increase

1895 1760 4.0 108 —- 19 — 1896 1750 -.6 113 4.6 17 -10.5 1897 1737 -.7 108 -4.4 21 +23.5 1898 1748 .6 116 7.4 23 9.5

1899 1749 .1 114 -1.7 23 — 1900 1808 3.4 123 7.9 27 17.4

1901 1772 -2.0 122 -.8 27 — 1902 1833 3.4 123 .8 24 -11.1 1903 1872 2.1 127 3.3 25 4.2

1904 1934 3.3 146 15.0 25 —

1905 1972 2.0 138 -5.5 - 25 — 1906 1983 .6 138 — 26 4.0 1907 2004 1.1 147 6.5 24 -7.7 1908 2065 3.0 141 -4.1 23 -4.2 1909 1996 -3.3 153 8.5 22 -4.3 1910 2025 1.5 158 3.3 36 24 9.1 1911 2070 2.2 163 3.2 37 2.8 22 -8.3 1912 2058 -1.5 168 3,1 38 2.7 23 4.6 1913 2030 -.4 170 1.2 39 2.6 26 13.0

1914 2004 -1.3 172 1.2 42 7.7 26 — 1915 2025 1.0 176 2.3 45 7.1 24 -7.7 1916 1958 -3.3 178 1.1 47 4.4 23 -4.2 1917 1941 -.9 165 -7,3 51 8.5 22 -4.4 1918 1969 1,4 170 3.0 53 3.9 23 4.6 1919 1945 -1.2 174 2.4 52 -1.9 26 13.0 1920 1978 1.7 168 -3.5 47 -9.6 22 -15.4 1921 2013 1.8 171 1.8 48 2.1 24 9.1 1922 2054 2.0 173 1.2 51 6.3 20 -16.7 1923 2075. 1,0 185 6.9 52 2.0 19 -5.0 1924 2094 .9 182 -1.6 53 1.9 20 5.3 Mitla Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro

Per Cent Per Cent Per Cent Per Cent Year Population Increase Population Increase Population Increase Population Increase

1925 2114 1.0 199 9.3 54 1.9 20 — 1926 2183 3.3 203 2.0 55 1.9 20 — 1927 2194 .5 224 10.4 . 53 -3.6 23 15.0 1928 2220 1.2 219 -2.2 53 — 25 8.7 1929 2268 2.2 226 3.2 53 — 27 8.0 1930 2312 1.9 230 1.8 53 — 28 3.7 1931 2369 2.5 238 3.8 57 7.5 31 10.7 1932 2397 1.2 242 1.7 55 -3.5 30 -3.2 1933 2401 .2 246 1.7 58 5.5 31 3.3 1934 2518 4.9 249 1.2 57 -1.7 33 6.5 1935 2571 2.1 249 — 60 5.3 28 -15.1 1936 2616 1.8 256 2.8 63 5.0 28 — 1937 2638 .8 265 3.5 63 — 29 3.6 1938 2735 3.7 267 .8 66 4.8 31 6.9 1939 2760 .9 272 1,9 67 1.5 31 — 1940 2551 -7.6 282 3.7 68 1.5 34 9.7 1941 2645 3.7 291 3.2 69 1.5 31 -8.8 1942 2717 2.7 298 2.4 71 2.9 30 -3.2 1943 2735 .7 304 2.0 89 25.4 34 13.3 1944 2764 1.1 284 -6.6 78 -12.4 30 -11.8 1945 2827 2.3 295 3.9 81 3.8 34 13.3 1946 2933 3.7 300 1.7 85 4.9 33 -2.9 1947 2969 1.2 210 3.3 83 -2.4 35 6.1 1948 2961 -.3 332 7.1 90 8.4 34 -2.9 1949 2889 .9 335 .9 87 -3,3 36 5.9 1950 3009 .7 347 3.6 89 2.3 40 11.1 1951 3073 2,1 360 3.8 96 7,9 41 2.5 1952 3003 -2,3 368 2.2 95 -1.0 41 — 1953 3147 4.8 362 -1.6 97 2.1 42 2.4 1954 3137 -,3 372 2,8 102 5.2 44 4.8 Mitla Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro

Per Cent Per Cent Per Cent Per Cent Year Population Increase Population Increase Population Increase Population Increase

1955 3288 4.8 387 4.0 109 6.9 46 4.6 1956 3401 3.4 406 4.9 113 3.7 51 10.9 1957 3496 2.8 435 7.1 121 7.1 55 7.8 1958 3557 1.7 440 1.2 112 -7.4 57 3.6 1959 3671 3.2 465 5.7 125 11.6 60 5.3 1960 3719 1.3 486 4.5 130 4.0 65 8.3 1961 3843 3.3 505 3.9 136 4.6 69 6.2 1962 3954 2.9 520 3.0 137 .7 74 7.3 1963 4027 1.8 532 2.3 139 1.5 77 4.1 1964 4266 5.9 547 2.8 144 , 3.6 77 — 1965 4289 .5 560 2.4 145 .7 81 4.9 1966 4428 3.2 577 3.0 146 .7 86 6.2 1967 4538 2.5 594 3.0 145 .7 87 1.2 1968 4663 2.8 621 4.6 152 4.8 89 2.3 1969 4764 2.2 639 2.9 155 2.0 91 2.2 1970 4782 . .4 680 6.4 164 5.8 96 5.5 1971 5095 6.5 697 2.5 165 .6 95 -1.0 1972 5245 2.9 720 3.3 174 5.5 95 — 1973 APPENDIX K

BIRTH-DEATH RATIOS FOR FOUR TOWNS, 1864-1973

The birth-death ratio, also called the "vital index" of a population is intended to measure the biological status of a population in regard to reproduction. Birth-death ratios may be misinterpreted as a measure of reproduction because the ratio is strongly affected by a population's age composition. Furthermore in very small populations, such as Loma Larga and Corral del Cerro, the ratio is zero during- years of no births, even though deaths may be high, and vice versa. This biasing effect, however, does not affect the mean ratios that are presented at the end of the appendix. Because changes in the ratio may be the result of changes in mortality or fertility the ratio does not indicate the relative weight of either of these. Therefore total annual births and deaths are also presented. Birth-death ratios have been re­ placed in demography by more exact measures of reproduction and mor­ tality, such as birth and fertility rates and specific death rates. Al­ though the ratio is an imperfect measure and is subject to misinterpre­ tation, it is presented here as a general indicator of a population's total performance. Birth-death ratios were computed for each population by year using the following formula:

BIRTH-DEATH _ TOTAL LIVE BIRTHS PER TOWN PER YEAR x 2 RATIO TOTAL DEATHS PER TOWN PER YEAR X

Since 100 is a base line number at which births and deaths are equal,

384 385

any value over 100 indicates that reproduction is relatively higher

than mortality and vice versa.

Comparing the mean ratios for the four populations suggests

that, on the average, the relatively higher value for Corral, with Loma

Larga, Xaaga, and Mitla following in that respective descending order,

is a consequence of higher fertility for Corral. It is suggested in

Chapter 6 that high reproductive performance in Corral is a compensatory

response to higher infant mortality from respiratory infections. The relatively greater amount of variation in the ratios for Corral del

Cerro and Loma Larga may be the result of variable annual infant mor­ tality or an exaggerated stochastic fluction that is magnified by the smallness of these populations. Mitla Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro

Year Births Deaths Ratio Births Deaths Ratio Births Deaths Ratio Births Deaths Ratio

1864 67 36 186 1 1 100 1865 51 20 255 0 0 —

1866 70 31 226 3 0 — 1867 105 54 194 0 0 — 1868 93 54 172 7 1 700 1869 97 59 164 2 1 200 1870 85 44 193 8 4 200 1871 96 48 200 5 6 83 1872 94 61 154 8 7 114 1873 95 83 114 7 11 64 1874 79 73 108 6 2 300 1875 110 40 273 5 1 500 1876 79 41 192 7 0 — 1877 96 35 274 10 2 500 1878 107 112 96 6 6 100 1879 106 48 220 8 6 133 1880 110 64 156 5 4 125 1881 73 — — 4 2 .200 1882 90 — — 1 0 — 1883 73 31 235 5 0 — 1884 71 83 133 2 2 100 1885 70 53 132 2 0 — 1886 59 68 87 5 0 — 1887 98 67 146 9 3 300 1888 124 43 288 12 4 300 1889 101 107 94 15 2 750 1890 120 67 179 6 3 200 1891 89 45 197 15 5 300 1892 116 59 196 7 4 175 1893 103 103 100 20 7 286 4 6 67 1894 125 61 204 13 5 260 0 0 — Mitla Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro

Year Births Deaths Ratio Births Deaths Ratio Births Deaths Ratio Births Deaths Ratio

1895 95 64 148 8 2 400 0 0 — 1896 77 58 133 8 6 133 2 0 — 1897 58 64 91 8 2 400 0 0 — 1898 84 90 93 6 7 86 0 0 — 1899 102 42 243 15 2 750 0 0 — 1900 104 79 132 5 6 83 0 0 — 1901 108 68 159 10 5 200 6 3 200 1902 92 77 119 13 4 325 1 1 100 1903 119 55 216 8 4 200 4 1 400 1904 115 68 169 21 10 210 3 1 300 1905 108 99 109 13 7 186 6 0 — 1906 122 73 167 19 5 380 0 3 — 1907 110 73 151 9 8 113 4 2 200 1908 129 119 108 11 2 550 4 0 — 1909 124 72 172 15 2 750 2 0 — 1910 91 75 121 19 8 238 1 1 100 4 1 400 1911 111 84 132 17 11 155 0 0 — 0 0 — • 1912 114 109 105 20 14 143 0 0 — 0 0 — 1913 97 92 105 19 9 211 0 0 — 3 2 150 1914 109 117 93 11 10 110 0 0 — 2 3 67 1915 83 86 97 25 12 208 0 0 — 0 0 — 1916 49 120 41" 12 23 52 1 1 100 2 2 100 1917 104 57 182 19 11 172 3 2 150 4 1 400 1918 115 98 117 14 10 140 3 5 60 3 2 150 1919 85 46 184 15 11 136 6 4 150 3 5 60 1920 94 56 168 13 5 260 0 0 — 2 0 — 1921 88 64 138 12 3 400 0 0 — 3 5 60 1922 93 69 135 23 4 575 3 2 150 6 2 300 1923 88 73 121 18 9 200 4 1 400 7 2 350 1924 113 73 155 19 4 475 5 2 250 7 1 700 1925 101 63 160 21 6 350 9 2 450 4 0 — 1926 103 73 141 14 5 280 8 4 200 8 1 800 Mitla Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro

Year Births Deaths Ratio Births Deaths Ratio Births Deaths Ratio Births Deaths Ratio

1927 96 69 139 32 16 200 6 1 600 2 0 — 1928 88 70 126 13 8 163 9 4 225 5 2 250 1929 116 69 168 17 8 213 9 3 300 6 2 300 1930 97 57 170 21 3 700 8 1 800 5 1 500 1931 84 75 112 20 10 200 2 4 50 11 2 550 1932 94 56 168 23 11 209 10 4 250 6 0 — 1933 114 53 215 22 12 183 1 6 17 7 6 117 1934 105 68 154 19 11 173 7 3 233 10 5 200 1935 102 64 159 26 4 650 5 1 500 8 0 — 1936 120 57 211 18 1 1800 5 2 250 11 1 1100 1937 108 57 190 32 10 320 4 3 133 8 1 800 1938 108 58 186 10 4 250 4 4 100 3 0 — 1939 121 67 181 18 3 600 3 3 100 0 0 — 194Q 103 113 91 12 5 240 1 2 50 6 5 120 1941 87 53 164 18 11 164 7 0 — 3 2 150 1942 108 84 129 20 8 250 0 1 — 7 0 — 1943 109 55 198 14 34 41 1 0 — 7 3 233 1944 104 79 132 11 7 157 2 1 200 2 0 — 1945 127 98 130 26 6 433 0 1 — 2 0 — 1946 121 69 175 17 11 155 4 5 80 2 0 — 1947 127 59 215 23 4 575 12 4 300 2 1 200 1948 117 99 118 17 7 243 6 6 100 4 0 — 1949 105 62 169 22 10 220 12 0 — 3 0 — 1950 100 74 135 20 7 286 11 1 1100- 1 1 100 1951 116 70 166 25 16 156 7 3 233 4 2 200 1952 118 98 120 18 18 100 15 2 750 5 0 — 1953 114 63 181 15 6 250 11 1 1100 2 0 — 1954 123 69 178 23 7 329 8 3 267 7 1 700 1955 152 80 190 14 3 467 12 4 300 3 0 — 1956 147 32 459 23 6 383 11 0 — 8 1 800 1957 160 60 267 26 3 867 15 6 250 8 3 267 Mitla Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro

Year Births Deaths Ratio Births Deaths Ratio Births Deaths Ratio Births Deaths Ratio

1958 119 59 202 23 5 460 11 3 367 5 2 250

1959 158 58 272 28 4 700 9 2 450 4 0 — 1960 145 61 238 24 8 300 12 2 600 4 0 — 1961 144 55 262 22 3 733 14 5 280 5 1 500 1962 153 45 340 30 9 333 9 4 225 5 1 500

1963 136 60 227 28 3 ' 933 10 1 1000 4 0 —

1964 169 65 260 29 10 290 6 2 300 8 0 — 1965 182 54 337 30 5 600 8 1 800 6 1 600 1966 173 64 270 24 6 400 11 8 138 5 2 250

1967 190 51 373 28 7 400 12 0 — 10 0 —

1968 182 49 371 32 5 640 13 4 325 5 0 — 1969 212 41 517 29 3 967 7 0 — 1 1 100 1970 179 56 320 42 5 840 20 4 500 5 1 500 1971 215 57 377 33 5 660 14 1 1400 6 1 600 1972 211 64 330 41 6 683 14 0 — 2 1 200 1973 220 69 319 37 11 336 21 6 350 7 2 350 Total 11315 7191 1719. 684 457 148 328 91 Mean Ratio 157 251 309 360 APPENDIX L

POPULATION PROPORTIONS FOR FOUR TOWNS, 1864 TO 1973

Population proportions give a general indication of a popula­ tion's age structure defined in broad categories. Population propor­ tions for each year permit comparisons over time for each population as well as between populations. The age categories used in the calculation here are: under 15 years old, 15-50, and over 50 years of age. These intervals are derived from informants' estimates of age groups labeled respectively children, adults, and elderly. Most informants reported that a person's "prime" time of life was roughly between 30 to 40 years of age although many would extend that to 50 years. Most informants say a person begins to "decline" after 40 but that old age begins at 50.

Fifteen is a para-legal age in Mexico. Debutantes are fifteen, for example, in Mexico City. In the study area age 15 is regarded as the minimum age of adulthood, or the age at which adulthood may begin. The boundaries of the estimates are not firmly agreed upon by all the in­ formants but they do represent a consensus. The formula used to calculate population proportions is:

POPULATION _ POPULATION OF AGE CATEGORY PER TOWN PER YEAR . PROPORTION TOTAL POPULATION PER TOWN PER YEAR

Population refers to population on January 1st of each year, not the more commonly used midyear (July) population.

390 391

The mean and standard deviation for the proportion of each age

category are given at the end of the appendix. Dependency ratios were

computed using the means for each population by the following formula:

DEPENDENCY RATIO

MEDIAN PROPORTION UNDER 15 + MEDIAN PROPORTION OVER 50 MEDIAN PROPORTION 15 TO 50

Dependency ratios are presented at the end of the appendix and give

some idea of the proportion of the population that is dependent on the

remainder- Dependency ratios have been used to assess the relative

"burden" of economically dependent segments of a population "carried" by

the main productive segment of the population when those segments are

defined by age alone. Judging from differences in the standard devia­

tions of the proportions between the four populations, the dependency

ratios would vary most for Loma Larga and Corral del Cerro and least for

Mitla. That is the more diverse population, in terms of resource

utilization strategies, has a lower dependency ratio and that ratio has

a smaller amount of variation over time. The less diversified popula­

tions have higher dependency ratios that exhibit a larger amount of

variability through time.

Although demographers (Peterson 1961:78-82) customarily cal­

culate dependency ratios by including individuals 15-64 in the category of producers and those 65 and over in the category of dependents, these categorical divisions are abandoned in this study. The justifications for including people 50 and over in the category of aged dependents are as follows. The customary categories used by demographers reflect 392

cultural definitions of aged dependents in Western culture. Although

appropriate for analysis of European and North American populations

where ages 60 to 65 define the onset of old age and the age at which production declines, old age in Oaxaca, as mentioned above, begins at about fifty. Both men and women speak of "getting tired" and "de­ clining" at that age. "Getting tired" in local terms means that one begins to "retire." Retirement does not mean abrupt termination of work, but it does mean that greater amount of time is invested in social relationships and personal enjoyment and less time is apportioned to economically productive activities. At about fifty years old one's adult children make more substantial economic contributions to the household and thereby free those over fifty from work. Furthermore grandparenthood may begin by age fifty and inheritance may be contem­ plated, The limits for dependent aged vary between cultures and over time within a culture (Peterson 1961:194). The age limits chosen for dependency ratios do not specify an age at which people are transformed from producers to dependents in any society. Instead they estimate the age at which people become relatively less productive and more de­ pendent. Thus fifty and over has been used here because the category has cultural salience. Hltla Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro

Total Total Total Total Under 15 to Over Popu­ Under 15 to Over Popu­ Under 15 to Over Popu­ Under 15 to Over Popu­ Year 15 Years 50 Years 50 Years lation 15 Years 50 Years 50 Years lation 15 Years 50 Years 50 Years lation 15 Years 50 Years 50 Years lation

1686 .35 .54 .11 1560 .41 .45 .14 100 1887 .38 .52 .10 1589 .41 .45 .13 104 1868 .39 .51 .10 1623 .40 .46 .15 103 1889 .41 .50 .09 1663 .39 .47 .15 101 1890 .40 .51 .09 1642 .40 .46 .14 105 1891 .38 .52 .10 1636 .35 .50 .15 105 1692 .39 .51 .10 1682 .37 .51 .12 105 1893 .40 .50 .10 1747 .39 .50 .11 111 .46 .38 .16 24 J.894 .38 .51 .10 1692 .37 .51 .12 108 .37 .47 .16 19 1695 .49 .49 .11 1760 .40 .49 .11 108 .37 .47 .16 19 1896 .39 .50 .11 1750 .38 .51 .11 113 .41 .47 .12 17 1897 .39 .50 .11 1737 .37 .51 .12 108 .43 .38 .19 21 1898 .40 .49 .11 1748 .38 .49 .13 116 .48 .39 .13 23 1699 .40 .50 .10 1749 .38 .51 .11 114 .43 .55 •22 23 1900 .40 .48 .12 1808 .39 .50 .11 123 .52 .30 .18 27 1901 .42 .46 .12 1772 .36 .52 .12 122 .50 .32 .18 28 1902 .42 .48 .10 1833 .38 .50 .12 123 .38 .38 .24 24 1903 .41 .47 .12 1872 .40 .48 .12 127 .44 .40 .16 25 1904 .42 .46 .10 1934 .48 .42 .10 146 .36 .44 .20 25 1905 .41 .47 .12 1972 .45 .46 .09 138 .32 .48 .20 25 1906 .40 .48 .12 1983 .46 .46 .08 138 .32 .50 .18 26 1907 .41 .48 .11 2004 .49 .43 .08 147 .29 .54 .17 24 1908 .41 .48 .11 2065 .49 .43 .08 141 .26 .46 .26 23 1909 .41 .47 .12 1996 .50 .42 .08 153 .27 .46 .27 22 1910 .41 .47 .12 2025 .49 .43 .08 15B .50 .39 .11 36 .25 .50 .25 24 1911 .42 .47 .11 2070 .49 .42 .09 163 .46 .43 .11 37 .32 .50 .18 22 1912 .41 .48 .11 2038 .52 .41 .07 168 .45 .45 .10 38 .26 .52 .22 23 1913 .44 .47 .09 1960 .53 .41 .06 173 .41 .49 .10 39 .27 .50 .23 26 1914 .40 .49 .11 2004 .51 .41 .08 172 .45 .45 .10 42 .27 .46 .27 26 1915 .41 .48 .11 2016 .51 .41 .06 176 .48 .40 .12 45 .21 .54 .25 24 1916 .40 .49 .11 1958 .52 .39 .09 178 .47 .43 .13 47 .13 .61 .26 23 1917 .40 .50 .10 1941 .50 .40 .10 165 .44 .37 .19 57 .18 .59 .23 22 1918 .40 .50 .10 1969 .51 .39 .11 170 .49 .40 .11 53 .26 .52 .22 23 1919 .38 .51 .11 1945 .49 .40 .11 174 .50 .39 .11 52 .39 .46 .15 26 1920 .38 .52 .10 1978 .44 .45 .11 168 .43 .45 .12 47 .41 .41 .18 22 1921 .38 .52 .10 2013 .46 .44 .10 171 .40 .48 .12 48 .46 .38 .16 24 1922 .37 .52 .11 2054 .43 .47 .10 173 .37 .42 .21 57 .35 .50 .15 20 Mitla Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro

Total Total Total Total Under 15 to Over Popu­ Under 15 to Over Popu­ nder 15 to Over Popu­ Under 15 to Over Popu­ Year 15 Years 50 Years 50 Years lation 15 Years 50 Years 50 Years lation Years 50 Years 50 Years lation 15 Years 50 Years 50 Years lation

1923 .37 .53 .10 2075 .44 .45 .11 185 .39 .50 .11 52 .32 .52 .16 19 1924 .37 .54 .09 2094 .45 .45 .10 182 .36 .49 .15 53 .40 .45 .15 20 1925 .37 .54 .09 2114 .50 .40 .10 199 .36 .47 .17 55 .40 .45 .15 20 1926 .37 .53 .10 2183 .48 .42 .10 203 .36 .47 .17 55 .40 .45 .15 20 1927 .37 .53 .10 2194 .52 .39 .09 224 .34 .49 .17 53 .52 .39 .09 23 1928 .38 .52 .10 2220 .46 .44 .10 219 .32 .49 .19 53 .56 .36 .08 25 1929 .38 .53 .09 2268 .47 .43 .10 226 .36 .49 .15 53 .56 .37 .07 27 1930 .39 .52 .09 2312 .47 .43 .10 230 .34 .49 .17 53 .57 .36 .07 28 1931 .39 .51 .10 2369 .46 .43 .11 238 .40 .42 .18 51 .61 .32 .07 31 1932 .40 .51 .09 2397 .47 .43 .10 242 .38 .44 .18 55 .63 .30 .07 30 1933 .40 .51 .09 2401 .45 .43 .12 246 .43 .41 .16 58 .61 .29 .10 31 1934 .41 .49 .10 2518 .45 .43 .12 249 .39 .46 .15 57 .67 .30 .03 33 1935 .41 .48 .11 2571 .45 .43 .12 249 .45 .42 .13 60 .61 .39 0 28 1936 .42 .48 .10 2615 .44 .44 .12 256 .46 .41 .13 63 .60 .36 .04 28 1937 .43 .48 .09 2638 .45 .43 .12 265 .48 .40 .12 63 .58 .35 .07 29 1938 .43 .47 .10 2735 .45 .45 .10 267 .53 .30 .17 66 .58 .36 .06 31 1939 .43 .47 .10 2760 .46 .45 .09 272 .57 .27 .16 67 .66 .39 .06 31 1940 .42 .47 .11 2791 .45 .46 .09 282 .57 .28 .15 68 .56 .35 .09 34 1941 .40 .49 .11 2645 .46 .46 .08 291 .57 .29 .14 69 .55 .36 .09 31 1942 .41 .49 .10 2717 .45 .47 .08 298 .57 .30 .13 71 .47 .43 .10 30 1943 .40 .49 .11 2735 .45 .47 .08 304 .62 .29 .09 89 .50 .41 .09 34 1944 .40 .49 .11 2764 .46 .45 .09 284 .60 .30 .10 78 .33 .53 .14 30 1945 .40 .50 .10 2827 .47 .44 .09 29S .62 .27 .11 81 .32 .56 •12 34 1946 .39 .50 .11 2933 .45 .46 .09 300 .56 .32 .10 85 .27 .61 .12 33 1947 .39 .50 .11 2969 .46 .46 .08 310 .57 .30 .13 83 .29 .60 .11 35 1948 .39 .51 .10 2961 .45 .47 .08 332 .58 .31 .11 90 .27 .62 .11 34 1949 .38 .51 .11 2989 .47 .45 .08 335 .54 .36 .10 87 .28 .61 .11 36 1950 .38 .52 .10 3009 .48 .45 .07 347 .51 .39 .10 89 .35 .53 .12 40 1951 .37 .52 .11 3073 .48 .44 .08 - 360 .52 .39 .09 96 .42 .49 .09 41 19S2 .34 .54 .12 3003 .48 .45 .07 368 .52 .38 .10 95 .39 .51 .10 41 1953 .36 .S2 .12 3147 .45 .47 .08 362 .49 .42 .09 97 .38 .50 .12 42 1954 .38 .51 .11 3137 .45 .46 .09 372 .48 .43 .09 102 .41 .48 .11 44 1955 .38 ,51 .11 3288 .46 .45 .09 387 .46 .45 .09 109 .44 .46 .10 46 1956 .39 .50 .11 3401 .48 .44 .08 406 .48 .43 .09 113 .47 .43 .10 51 1957 .40 .50 .10 3496 .50 .41 .09 435 .50 .42 .08 121 .53 .38 .09 55 1958 .39 .50 .11 3557 .48 .43 .09 440 .52 .43 .05 122 .53 .37 .10 57 1959 .40 .49 .11 3671 .50 .42 .08 465 .50 .42 .08 125 .55 .37 .08 60 Kitla Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro

Total Total Total Total Under 15 to Over Popu­ Under 15 to Over Popu­ Under 15 to Over Popu- Under 15 to Over Popu- Year IS Years 50 Years 50 Years lation 15 Years 50 Years 50 Years lation 15 Years 50 Years 50 Years lation 15 Years SO Years 50 Years lation D o I960 .40 .49 .11 3719 .50 .42 .08 486 51 .42 .07 130 .60 .32 C 65 1961 .39 .49 .12 3843 .52 .41 .07 505 49 .43 .08 136 .59 .35 .06 69 1962 .39 .49 .12 3954 .51 .42 .07 520 .49 .43 .08 137 .60 .35 .05 74 1963 .40 .49 .11 4027 .49 .42 .09 532 46 .47 .07 139 .61 .34 .05 77 1964 .39 .49 .12 4266 .46 .43 .09 547 ,47 .46 .07 144 .58 .36 .06 77 1965 .41 .48 .11 4289 .47 .44 .09 560 47 .44 .07 145 .56 .40 .04 81 1966 .41 .47 .12 4428 .47 .45 .08 577 ,43 .49 .08 146 .56 .40 .04 86 1967 .42 .47 .11 4538 .46 .45 .09 594 ,44 .48 .08 145 .56 .40 .04 87 1966 .42 .47 .11 4663 .47 .44 .09 621 .45 .45 .10 152 .56 .39 .05 89 1969 .42 .46 .12 4764 .46 .44 .10 639 , 4S .47 .08 155 .56 .39 .05 91 1970 .39 .49 .12 4782 .48 .44 .08 680 .45 .47 .08 164 .53 .40 .07 96 1971 .41 .47 .12 5095 .46 .45 .09 697 .40 .52 .08 165 .57 .38 .05 95 1972 .42 .47 .11 5245 .45 .46 .09 720 .40 .51 .09 174 .50 .43 .07 95 1973 .41 .48 .11 5174 .46 .45 .09 741 .37 .55 .08 191 .48 .45 .07 100 Mean .39 .50 .11 .45 .45 .10 .46 .41 .13 .44 .43 .13 Standard devia­ tion 4.22 5.11 1.65 6.20 5.31 2.57 .29 8,54 3.91 13.59 9.50 6.77 Median .39 .49 .10 .47 .44 .09 .46 .44 .10 .47 .42 .24 Dependency ratio 1.01 1.08 1.27 1.69 APPENDIX Jtf

CRUDE STILL BIRTH RATIOS FOR FOUR POPULATIONS, 1880 TO 1973

Still birth ratios may be used as a general indicator of the relative number of advanced pregnancies that end successfully. Although stillbirth statistics are subject to error because of determination or definition inconsistencies and because of underregistration, they may in a very general way give insights into conditions affecting pregnancy.

Biologically the term stillbirth should apply to infants born dead at full term. Adherence to that definition was impossible here. Therefore some late abortions or early miscarriages may be included. Crude still birth ratios were computed using the following formula for all towns during years in which still births are recorded;

CRUDE NUMBER OF STILLBIRTHS PER TOWN PER YEAR STILLBIRTH = x 1000 NUMBER OF LIVE BIRTHS PER TOWN PER YEAR RATIO

396 Hitla Xaaga Lorna Larga Corral del Cerro Total

Live Still Still Live Still Still Live Still Still Live Still Still Live Still Year Births Births Birth Ratio Births Births Birth Ratio Births Births Birth Ratio Births Births Birth Ratio Births Births 72 1881 1 13.,9 72 1 1882 1883 1884 1885 1886 1887 94 4 42..6 94 4 1888 118 * 6 50.9 118 6 1889 100 1 10.,0 100 1 1890 116 4 34.,5 116 4 1891 79 10 126..6 79 10 1892 112 4 35.,7 112 4 1893 97 6 61. ,9 97 6 1894 116 9 77.,6 116 9 1895 93 2 21. .5 93 2 1896 1897 1898 80 4 50 80 4 1899 96 6 63 96 6 1900 94 10 106 4 1 250 98 11 1901 98 10 102 98 10 1902 82 10 122 82 10 1903 116 3 26 7 1 143 123 4 1904 108 7 65 20 1 50 130 9 1905 99 9 91 99 9 1906 117 5 43 117 5 1907 102 8 78 102 8 1908 118 11 93 118 11 1909 115 9 78 14 1 71 129 10 1910 89 2 20 89 2 1911 109 2 18 109 2 1912 103 9 87 19 1 53 112 10 1913 88 9 102 18 1 56 106 10 1914 107 2 19 10 1 100 117 3 1915 81 2 25 25 1 48 1916 105 3 1917 100 4 40 100

w 10 *•0 Hitla Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro Total

Live Still Still Live Still Still Live Still Still Live Still Still Live Still year Birth* Births Birth Ratio Births Births Birth Ratio Births Births Birth Ratio Births Births Birth Ratio Births Births

1910 105 10 95 13 1 77 2 1 500 120 12 1919 73 12 165 51 78 13 1920 86 8 93 86 8 1921 83 5 60 B3 5 1922 B6 7 81 22 1 45 5 1 200 113 9 1923 76 12 158 17 1 59 93 13 1924 103 10 97 18 I 56 6 1 168 127 12 1925 100 1 10 1.8 3 168 118 4 1926 12 2 168 115 2 1927 92 4 44 5 1 200 97 5 1928 86 2 23 12 1 83 98 3 1929 112 4 36 8 1 125 120 5 1930 1931 1932 91 3 33 91 3 1933 112 2 18 21 1 48 133 3 1934 102 3 29 102 3 1935 94 8 B5 25 1 40 119 9 1936 115 5 44 115 5 1937 98 10 102 31 1 32 129 11 1938 98 10 102 98 10 1939 115 6 52 115 6 1940 102 1 10 102 1 1941 84 3 36 17 1 59 101 4 1942 105 29 19 3 1 53 124 4 1943 105 4 38 6 1 167 111 5 1944 102 2 20 1945 118 9 76 102 2 118 9 1946 113 8 71 1947 121 6 50 113 8 1 1 1000 122 7 1948 114 3 26 114 4 1949 102 3 29 102 3 19S0 98 2 20 . 1° 1 100 10B 3 1951 114 2 18 1952 115 114 2 3 26 14 1 71 129 4 1953 1954 120 3 25 7 1 127 4 1955 147 5 34 11 1 91 158 6

W ID 03 Hitla Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro Total

Live Still Still Live Still Still Live Still Still Live Still Still Live Still Year Births Births Birth Ratio Births Births Birth Ratio Births Births Birth Ratio Births Births Birth Ratio Births Births

1956 146 1 7 7 1 143 153 2 1957 154 6 39 14 1 71 168 7 1958 115 4 35 115 4 1959 151 7 46 151 7 1960 139 6 43 139 6 1961 132 12 91 20 1 50 152 13 1962 142 11 78 26 4 154 16B 15 1963 127 9 71 27 1 37 9 1 111 163 11 1964 160 9 56 7 1 143 167 10 1965 175 7 40 29 1 35 204 6 1966 167 6 36 22 2 91 4 1 250 193 9 1967 182 8 44 27 1 37 209 9 1968 178 4 23 178 4 1969 206 6 29 28 1 36 234 7 1970 172 7 41 40 2 50 212 9 1971 200 15 75 200 15 1972 206 5 24 38 3 79 244 8 1973 210 10 48 36 1 28 246 11 Total 9462 481 634 40 85 10 38 8 10219 539 Mean ratio 51 63 118 210

U) V£> VD APPENDIX N

BIRTH AND FERTILITY' RATES FOR MITLA, XAAGA, LOMA LARGA, AND CORRAL DEL CERRO, 1864 TO 1973

Annual crude birth rates and fertility rates are presented here for each town because they are the most frequently used overall measure of a population's reproductive performance. The crude birth rate, like the crude death rate is influenced by numerous factors that may alter the size of the total population used in the denominator. Crude birth rates and fertility rates measure the birth production of a population which may be distinguished from fecundity, a term referring to the birth capability or potential capacity of a population. The following formulae were used to compute Crude Birth Rate and Fertility Rates for each population each year:

CRUDE TOTAL LIVE BIRTHS PER TOWN PER YEAR RTRTH 55 - ' ' " • ' • -• " 1 - Y 1 QQQ TOTAL POPULATION PER TOWN PER YEAR RATE

UNADJUSTED FERTILITY RATE TOTAL LIVE BIRTHS PER TOWN PER YEAR FEMALE POPULATION BETWEEN AGES 15-54 PER YEAR X

Population refers to the specified population on January 1st. The ages

15 and 54 were identified as the limits of the female population exposed to the chance of producing offspring by the observed range of actual reported ages of a sample of 2337 mothers who gave birth between 1963

400 401 and 1972. Other denominators have been used by demographers, such as total female population, female population 15-44 and 15-49, and some­ times 10 to 60. The fertility rates presented here are based on the limits 15-54 because they best approximate the limits of actual ob­ served ages of a large sample of females upon birth of their children.

The crude birth rate is not a true probability because its denominator does not represent the population at risk of giving birth. Because of variations in the proportion of females in the four populations and within the same population through time crude birth rates are not directly proportional to fertility rates. Fertility rates may be re- . garded as probabilities because they indicate the chance of fertile females to giving birth. Adjusted fertility rates were computed using the formula:

ADJUSTED FERTILITY RATE

TOTAL LIVE BIRTHS PER TOWN PER YEAR EXPECTED FEMALE POPULATION AGES 15-54 PER YEAR X

Expected female population ages 15-54 was calculated by multiplying each local population per year by the proportion of females enumerated in a standard population. The population used as a standard for this study is the Census Population of the State of Oaxaca in 1930. The proportion of females 15 to 54 in the standard population is (.283). jL f Uu4 / D4./ Thus the adjusted fertility rates use for their denominators the number of females expected in the local population whose child bearing segment has been adjusted to fit the corresponding segment of a larger regional population. That is, expected females equal .283 times the actual 402

annual local population. The analysis of variation of fertility rates

examined variation of adjusted fertility rates according to the

rationale presented in Chapter 2. Comparing the variance of adjusted

fertility rates of the four populations indicates that the variance in

the adjusted rates of the populations is not equal (F = 28.29, sig. at

.01). The means and standard deviations of the crude birth rates and

fertility rates for each of the four populations are presented at the

end of the appendix. 403

Birth and Fertility Rates for Mitla; 1864 to 1973 Females Regis­ Crude Unad­ Sxpected Adjusted Popula­ 15-54 tered Birth justed females fertility YEAR tion Years Births Rate rertilitj 15-54 Rate Old Rate 1864 1221 343 67 55 195 344 195

1865 1222 340 51 42 150 345 148

1866 1285 349 70 54 201 363 193

1867 1330 363 105 79 289 376 279

1868 1330 356 93 70 261 376 247

1869 1366 363 97 71 267 386 251

1870 1363 376 85 62 226 385 221

1871 1395 3 96 69 260 394 244

1872 1420 382 94 66 246 402 234

1873 1429 379 95 66 251 . 404 235

1874 1410 382 79 56 207 399 198

1875 1413 387 110. 78 284 400 275

1876 1426 378 79 55 209 404 196

1877 1456 387 96 67 248 412 233

1878 1492 390 107 72 274 422 254

1879 1464 411 106 72 258 414 256

1880 1555 426 110 71 258 440 250

1881 1453 431 73 50 169 411 178

1882 1500 439 90 60 209 425 212

1883 1585 451 73 46 161 449 163

1884 1601 448 71 44 158 453 157

1885 1574 434 70 44 161 445 157 404

Mitla, 1864 to 1973

Crude Unad­ Sxpecfced adjusted Popula­ Females Regis­ 15-54 tered Birth justed Females rertility YEAR tion !fears Births Rate ?iertilitj 15-54 Rate Old Rate 1886 1560 445 59 38 132 441 134

1887 1589 428 98 62 228 450 218

1888 1623 428 124 76 289 459 270

1889 1663 431 101 61 234 471 214

1890 1645 441 120 73 272 466 258

1891 1636 461 89 54 193 463 192

1892 1681 464 116 69 250 476 244

1893 1747 481 103 59 214 494 209

1894 1692 484 125 74 258 479 261

1895 1760 483 95 54 196 498 191

1896 1750 475 77 44 162 495 156

1897 1737 463 58 33 125 492 118

1898 1748 455 84 48 184 495 170

1899 1749 460 102 58 221 495 206

1900 1803 457 104 58 227 510 204

1901 1772 449 108 61 240 501 216

1902 1833 467 92 51 197 519 177

1903 1872 476 119 64 250 530 225

1904 1934 485 115 59 237 547 210

1905 1972 499 108 55 216 558 194

1906 1983 507 122 62 240 561 218

1907 2004 515 110 55 213 567 194 405

Mitla, 1864 to 1973

Unad­ Expectec Adjusted popula­ females Regis­ Crude justed Females 'ertility tion 15-54 tered Birth YEAR Ifears Births Rate 'ertilit} 15-54 Rate Old Rate

1908 2065 540 129 62 238 584 221

1909 1996 516 124 62 240 565 220

1910 2025 515 91 45 176 573 159

1911 2070 512 111 54 216 586 189

1912 2038 508 114 60 224 577 198

1913 2030 510 97 48 190 574 169

1914 2004 522 109 54 208 567 192

1915 2016 520 83 41 159 571 145

1916 1958 534 49 25 91 554 88

1917 1941 518 104 54 200 549 189

1918 1969 537 115 58 214 557 207

1919 1945 543 85 44 157 550 155

1920 1978 553 94 48 170 560 168

1921 2013 562 88 44 157 570 154

1922 2054 577 93 45 161 581 160

1923 2075 597 88 42 147 581 150

1924 2094 607 113 54 186 593 191

1925 2114 612 101 48 165 598 169

1926 2183 632 103 47 163 618 167

1927 2194 634 96 44 151 612 155

1928 2220 638 88 40 138 628 140

1929 2268 653 116 51 178 642 181 406

Mitla, 1864 to 1973

Crude Unad­ Sxpected Adjusted popula­ Females Regis­ tered Birth justed Females fertility tion 15-54 YEAR Years Births Rate Tertilit} 15-54 Rate Old Rate

1930 2312 656 97 42 148 654 148

1931 2369 662 84 35 127 670 125

1932 2397 664 94 39 142 678 139

1933 2401 674 114 47 169 679 168

1934 2518 673 105 42 156 713 147

193'5 2571 681 102 40 150 728 140

1936 2615 687 120 46 175 740 162

1937 2638 692 108 41 156 747 145

1938 2735 700 108 39 154 774 140

1939 2760 708 121 44 171 781 155

1940 2791 723 103 37 142 790 130

1941 2645 734 87 33 118 749 116

1942 2717 727 108 40 148 769 140

1943 2735 762 109 40 143 774 141

1944 2764 767 104 38 135 782 133

1945 2827 812 127 45 156 806 159

1946 2933 846 121 41 143 830 146

1947 2969 832 127 43 153 840 151

1948 2961 871 117 40 143 838 140

1949 2989 867 105 35 121 846 124

1950 3009 886 100 33 112 854 117

1951 3073 9.02 116 38 129 870 133 407

Mitla, 1864 to 1973

Females Regis­ Crude Unad­ Expected Adjusted Popula­ 15-54 tered Birth justed Females fertility YEAR tion Years Births Rate fertilit r 15-54 Rate Old Rate 1952 3003 916 118 39 129 850 139

•1953 3147 935 114 36 121 891 128

1954 3137 908 123 39 135 888 139

1955 3288 949 152 46 160 931 163

1956 3401 966 147 43 152 962 153

1957 3496 984 160 46 163 989 162

1958 3557 1003 119 33 119 1007 118

1959 3671 1014 158 43 156 1039 152

1960 3719 989 145 39 147 1052 138

1961 3843 1043 144 37 138 1088 132

1962 3954 1064 153 39 144 1119 137

1963 4027 1088 136 34 125 1140 119

1964 4266 1213 169 40 139 1207 140

1965 4289 1138 182 42 160 1214 150

1966 4428 1147 173 39 151 1253 138

1967 4538 1173 190 42 162 1284 148

1968 4663 1188 182 39 153 1320 138

1969 4764 1188 212 45 178 1348 157

1970 4782 1246 179 37 144 1353 132

1971 5095 1297 215 42 166 1442 149

1972 5245 1318 211 40 160 1-484 142 408

Mitla, 1864 to 1973

Adjusted Popula­ Females Regis­ Crude Unad­ Expectec Birth justed Females •"ertility YEAR tion 15-54 tered Years Births Rate ?ertilit r 15-54 Rate Old Rate 1972 5174 1339 220 43 149 1464 150

Mean rate for 49 180 173 all years Standard 14 51 45 deviation 409

Birth and Fertility Rates for Xaaga, 1864 to 1973

Females Regis­ Crude Unad­ Expectec Adjusted popula­ fertility ' 15-54 tered Birth justed Females tion Rate YEAR Years Births Rate I ertility 15-54 Old Rate 1864 59 9 1 17 111 17 59

•1865 62 11 0 — — 18 —

1866 65 12 3 46 250 18 167

1867 70 12 0 — — 20 —

1868 76 13 7 92 539 22 318

1869 78 12 2 26 167 22 91

1870 88 13 8 91 615 25 320

1871 89 15 5 56 357 25 200

1872 86 15 8 93 533 24 333

1873 83 16 7 84 438 . 23 304

1874 76 18 6 105 333 22 273

1875 76 18 5 66 278 22 227

1876 82 18 7 85 389 23 304

1877 86 15 10 116 667 24 917

1878 88 19 6 68 316 25 240

1879 86 17 8 93 471 24 333

1880 83 16 5 60 313 23 217

1881 81 16 4 49 250 23 174

1882 86 15 1 12 67 24 42

1883 91 16 5 55 313 26 192

1884 92 18 2 22 111 26 77

1885 97 19 2 21 105 27 74 410

Xaaga, 1864 to 1973

Females Regis­ Crude Unad­ Expectec Adjusted Popula­ 'ertility YEAR 15-54 tered Birth justed Females tion Years Births Rate Tertilit r 15-54 Rate Old Rate 1886 100 20 5 50 250 28 179

1887 104 21 9 87 429 29 310

1888 103 20 12 117 600 29 414

1889 101 20 15 149 750 29 517

1890 105 22 6 57 273 30 200

1891 105 26 15 143 577 30 500

1892 105 25 7 67 280 30 233

1893 111 28 20 180 714 31 645

1894 108 29 13 120 448 31 419

1895 108 29 8 74 276 31 258

1896 113 30 8 71 267 32 250

1897 108 26 8. 74 308 31 258

1898 116 26 6 52 231 33 182

1899 114 26 15 132 577 32 469

1900 123 26 5 41 192 35 143

1901 122 28 10 82 357 35 286

1902 123 27 13 106 481 35 372

1903 127 27 8 63 296 36 222

1904 146 25 21 144 840 41 512

1905 138 25 13 94 520 39 333

1906 138 24 19 138 792 ' 39 487

1907 147 24 9 61 375 42 214 411

Xaaga, 1864 to 1973

Crude Unad­ Expected Adjusted Popula­ Females Regis­ tered Birth justed Females: fertility YEAR tion 15-54 Years Births Rate ertility 15-54 Rate Old Rate 1908 141 26 11 78 423 40 275

•1909 153 28 15 98 536 43 349

1910 158 30 19 120 633 45 422

1911 163 32 17 104 531 46 370

1912 168 33 20 120 606 48 417

1913 173 34 19 119 559 49 388

1914 172 32 11 64 344 49 225

1915 176 34 25 142 735 50 500

1916 178 31 12 67 387 50 240

1917 165 31 19 115 613 47 404

1918 170 33 14 82 424 48 29

1919 174 35 15 86 429 49 306

1920 168 39 13 77 333 48 271

1921 171 41 12 70 293 48 250

1922 173 43 23 133 535 49 469

1923 185 42 18 97 429 52 346

1924 182 39 19 104 260 52 365

1925 199 38 21 106 553 56 375

1926 203 39 14 69 359 57 246

1927 224 38 32 143 842 63 508

1928 219 47 13 59 277 • 62 210

1929 226 48 17 75 354 64 266 412

XaagS, 1864 to 1973

popula­ Females Regis­ Crude Unad­ Expected Adjusted fertility YEAR tion 15-54 tered Birth justed Females Years Births Rate Tertilit r 15-54 Rate Old Rate 1930 230 47 21 91 447 65 323

•1931 238 50 20 84 400 67 299

1932 242 52 23 95 442 68 338

1933 246 50 22 89 440 70 314

1934 249 52 19 76 365 70 271

1935 249 55 26 104 473 70 371

1936 256 56 18 70 321 72 250

1937 265 56 32 121 571 75 427

1938 267 58 10 38 172 76 132

1939 272 57 18 66 316 77 234

1940 282 60 12 43 200 80 150

1941 291 62 18 62 290 82 220

1942 298 65 20 67 308 84 238

1943 304 70 14 46 200 86 163

1944 284 72 11 39 153 80 138

1945 295 75 26 88 347 83 313

1946 300 79 17 56 215 85 200

1947 310 81 23 74 284 88 261

1948 332 86 17 51 198 94 181

1949 335 77 22 66 286 95 232

1950 347 75 20 58 267 98 204

1951 360 79 25 69 316 102 245 413

Xaaga, 1864 to 1973

Expectec Adjusted Popula­ Females Regis­ Crude Unad­ 15-54 tered Birth justed Females fertility YEAR tion Years Births Rate fertilit r 15-54 Rate Old Rate

1952 368 84 18 49 214 104 173

1953 362 88 15 41 170 102 147

1954 372 93 23 62 247 105 219

1955 387 95 14 36 147 110 127

1956 406 96 23 57 240 115 200

1957 435 97 26 60 268 123 211

1958 440 101 23 50 228 125 184

1959 465 102 28 60 275 132 212

1960 486 103 24 49 233 138 174

1961 505 103 22 44 214 . 143 154

1962 520 109 30 58 275 147 204

1963 532 118 28 53 237 151 185

1964 547 123 29 53 236 155 187

1965 560 130 30 54 231 158 190

1966 577 140 24 42 171 163 147

1967 594 143 28 47 196 168 167

1968 621 140 32 52 229 176 182

1969 639 141 29 45 206 181 160

1970 680 149 42 62 282 192 219

1971 697 157 33 47 210 197 168

1972 720 162 41 57 253 204 201 414

XaagCL, 1864 to 1973

Regis­ Crude Unad­ Expectec Adjusted Popula­ Females tered Birth justed Females fertility YEAR tion 15-54 Years Births Rate •"ertilit r 15-54 Rate Rate 1973 741 164 37 50 226 210 176

Mean rate for 74 348 259 all years Standard 34 179 120 deviation

j 415 Birth and Fertility Rates, for Loraa Larga, 1910 to 1973

Females Regis­ Crude Unad­ Expectec Adjusted Popula­ 15-54 tered Birth justed Females fertility YEAR tion Years Births Rate ertility 15-54 Rate Old Rate 1910 36 7 1 28 143 10 106

1911 37 8 0 11

1912 38 9 0 11

1913 39 10 0 11

1914 42 10 0 12

1915 45 10 0 13

1916 47 12 1 21 83 13 77

1917 57 13 3 53 231 16 188

1918 53 13 3 57 231 15 200

1919 52 13 6 115 462 . 15 400

1920 47 12 0 13

1921 48 14 0 14

1922 57 14 3 53 214 16 188

1923 52 13 4 77 308 15 267

1924 63 12 5 79 417 18 278

1925 55 12 9 164 750 16 563

1926 55 12 8 146 667 16 500

1927 53 11 6 113 546 15 400

1928 53 12 9 170 750 15 600

1929 53 11 '9 170 818 15 600

1930 53 12 8 151 667 • 15 533

1931 57 12 2 35 167 16 125 416

Loma Larga, 1910

Females Regis­ Crude Unad­ Expectec Adjusted Popula­ 15-54 tered Birth justed Females fertility tion YEAR Years Births Rate ^ertilit r 15-54 Rate Old Rate 1932 55 12 10 182 833 16 625

1933 58 11 1 17 910 16 63

1934 57 13 7 123 539. 16 438

1935 60 11 5 83 455 17 294

1936 63 11 5 79 455 18 278

1937 63 11 4 64 364 18 222

1938 66 10 4 61 400 19 211

1939 67 9 3 45 333 19 158

1940 68 11 1 15 910 19 53

1941 69 11 7 101 636 20 350

1942 71 11 0 20

1943 89 11 1. 11 910 25 40

1944 78 12 2 26 167 22 90

1945 81 12 0 23

1946 85 13 4 47 308 24 167

1947 83 13 12 145 923 24 50

1948 90 14 6 67 429 26 231

1949 87 15 . 12 138 800 25 480

1950 . 89 16 11 124 688 25 440

1951 96 17 7 73 412 27 259

1952 95 17 15 158 882 • 27 66

1953 97 16 11 113 688 28 393 417

Loma Larga, 1910 to 1973

Females Regis­ Crude Unad­ Expectec Adjusted Popula­ tered Birth justed Females; YEAR 15-54 fertility tion Years Births Rate fertilit '15-54 Rate Old Rate 1954 102 18 8 78 444 29 276

•1955 109 18 12 110 667 31 387

1956 113 19 11 97 579 32 344

1957 121 18 15 124 833 34 441

1958 122 20 11 .90 500 35 314

1959 125 20 9 72 450 35 257

1960 130 21 12 92 571 37 324

1961 136 23 14 103 609 39 359

1962 137 23 9 66 391 39 231

1963 139 27 10 72 370 . 39 256

1964 144 28 6 42 214 41 146

1965 145 27 8 55 296 41 195

1966 146 32 11 75 344 41 268

1967. 145 32 12 83 375 41 293

1968 152 32 13 86 406 43 302

1969 155 34 7 45 206 44 159

1970 164 35 20 122 571 46 435

1971 165 139 14 85 359 47 298

1972 174 41 . 14 80 342 49 286

1973 191 45 21 110 467 54 388 Mean rate for 75 386 250 all years Standard 52 264 176 deviation 418 Birth and Fertility Rates for Corral del Cerro, 1893 to 1973

Females Regis­ Crude Unad­ Expected adjusted Popula­ 15-54 tered Birth justed Females:'ertility tion YEAR Years Births Rate 'ertilit'' 15-54 Rate Old Rate 1893 24 6 4 167 667 7 571

1894 19 5 0 5

1895 19 5 0 5

1896 17 5 2 118 400 5 400

1897 21 5 0 6

1898 23 5 0 7

1899 23 5 0 7

1900 27 5 0 8

1901 28 6 6 214 1000 8 750

1902 24 6 1 42 167 7 143

1903 25 5 4 160 800 7 571

1904 25 6 3 . 120 500 7 429

1905 25 7 6 240 857 7 857

1906 26 7 0 7

1907 24 7 4 167 571 7 571

1908 23 6 4 174 667 7 571

1909 22 7 2 91 286 6 333

1910 24 7 4 167 571 7 571

1911 22 7 0 6

1912 23 7 0 7

1913 26 7 3 115 429 • 7 429

1914 26 7 2 77 286 7 286 419

Corral del Cerro, 1893 to 1973

Females Regis­ Crude Unad­ Expected Adjusted Popula­ YEAR 15-54 tered Birth justed Females fertility tion Years Births Rate •ertilit ' 15-54 Rate Old Rate 1915 24 8 0 7

1916 23 8 2 87 250 7 286

1917 22 8 4 182 500 6 667

1918 23 6 3 130 500 7 429

1919 26 6 3 ' 115 500 7 429

1920 22 5 2 91 400 6 333

1921 24 5 3 125 600 7 429

1922 20 6 6 300 1000 6 1000

1923 19 5 7 368 1400 5 1400

1924 20 5 7 350 1400 6 1170

1925 20 5 4 200 800 6 667

1926 20 5 8. 400 1600 6 1330

1927 23 5 2 87 400 7 286

1928 25 5 5 200 1000 7 714

' 1929 27 6 6 222 1000 8 750

1930 28 6 5 179 833 8 625

1931 31 6 11 355 1833 9 122

1932 30 5 6 200 1200 9 667

1933 31 6 7 226 1167 9 778

1934 33 5 10 303 2000 9 111

1935 28 5 8 276 1600 • 8 100

1936 28 5 11 393 2200 8 1375 420

Corral del Cerro, 1893 to 1973

Females Regis­ Crude Unad­ Expected Adjusted Popula­ YEAR 15-54 tered Birth justed Females fertility tion Years Births Rate ?ertilit ' 15-54 Rate Old Rate 1937 29 6 8 276 1333 8 100

1938 31 6 3 97 500 9 333

1939 31 6 0 9

1940 34 6 6 177 1000 10 600

1941 31 5 3 97 600 9 33.3

1942 30 5 7 233 1400 9 778

1943 34 5 7 206 1400 10 700

1944 30 8 2 67 250 9 222

1945 34. 9 2 59 222 10 200

1946 33 9 2 61 222 9 222

1947 35 9 2 57 222 10 200

1948 34 9 4 118 444 10 400

1949 36 10 3 83 300 10 300

1950 40 10 1 25 100 11 91

1951 41 8 4 98 500 12 333

1952 41 9 5 122 556 12 417

1953 42 10 2 48 200 12 167

1954 44 20 7 159 700 13 539

1955 46 10 3 65 300 13 231

1956 51 20 8 157 800 14 571

1957 55 10 8 146 800 16 500

1958 57 12 5 88 417 16 313 421

Corral del Cerro, 1893 to 1973

Females Regis­ Crude ]Lfnad- Expectec Aduusted Popula­ 15-54 tered Birth justed Females Fertility YEAR tion Years Births Rate fertilit r 15-54 Rate Old Rate 1959 60 12 4 67 333 17 235

.1960 65 12 4 62 333 18 222

1961 69 12 5 73 417 20 250

1962 74 12 5 68 417 21 238

1963 77 12 4 52 333 22 182

1964 77 13 8 104 615 22 364

1965 si- 14 6 74 429 23 261

1966 se 16 5 58 313 24 208

1967 87 17 10 115 588 25 400

1968 89 18 'J5 56 278 25 200

1969 91 19 1 11 53 • 26 39

1970 96 20 5 52 250 27 185

1971 95 16 6 63 375 27 353

1972 95 20 2 21 100 27 74

1973 100 20 7 70 350 28 250 Mean rate for 124 571 428 all years Standard 101 501 351 deviation APPENDIX O

AGE-SEX SPECIFIC AND CRUDE DEATH RATES FOR MITLA, XAAGA, LOMA LARGA, AND CORRAL DEL CERRO, 1864 TO 1973

Crude Death Rates were computed for each population per year

using the following formula:

CRUDE TOTAL DEATHS PER TOWN PER YEAR (D) ,nnn rVFATH - •.• ...... — . i. •• j_QQQ TOTAL POPULATION PER TOWN PER YEARn (N) RATE

Population refers to the population on January 1st of the specified

year. Crude Death Rates represent the total or overall force of

mortality on a population. They specify the proportionate impact of

death on a population. They may be used as probabilities that express

the average chance of death for individuals in a specified population

and conversely provide the basis for calculating average chance for . . „ , . , , . ,, crude death rate. survival for individuals m the population (1- 1000 '

Crude Death Rate is difficult to interpret because it represents risk

of death for individuals of all ages and categories from all causes.

Furthermore crude death rates are strongly affected by local condi­

tions and the structure of local populations. Therefore crude death

rates, although comparable for neighboring local populations and for the same population through time, may not be a reliable index of

relative mortality of populations in different regions because age sex

distributions of widely separated populations tend not to be identical

and the regions tend to be environmentally dissimilar. Even though

422 423

the average risk of death for each of the populations is of interest

for this study, the crude death rate is inadequate for estimating the

relative probability of death for various age and sex defined clases

that make up the overall rate. Therefore age-sex specific rates for

five year age cohorts and infants are presented by town and year. The formula used for computing age-sex specific rates is,

AGE-SEX TOTAL DEATHS OF INDIVIDUALS OF SPECIFIED SEX AND SPECIFIC _ FtVE YEAR AGE COHORT OCCURRING PER YEAR (D) DEATH TOTAL POPULATION OF INDIVIDUALS OF SPECIFIED SEX RATE AND FIVE YEAR AGE COHORT PER TOWN PER YEAR (N)

Infant death rates presented here were computed using the formula:

TOTAL DEATHS OF INFANTS OF A SPECIFIED SEX UNDER INFANT DEATH = 0NE YEAR 0F AGE PER T0WN PER YEAR (D) - - TOTAL POPULATION OF INFANTS OF A SPECIFIED SEX RATE UNDER ONE YEAR OF AGE PER TOWN PER YEAR (N)

Population refers to the population on January 1st of the specified year. The age-sex specific rates presented in the tables were not multiplied by a constant (usually 1000 for most of the rates computed for this study) because the probability of survival for each age-sex cohort per town per year (.1 - the age-sex specific rate for each respective cohort) is more easily apparent for each age-sex category if a constant is not used. Infant death rate is included in the calculations of the Under Five Death Rate, which includes individuals of ages 0»-4.

Caution must be exercised not to confuse the under one year or Infant Death Rate presented here with the Infant Mortality Rate.

Infant Mortality Rate is computed on the basis of live births using the formula: 424

INFANT MORTALITY _ RATE

DEATHS OF INFANTS UNDER ONE YEAR OF AGE (excluding still births) DURING A SPECIFIED TIME PERIOD 100Q TOTAL NUMBER OF LIVE BIRTHS DURING THE SAME X SPECIFIED TIME PERIOD

Infant mortality rates are used by medical science as the most reliable index of the level of general health of a society and are ranked for all countries each year by the World Health Organization as indicators of the standard of living for the world's nations.

Infant Death Rates presented in this appendix are ratios of infant deaths to the infant population exposed to the risk of death through­ out the specified year. Because of difficulties in making exact estimates of the age group 0-12 month's of a population (a value that changes monthly), considerable error exists in the enumeration of the infant population. Therefore Infant Death Rates are much less reliable than Infant Mortality Rates which is the ratio of infant deaths during a year to recorded births for the same year. Infant

Mortality Rates for the populations studied are discussed in Chapter 6. 425

Mitla

Age Class 1864 1865 1866 1867 1868 1869 1870

DInfants .2 .22 .19 .28 .09 .19 .29 .14 NInfants .10 .14 .32 .14 .23 ,11 H H *

.07 .07 .09 .14 .09 .11 n

90-4 0 ,06 .04 .06 .16 .10 .09 i n0-4 °5-9 .03 .01 .01 .01 .04 .02 N5_9 °10-14 .01 .01 .02 n10-14 .01 .02 .01 D15-19 .03 .03 .01 .03 n15-19 .02 .02 .02 d20-24 .04 .04 .02 .01 .01 .03 .02 n20-24 .02 d25-29 .02 .03 .02 .07 .02 .02 n25-29 .09 .05 .02 .02 d30-34 .03 .03 .03 .05 .03 .03 n30-34 .02 .03 .03 d35-39 .02 .05 n35-39 .02 .03 .02 d40-44 .12 .13 .03 N40-44 105 .06 d45-49 1029 .04 .05 N45-49 .05 d50-54 .05 ^50-54 ,06 d55-59 .05 .04 .04 .11 .04 n55-59 .08 d60-64 .38 .14 .13 .07 .19 N60-64 .24 .13 .08 .15 d65-69 .4 .5 .5 n65-69 .16 .11 .18 .38 d70-74 .2 .2 1.0 1.0 n70-74 .25 d75 and over .33 .4 .5 75 and over .29 .17 .4 °Total 29.5 16.4 24.1 40.6 40.6 43.2 32.3 ^Total x 1000 426 Mitla

Age Class 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877

DInfants .32 .25 .24 .38 ,2 .34 .25 NInfants .19 .34 .16 .23 .18 .08 .14 ^0-4 .12 .07 .18 .17 .07 .09 .11 .08 .16 .19 .19 .10 .04 .07 n0-4 °5-9 .03 .04 .07 .01 .02 .01 ,02 .09 .01 .01 N5-9 D10-14 .01 .01 .01 n10-14 .03 .01 .01 .02 .01 °15-19 .02 .03 .01 n15-19 .02 .01 d20-24 .01 .04 .01 n20-24 .02 .02 .02 d25-29 .02 .02 .01 .01 «25-29 .02 .05 .02 .04 .02 d30-34 .01 .08 ^30-34 .02 .02 .02 .02 d35-39 .04 .03 .03 .04 n35-39 .03 .03 .03 .03 d40-44 .06 .03 .03 n40-44 .02 .02 .02 .02 .02 d45-49 .03 N45-49 .03 .05 .05 .02 .02 °50-54 .07 .09 .19 .14 .11 .07 R5O-54 .05 .05 .05 .05 .09 °55-59 .04 .03 .06 .16 .08 n55-59 .14 .04 .06 d60-64 .05 .18 .13 .16 .05

N60-64 .09 .14 .33 -11 .09 .07 d65-69 .11 .33 ,27 N65-69 .48 .25 .17 .25 d70-74 1.0 .25 N70-74 .25 .33 d75 and over 1.0 75 and over .33 .5 °Total 34.4 43.0 58.1 51.8 28.3 28.8 24.0 l^Total X 1000 427 Mitla

Age Class 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884

DInfants .29 .27 .29 .03 .22 .40 .23 .43 .08 NInfants ^0-4 .23 .16 .13 .02 .11 .05 .14 N0-4 .29 .12 .07 °5-9 .05 .02 .03 .03 .10 .10 .07 .01 ,03 N5-9 °10-14 ^ .01 .03 .02 n10-14 .02 .02 .01 .01 .05 D15-19 .01 .01 .01 .01 n15-19 .01 .01 d20-24 .01 .01 n20-24 .01 .02 .01 d25-29 .02 N25-29 .02 .04 .01 d30-34 .02 .01 .01 "30-34 .02 .02 .06 D35-39 .03 .05 n35-39 .02 .04 .02 d40-44 .03 N40-44 ,03 .02 D45-49 .04 .03 .04 .04 .03 .06 N45_49 .02 .03 d50-54 .04 ^50-54 .06 .03 .05 .07 .06 d55-59 .07 .06 .14 n55-59 .1 .09 d60-64 .09 .18 .13 N60-64 .12 .07 .14 .14 .14 °65-69 .25 .08 .09 .17 .13 N65-69 .2 .12 .43 d70-74 .25 .1 n70-74 .33 d75 and over 75 and over .2 .17 °Total 75.1 32.8 41.2 19.6 51.8 ^Total X 1000 428 Mitla

Age Class 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891

DInfants .19 .08 .30 .17 .33 .23 .13 .23 .29 .34 .26 ^Infants .05 .29 .16 ^0-4 .09 .07 .10 .09 .22 .12 .06 n0-4 .01 .13 .08 .10 .23 .17 .14 °5-9 .01 .02 .04 .02 .01 .03 .02 .03 N5-9 .01 .01 °10-14 .03 .01 .01 .01 .01 .01 .02 n10-14 .03 D15-19 .01 .01 .01 .01 n15-19 .02 .01 .03 .02 .01 d20-24 .02 .02 .01 .02 .02 .01 n20-24 .04 .02 .01 .01 .04 ,02 d25-29 .05 .03 .01 n25-29 .02 .03 .01 d30-34 .03 .02 .02 .02 .03 .04 n30-34 .02 .07 .06 .05 .02 .02 d35-39 .05 .07 .03 .02 .05 .02 n35-39 .02 .09 .03 .02 .02 d40-44 .02 .04 .06 .02 .02 .04 R4O-44 .02 .09 .02 .02 .02 d45-49 .13 .08 .04 n45-49 .03 .07 d50-54 .17 .05 .04 ^50-54 .03 .03 .07 .10 .04 d55-59 .08 .04 .05 .05 .27 n55-59 .08 .11 .08 .03 .04 d60-64 .17 .18 .14 .12 N60-64 .07 .13 .16 .06 .3 .05 .05 d65-69 .18 .08 .11 .4 N65-69 .36 .33 .25 ,1 d70-74 .17 .2 .43 .14 .17 N70-74 .20 .33 d75 and over .33 .2 .2 .33 75 and over .17 .14 °Total 33.6 43.6 42.6 26.5 64.5 40.8 27.5 NTotal X 1000 429 Mitla

Age Class 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898

DInfants .33 .47 .38 .28 .16 .14 .33 .22 .07 .31 NInfants .19 .38 .39 .20 ^0-4 .12 .21 .15 .12 .06 .08 .16 .08 .16 N0-4 .09 .17 .15 .10 .07 °5-9 .01 .03 .03 .03 .04 .03 .04 .01 .03 .03 N5-9 .01 .02 .01 D10-14 .04 .01 n10-14 D15-19 .01 .02 .03 .01 .02 n15-19 .06 .02 .01 .01 °20-24 .01 .02 .01 .04 .01 .06 .04 .01 .03 n20-24 .01 ,03 .02 d25-29 .03 .01 .01 .03 .01 n25-29 .01 03 .03 .02 .02 d30-34 02 .02 .02 .02 .02 .05 n30-34 .04 .02 .03 .01 d35-39 .04 .04 .02 .02 n35-39 .06 .04 .02 .02 d40-44 .04 .02 .02 .05 "40-44 .03 .02 .07 d45-49 .02 .09 .09 n45-49 .02 .02 .05 d50-54 .1 .03 .08 .02 .02 r50-54 .03 .02 .02 .09 .03 .05 D55-59 .15 .14 .06 .10 .11 .22'* .12 n55-59 .05 .05 .04 .16 .11 d60-64 .09 .14 N60-64 .16 .13 .05 .22 .12 .14 d65-69 .29 .17 .11 .09 .45 .43 .33 "65-69 .36 .13 .23 .23 .08 d70-74 .2 .25 n70-74 .4 .25 .5 .25 .2 d75 and over .14 .14 .14 75 and over .11 .2 .17 .2 D 1t>tal 35.1 59.1 36.0 36.4 33.2 36.9 51.5 %otal x 1000 430 Mitla

Age Class 1899 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 H

D • • * 00 Infants .35 .28 CO 0 .40 .27 0 • • NInfants .30 .23 .30 .24 to to ^0-4 .06 .15 .15 .15 .13 .13 .29 n0~4 .10 .12 .11 .11 .10 .12 .13 °5-9 .02 .01 .01 N5-9 .01 .01 .02 .01 .01 .02 D10-14 .01 ,02 .01 n10-14 .01 °15-19 .01 .03 .01 n15-19 .01 .01 d20-24 .02 .05 .01 .01 .01 n .01 .01 .03 .03 .01 .01 !

20-24 1 O d25-29 .04 .02 .02 .02 U> • O n25-29 .02 .03 .01 CO d30-34 .03 .03 .04 .01 . r30-34 .03 .07 .04 .02 d35-39 .04 .02 .02 .05 .01 n35-39 .02 .03 .01 .04 d40-44 .02 .09 .02 .04 .03 N40-44 .02 .04 .03 .06 .04 D45-49 .05 .02 n45-49 .03 .07 .02 d50-54 .03 .08 .1 .06 .05 "50-54 .03 .05 .06 .03 .05 .02 D55-59 .09 .06 .13 n55-59 .06 ,06 .03 .03 ,03 .1 d60-64 .09 .06 .16 N60-64 .27 .06 .05 .08 .04 .12 d65-69 n65-69 .07 .21 d70-74 .5 .5 N70-74 .1 d75 and over .17 .17 .29 75 and over .2 .5 °Total 24.0 43.7 38.4 42.0 29.4 35.2 50.2 %otal X 1000 431 Mitla

Age Class 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912

DInfants .30 .38 .39 .35 .29 .38 .39 N .23 .33 .26 .30 .13 .24 .31 . Infants R o i

_ .15 .14 .16 .11 .13 .14 .17 §

i .07 .11 .16 ,08 .06 .11 .14 D5-9 .02 .02 .01 .01 .03 .02 N5-9 .05 .02 .01 .03 °10-14 .04 .01 .01 n10-14 ,01 .01 .02 .02 .01 °15-19 .01 .01 .01 .03 n15-19 .01 .01 .01 .01 ,02 °20-24 .01 .02 .02 .01 .03 n20-24 .01 .02 .02 .01 ,02 .04 d25-29 .01 .02 .03 .01 .01 .01 n25-29 .01 .01 .03 .01 .07 .05 .01 d30-34 .02 .06 .02 .02 .02 .06 n30-34 .04 .01 .03 .03 .06 .03 d35-39 .04 .03 .09 .04 .04 n35-39 .02 .04 .02 .04 .07 d40-44 .10 .06 .09 .05 n40-44 .02 .04 .07 .02 .06 d45-49 .03 .03 .05 .05 .04 n45-49 .05 .05 .06 .03 .02 .02 d50-54 .08 .03 .03 .03 .03 .09 r50-54 .02 .06 .05 .03 .06 • °55-59 H .06 .08 .1 .04 .10 • n55-59 o 00 .06 .03 .10 .1 d60-64 .04 .09 .04 .11 .28 .06 N60-64 .12 .04 .04 .08 .09 .16 .19 d65-69 .22 .13 .08 .05 .06 N65-69 .1 .08 .08 .16 .06 .05 .1 d70-74 .14 .14 .17 .17 n70-74 .11 .11 .25 .25 .17 °75 and over .17 .4 .17 .17 .17 75 and over .09 .09 .08 .27 .08 .23 °Total 36.8 36.4 57.6 36.1 37.0 40.6 53.5 ^Total X 1000 432 Mitla

Age Class 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919

D H Infants .36 .44 ^ .28 .32 .42 .33 0 NInfants .28 • .26 • .26 .28 .36 .23 1 I i l Po-4 .12 .22 .06 .12 .09 .19 .12 N0-4 .11 .15 .06 .09 .12 .19 .09 °5-9 .02 .04 .04 .01 .02 .03 .02 .01 .02 N5-9 D10-14 .03 : .01 .02 .02 .01 n10-14 .03 .03 .01 .01 .01 .01 D15-19 .02 .06 .01 .02 .01 .04 n15-19 .03 .01 .01 d20-24 .01 .03 .03 .07 .01 .07 n20-24 .02 .01 .02 .04 .01 d25-29 .01 .01 .06 .07 .01 n25-29 .03 .02 .05 .05 .01 .03 d30-34 .03 .04 .09 .01 .01 n30-34 .03 .04 .02 .04 .03 d35-39 .07 .02 .10 .05 .05 .05 .02 n35-39 .08 .10 .04 d40-44 .05 .10 .10 .03 .03 .05 "40-44 .03 .05 .03 .10 .04 d45-49 .03 .05 .05 .05 .04 .03 .07 N45-49 .02 .03 .07 .03 °50-54 .1 .09 .17 .03 .09 R5O-54 .06 ,08 .11 .02 .02 d55-59 .07 .11 .13 .05 n55-59 .02 .06 .07 .22 d60-64 .15 .05 .27 .19 .11 N60-64 .05 .11 .15 .13 .09 d65-69 ,83 ,09 tl3 .4 .2 N65-69 .11 .08 .08 .08 .08 .15 d70-74 .22 .27 .14 N70-74 .17 .18 .1 .09 ,07 d75 and over ,17 .57 .33 .33 75 and over .33 .14 .43 .09 °Total 45.3 58,4 42.5 61.3 29.4 49.8 23.7 ^Total X 1000 433 Mitla

Age Class 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926

DInfants .32 .28 .45 .38 .40 .25 .24 .32 .12 .18 .18 .23 .22 "infants .24 Po-4 .15 .14 .20 .17 .15 .11 .11 .09 .12 .07 .10 .09 .11 .13 w0-4 °5-9 .02 .02 .02 .01 .01 .01 .03 N5-9 D10-14 .02 .°i .03 ,01 .02 n10-14 .12 .02 D15-19 .02 .02 n15-19 .02 d20-24 .02 .01 .03 .01 .01 .02 n20-24 .03 d25-29 .01 .01 .01 .01 N25-29 .01 .01 .01 .01 .03 .01 d30-34 .01 .04 .01 .02 .01 .01 .01 r30-34 .01 .01 .01 d35-39 .03 .03 .05 .03 .01 n35-39 .02 .03 .06 .03 d40-44 .03 .04 .02 .02 W40-44 .02 .02 .02 d45-49 .03 .03 .06 .06 .03 .05 n45-49 .03 .02 .02 .02 .02 d50-54 .03 .08 ^50-54 .06 .03 .04 .01 .03 d55-59 .17 .05 ,08 .08 .14 ,11 n55-59 .02 .03 .06 .06 .03 d60-64 .06 .06 N60-64 .06 .07 ,11 .1 .06 d65-69 .06 .08 N65-69 .33 .08 .15 .09 d70-74 .5 .33 .09 N70-74 .11 .33 .14 .13 d75 and over .33 75 and over .21 .2 .21 .27 .08 .17 DTotal 28.3 31.8 33.6 35,2 34.9 29.8 33.3 ^Total x 1000 434 Mitla

Age Class 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 DInfants .14 .23 .17 .13 .14 .06 .13 NInfants .14 .16 .21 .15 .16 .12 .06 D-0-4 .06 .11 .07 .07 .10 .10 .04 .06 n0-4 .07 .10 .19 .09 .08 .07 .04 D5-9 .02 .01 .01 .01

N5-9 .02 .01 .01 .01 .02 D10-14 .01 .01 n10-14 .02 .02 .02 °15-19 .01 .01 n15-19 .01 .01 .03 .01 d20-24 .02 .01 .01 .02 n20-24 .02 .02 .01 d25-29 .02 .01 .01 .01 .01 .01 n25-29 .02 .01 .04 .02 .01 .02 d30-34 .04 .01 .01 .04 .01 n30-34 .01 .02 .04 d35-39 .01 .03 .03 .04 .04 .03 n35-39 .03 .01 040-44 .02 .05 .02 .06 .03 .01 "40-44 .04 .02 .05 .02 .06 d45-49 .06 .02 .05 .04 .02 N45-49 .02 .02 .02 .02 .09 .07 d50-54 .03 ^50-54 .03 .06 .02 d55-59 .05 .09 .15 .09 n55-59 .10 .05 .11 .04 .03 d60-64 .17 .06 .14 .15 .07 .06 N60-64 .11 .11 .24 .12 .11 .06 d65-69 .07 .19 .17 .09 N65-69 .2 .06 .15 .05 .1 d70-74 .21 .08 .31 n70-74 .11 .09 .11 .09 .11 d75 and over .14 .13 .18 .25 75 and over .4 .27 .1 .09 .08 °Total 31.5 31.5 30.4 24.7 31.7 23.4 22.1 ^Total x 1000 435 Mitla

Age Class 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940

DInfants .20 .12 .17 .06 .18 .11 .25 NInfants .26 .09 .08 .12 .10 .13 .26 PQ-4 .10 .11 .06 .05 .06 .08 .13 n0-4 .10 .04 .04 .05 .04 .06 .18 °5-9 .02 .02 .01 .02 .02 .03 N5-9 .02 .01 .01 .01 °10-14 .01 .01 .01 .01 .02 n10-14 .01 °15-19 .01 .01 .01 .02 n15-19 .01 .01 .02 .01 d20-24 .03 .02 .01 .03 .02 .04 n20-24 .01 .02 .01 .01 d25-29 .01 .03 .02 .01 .02 n25-29 .02 .02 .01 d30-34 .01 .03 .03 .03 .02 n30-34 .01 .02 .01 .03 .03 d35-39 .04 .01 .01 .01 n35-39 .01 .03 .01 .02 .01 d40-44 .01 .04 .03 .01 .04 .05 N40-44 .02 .01 .01 .04 .01 .01 d45-49 .01 .04 .05 .02 N45-49 .01 .03 .02 .01 .04 d50-54 .02 .07 .05 .06 .06 .02 ^50-54 .03 .03 .02 d55-59 .06 .03 .03 .1 n55-59 .03 .05 .03 .03 d60-64 .05 .17 .06 .15 N60-64 .23 .05 .07 .13 .03 d65-69 .14 .18 .11 N65-69 .13 .06 .13 .13 °70-74 .13 .1 .11 .11 .09 n70-74 .17 .15 .09 .09 d75 and over .08 .06 .13 .18 75 and over .08 .13 .13 .2 .07 °Total 27.0 25.1 21,8 21.6 21.7 24,3 40.5 NTotal X 1000 436

Mitla

Age Class 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 DInfants .39 .14 .11 .27 .21 .21 .09 NInfants .06 .16 .02 .15 .21 .06 .08 d-0-4 .10 .09 .07 .10 .11 .07 .07 n0-.4 .04 .07 .05 .08 .04 .05 .03 D5-9 .01 .01 .01 .01 .01 n5-9 .004 .01 .03 .01 D10-14 .01 .01 .01 .-1 .01 .01 n10-14 .01 °15-19 .01 .01 .02 .01 .01 n15-19 .01 °20-24 .01 .01 .03 .03 .02 .01 .01 .01 .01 .03 .02 n20-24 d25-29 .01 .01 .04 .01 .02 .01 .01 n25-29 d30-34 .01 .04 .01 .01 .03 .04 n30-34 .01 .01 .05 .02 .02

d • 35-39 .04 .02 .01 .04 O .01 • 0 n35-39 .02 .03 .02 .02 .02 H H O d40-44 .01 • .04 .06 .04 .01 O N40-44 .01 .03 .03 .02 ! I 1 •

d H 45-49 .05 .04 .04 .02 .15 O

n45-49 .05 .01 .01 .05 0 d50-54 .08 .06 .02 .02 .02 .06 r50-54 .06 .11 .03 °55-59 .03 .03 .05 .03 .05 n55-59 .03 .04 .03 .02 d60-64 .05 .05 .08 .12 .13 .13 *>60-64 .11 .07 .11 .08 .08 .03 d65-69 .09 .2 .07 .06 N65-69 .06 .06 .09 .04 d70-74 .17 1.3 1.5 n70-74 .11 .11 .25 .25 .2 d75 and over .07 .13 .19 .14 .08 .11 75 and over .21 .23 .25 .56 .1 .21 .13

°Total 2.00 30,9 20.1 28.6 34.7 23.5 19.9 ^Total X 1000 437 Mitla

Age Class 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954

DInfants .51 .11 .19 .17 .60 .17 .10 NInfants .36 .10 .17 .19 .19 .10 .47 PQ-4 .13 .06 .08 .06 .13 .05 .06 .05 .05 .06 .09 .05 .08 N0-4 .14 °5-9 .01 .01 .01 .03 .01 n5-9 .01 .01 .01 .02 .01 .01 D10-14 .01 .01 .01 .01 .01 n10-14 .-1 .01 .01 .oi D15-19 .01 .01 .01 n15-19 .02 .01 .01 .004 D20-24 .01 .01 .01 .01 n20-24 .01 .03 .03 .01 .01 d25-29 .02 .02 .01 n25-29 .01 .02 .02 .02 .01 d30-34 .04 .01 .01 n30-34 .02 .01 .01 .01 d35-39 .01 .01 .01 .01 .01 .04 n35-39 .01 .01 .01 .01 .02 .01 D40-44 .03 .03 .01 .05 .02 N40-44 .01 .05 .03 .01 °45-49 .03 .04 .08 .05 .05 .07 N45-49 .01 .07 .04 .01 .02 .04 .01 d50-54 .04 .02 .10 ^50-54 .03 .05 .05 D55-59 .04 .02 .06 .02 .11 .04 n55-59 .02 .0|6 .05 .02 .03 .06 d60-64 .08 .08 .07 .4 .07 .04 .03 N60-64 .03 .12 .04 .16 .11 .05 d65-69 .22 .2 .13 .13 ,13 N65-69 .21 .19 .06 .11 .1 d70-74 .2 .07 .15 N70-74 .23 .06 .5 .4 d75 and over .83 .2 3.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 .07 75 and over .29 .14 .4 .33 .3 .21 D Total 33.4 20.7 24.6 22.8 32.6 20,0 22.1 ^Total X 1000 438 Mitla

Age Class 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961

DInfants .27 .07 .15 .16 .15 .16 .16 .10 .15 ^Infants .23 .07 .10 .26 .08 d-0-4 .09 .02 .05 .05 .06 .04 .04 .07 .03 .08 .05 N0-4 .06 .02 .04 °5-9 .01 .01 .004 .01 N5-9 .004 .01 .004 .004 D10-14 .01 .01 .01 n10-14 .01 .01 .01 D15-19 .01 .01 n15-19 .01 .01 .01 d20-24 .01 .01 .02 .01 .01 n20-24 .01 .01 d25-29 .01 .01 .01 .01 n25-29 .01 .01 .01 d30-34 .01 .02 .01 .01 .01 n30-34 .03 d35-39 .04 .01 .01 .01 .01 n35-39 .01 .01 .01 d40-44 .03 .01 .01 .03 .03 n40-44 .01 .04 .03 .03 d45-49 .03 .02 .05 .05 .02 n45-49 .04 .01 .02 d50-54 .02 .02 .1 .02 .04 n50-54 .03 .01 .04 .01 D55-59 .05 .06 ,02 .02 .02 n55-59 .04 .02 .06 d60-64 .08 .03 .10 .11 .03 N60-64 .05 .04 .02 .02 d65-69 .06 .15 .07 .03 N65-69 .05 .21 .11 d70-74 .11 .22 .1 .2 .57 N70-74 .5 .4 .09 .25 .21 d75 and over .50 .17 .13 .33 .43 .43 i.O 75 and over .55 .3 .1 1.25 1. 1. 1. °Total 24.3 9.41 17.2 16.6 15.8 16.4 14.3 ^Total X 1000 439

Mitla

Age Class 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968

DInfants .08 .22 .13 .16 .14 .12 .14 NInfants .18 .16 .14 .13 .15 .13 .09 d0-a ,02 .05 ,04 .04 ,04 ,03 ,04 n0-4 ,05 .05 .05 .05 .05 ,05 .02 °5-9 ,004 .003 .01 «5-9 .003 D10-14 .01 .004 .004 n10-14 .004 °15-19 .01 ,01 n15-19 .01 .01 .01 .004 .004 d20-24 .02 .01 n20-24 d25-29 .01 .01 .01 .01 .01 n25-29 .01 .01 d30-34 .01 .01 n30-34 .01 d35-39 .02 .03 .01 .01 n35-39 .01 .01 .01 d40-44 .03 .02 .02 .01 ^40-44 .01 .02 .01 D45-49 .02 .02 .02 .02 .01 N45-49 .01 .02 .02 °50-54 .04 .02 .05 .03 .02 .02 ^50-54 .01 .01 .01 .03 D55-59 .02 .02 .07 .06 .04 .02 n55-59 .01 .04 .04 .01 d60-64 .02 .04 .02 N60-64 .02 .04 .04 .03 .01 d65-69 .07 .12 .05 .17 .07 .03 N65-69 .05 .02 .02 .03 .08 d70-74 .09 .06 .08 .03 .03 .05 .11 .05 N70-74 .05 .07 .11 d75 and over .60 1.0 .33 L.O L.O .43 75 and over .75 1.8 .22 1.5 .33 ,43 °Total 13.0 14.9 15.2 12.6 14.5 11.2 10.5 x 1000 440

Mitla

Age Class 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 DXnfants .13 .21 .13 .10 .12 .08 "infants .06 .09 .13 .12 d-0t4 .03 .04 .04 .04 .03 .02 .02 .02 .03 .04 N0-^ D5-9 .003 .003 .003 .003 n5-9 °10-14 .01 n10-14 .003 .004 .004 D15-19 .005 n15-19 .004 d20-24 .01 .01 n20-24 .004 .004 d25-29 .01 .01 .01 .01 .01 n25-29 .01 .01 .01 d30-34 .01 .01 r30-34 .01 d35-39 .01 .01 n35-39 d40-44 .01 .01 .02 .01 "40-44 .01 .01 d45-49 .02 .01

N45-49 .01 .02 d50-54 .02 .02 .02 ^50-54 .02 .02 .01 .01 .01 D55-59 .02 .02 n55-59 .01 .05 060-64 .05 .05 .02 .02 N60-64 .01 .02 .04 .01 .01 d65-69 .02 .33 .05 .03 "65-69 .02 .05 .05 .04 d70-74 .11 .27 .03 .06 N70-74 .21 .04 .05 .2 d75 and over .36 .06 .29 75 and over .25 .32 .06

°Total 8.6 11.7 11.2 12.2 13.3 ^Total X 1000 441 Xaaga

Age Class 1864 1865 1866 1867 1868 1869 1870 DInfants .25 .25 .33 NInfants 1.0 d-0-4 .07 .14 .33 .13 .15

D5-9 n5-9 D10~14 N10-14 D15-19 n15-19 d20-24 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 n30-34 d35-39

N35_39 d40-44 "40-44 d45-49

N45_49 d50-54 "50-54 D55-59 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 D65-69 N65-69 D70-74 N70-74 d75 and over 75 and over °Total 17 13.2 12,8 45.5 ^Totai X 1000 442 XaagS

age Class 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877

DInfants .25 .33 .5 .25 NInfants ^0-4 .15 .31 .50 .13 .08 N0-4 .10 .22 .20 D5-9 .11 .18 N5-9 .50 D10-14 n10-14 .25 D15-19 ,20 n15-19 .33 d20-24 .25 n20-24 d25-29 .20 .20 n25-29 d30-34 n30-34 D35-39 n35-39 d40-44 N4O-44 d45-49 n45-49 d50-54 ^50-54 d55-59 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 1.0 d65-69 > N65-69 d70-74 N70-74 d75 and over 75 and over °Total 67.4 81.4 133 26.1 13.2 23.3 | ^Total X 1000 443 Xaaga

Age Class 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884

DInfants 1.0 .50 .25 NInfants °-0-4 .11 .4 .20 .11 N0-4 .4 .11 .40 °5-9 .16 N5-9 °10-14 n10-14 .25 °15-19 n15-19 °20-24 .33 n20-24 .33 1.0 d25-29 n25-29 .17 d30-34 n30-34 d35-39

N35_39 d40-44 N40-44 d45-49 n45-49 d50-54 r50-54 D55-59 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 d65-69 N65-69 d70-74 n70-74 d75 and over 75 and over DTotal 68.2 69.8 48.2 24,7 21.7 ^Total x 1000 444 XaagS

Age Class 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 DInfants .33 1.0 NInfants .33 1.0 1.0 .50 Po-4 .07 .09 .29 .33 .33 .25 n0-4 .14 .20 °5-9 N5-9 D10-14 n10-14 D15-19 n15-19 °20-24 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 r30-34 .50 d35-39 .33 n35-39 d40-44 N40-44 d45-49 N45-49 d50-54 .50 ^50-54 1,0 D55-59 .50

N55_59 d60-64 .33 N60-64 d65-69 N65-69 d70-74 n70-74 d75 and over 75 and over D Total 28,9 38.8 19.8 28.6 47,6 NTotal X 1000 445 Xaag&

Rge Class 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 DInfants .60 .50 .50 .25 .50 NInfants 1.0 .25 .25 .50 PQ-4 .33 .36 .25 .13 .13 .12 .13 .10 N0-4 .50 .20 .17 .11 °5-9 N5-9 D10-14 n10-14 D15-19 n15-19 °20-24 .17 .33 "20-24 d25-29 "25-29 d30-34 "30-34 d35-39 n35-39 .25 d40-44 \ w40-44 d45-49 .25 "45-49 .20 °50-54 .50 .33 "50-54 °55-59 .50 "55-59 D60-64 1.0 "60-64 d65-69 .33 "65-69 1.0 D70-74 "70-74 d75 and over .50 75 and over 1.0 °Total 38.1 63.0 46.3 18.5 53.1 18.5 60.4 ^Total X 1000 446 Xaaga

Age Class 1899 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 DInfants .60 .57 .67 NInfants .33 .67 .67 .17 .43 .17 °-0-4 .09 .33 .08 .21 .29 .15 .15 .14 .15 .18 .06 N0-4 °5-9 N5-9 D10-14 .13 n10-14 °15-19 .07 n15-19 d20-24 n20-24 d25-29 .25 n25-29 d30-34 w30-34 d35-39 .17 n35-39 .33 .33 d40-44 w40-44 d45-49 n45-49 d50-54 n50-54 .25 D55-59 .50 n55-59 d60-64 n60-64 .33 d65-69 n65-69 d70-74 n70-74 d75 and over 75 and over °Total 17.5 48.8 41.0 32.5 31.5 68.5 50.7 ^Total x 1000 447 Xaaga

Age Class 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912

DInfants .22 .50 1.0 .14 .43 .40 .44 NInfants .50 .17

PQ-4 .12 .05 .06 .26 .05 .16 .12 .28 .35 n0-4 .16 .05 °5-9 .10 .06 N5-9 D10-14 .11 .11 n10-14 D15-19 .14 n15-19 d20-24 .25 .08 n20-24 d25-29 .25 N25-29 d30-34 ^30-34 °35-39 N35-39 d40-44 .20 n40-44 .17 d45-49 n45-49 d50-54 .25 ^50-54 °55-59 1.0 .33 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 .33 1.0 1.0 d65-69 N65-69 d70-74 n70-74 d75 and over 1.0 1.0 75 and over 1.0

°Total 36.2 54.4 14.2 13.1 50.6 67.5 83.3 Rissrx 1000 448 XaagS

Age Class 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 O C O • DInfants .33 .71 .33 .33 .67 .33 • NInfants .38 .20 .33 .29 ^0-4 .15 .30 .13 .29 .29 .17 .21 N0-4 .14 .11 .16 .29 .09 .32 .26 °5-9 .06 .50 n5-9 .07 .07 °10-14 n10-14 °15-19 .13 .10 n15-19 d20-24 .14 .13 n20-24 d25-29 .25 N25-29 d30-34 1.0 n30-34 .33 d35-39 .33 .11 n35-39 .20 d40-44 .50 N4O-44 .33 D45-49 .40 N45-49 .20 .25 d50-54 ^50-54 d55-59 n55-59 d60-64 1.0 1.0 N60-64 d65-69 N65-69 d70-74 L.O N70-74 d75 and over 75 and over °Total 41.2 58.1 68.2 129 66.7 58.8 63.2 ^Total X 1000 449 Xaaga

age Class 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926

DInfants .17 .33 .33 .36 .33 NInfants .67 .11 .67 .17 .20 Po-4 .07 .07 .14 .14 .18 .09 .07 .13 .13 .16 .11 N0-4 .12 .11 °5-9 N5-9 °10-14 n10-14 D15-19 .20 .08 .25 n15-19 d20-24 n20-24 d25-29 N25-29 d30-34 ^30-34 .25 D35-39 .25 .33 N35_39 d40-44 n40-44 .33 d45-49 N45-49 d50-54

^50-54 1 d55-59 n55-59 d60-64 .50 .50 N60-64 d65-69 N65-69 d70-74

N70_74 d75 and over 75 and over DTotal 29.8 17.5 23.1 48,7 22.0 30.2 24.6 ^Total X 1000 450

Xaaga

Age Class 1927 1928 1929 1930 .1931 1932 1933

DInfants .36 .25 .33 .38 .33 .50 .14 .17 .20 .20 .50 "infants D-0-4 .25 .04 .10 .18 .20 .21 N0-4 .24 .14 .09 .04 .08 .11 .13 D5-9 .07 .04 .08 N5-9 D10-14 .08 n10-14 °15-19 n15-19 °20-24 .09 .08 .06 .09 n20-24 d25-29 .07 n25-29 .17 d30-34 n30-34 .20 d35-39 .17 n35-39 D40-44 "40-44 d45-49 .33 n45-49 .50 d50-54 ^50-54 D55-59 n55-59 d60-64 n60-64 .33 d65-69 .50 "65-69 d70-74 1.0 n70-74 d75 and over 75 and over .33 °Total 71.4 36.5 35.4 13.0 42.0 45.5 49.0 Hototal X 1000 451 Xaagi

Age Class 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 DInfants .50 .30 .20 .20 .20 NInfants .50 .20 ^0-4 .21 .04 .08 .04 .04 .04 N0-4 .19 .06 D5-9 .08 N5_9 °10-14 .06 .13 n10-14 °15-19 .09 .08 .07 n15-19 d20-24 .08 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 .13 n30-34 d35-39 • n35-39 d40-44 N40-44 D45-49 .25 n45-49 .33 d50-54 .33 "50-54 .50 d55-59 .40 .40 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 d65-69 ^65-69 0 d70-74 to • •

N70-74 H O d75 and over 75 and over .33 °Total 44.2 16.0 3.9 37.7 26.2 11.0 17.7 NTotal x 1000 452

Xaag&

Age Class 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947

DInfants .29 .60 .29 .17 .10 .43 .57 .10 "infants .33 .11 .25 .29 .25 %-4 .08 .12 .13 .07 .06 .18 N0-4 .16 .08 .16 .05 .14 .14 .08 °5-9 N5-9 D10-14 "l0-14 D15-19 .06 "15-19 D20-24 .09 .08 n20-24 d25-29 .08 «25-29 .20 D30-34 .07 .22 n30-34 .11 d35-39 .15 .11 n35-39 .11 .17 °40-44 N40-44 .17 .13 D45-49 .75 N45-49 .25 °50-54 "50-54 .10 D55-59 "55-59 °60-64 1.0 .50 .50 N60-64 .50 D65-69 ,50. "65-69 d70-74 ,50 ,50 ,5 N70-74 d75 and over .67 75 and over .25 .33 DTotal L '• • • x 1000 37.8 26.9 112 24.7 20.3 36.7 12.9 "Total 453 Xaaga

Age Class 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1 D • Infants .25 .08 H H .25 .17 .08

NInfants .11 O KD .50

^0-4 O & .07 .09 .05 .03 .05 O N £> .13 .12 .13 1 1

0-4 1 °5-9 .08 .07 .03 .13 N5-9 D10-14 .09 .43 n10-14 D15-19 .06 .05 n15-19 •n D20-24 .05 .06 .04 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 .08 .07 d30-34 .09 w30-34 D35-39 .13 .11 .14 n35-39 .09 .07 °40-44 .11 N40-44 D45-49 .09 N45-49 d50-54 .33 r50-54 D 55-59 O H £* n55-59 « .13 1 1 1 d60-64 N60-64 .17 d65-69 N65-69 d70-74 N70-74 .50 .33 d75 and over .33 75 and over .25 .33 .24 .33 °Total 21.0 29.9 20.2 44.4 48.9 16.6 18,8 %otal x 1000

i . 454 XaagS

Age Class 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961

DInfants .09 .3 .08 .13 NInfants .09 .18 d-0-4 .05 .07 .01 .03 .05 .05 .02 .02 .02

D5-9 .05 N5-9 °10-14 .04 n10-14 °15-19 .05 n15-19 °20-24 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 n30-34 d35-39 .06 n35-39 .11 d40-44 "40-44 D45-49 .14

N45_49 d50-54 1.0 ^50-54 D55-59 1.4 n55-59 .20 d60-64 N60-64 d65-69 1.0 N65-69 d70-74 •*70-74 d75 and over .50 75 and over 1.0 °Total MIL- •. —:1 x 1000 7.75 14.8 6.90 11.3 8.60 16.5 5.94 "Total 455

XaagS

Age Class 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968

DInfants .20 .09 .17 .09 .20 .25 .25 .09 .10 .23 .06 ^Infants ^0-4 .05 .02 .04 .06 .02 .06 .07 .02 N0-4 .08 .02 .07 .07 .03 D5-9 .02 .02 n5-9 D10-14 .03 n10-14 D15-19 n15-19 D20-24 n20-24 d25-29 .08 N25-29 d30-34 .07 n30-34 d35-39 n35-39 .06 d40-44 n40-44 .07 d45-49 N45-49 d50-54 "50-54 °55-59 n55-59 .33 d60-64 .17

N60-64 ; d65-69 N65-69 D70-74 N70-74 .20 .25 .50 °75 and over .50 1.0 75 and over .33 °Total 17.3 5.64 18.3 8.93 10.4 11.8 8.05 ^Total X 1000 456 Xaaga

Age Class 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973

DInfants .17 .11 .04 .13 ,28 ^Infants .06 .14 ^0-4 .04 .06 .03 .05 .07 N0-4 .02 .03 .03 D5-9 .02 N5_9 °10-14 n10-14 D15-19 n15-19 °20-24 n20-24 d25-29 .06 .05 N25-29 d30-34 "30-34 D35-39 n35-39 .06 d40-44 "40-44 d45-49 N45-49 d50-54 "50-54 .13 D55-59 n55-59 d60-64 .17 N60-64 D65-69 ,67 N65-69 d70-74 N70-74 °75 and over .33 75 and over ,20 °Total 4.7 7.4 7.2 8.26 14.8 NTotal X 1000 457 Loma Larga

Age Class 1910 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916

DInfants .50 .50 NInfants d-0-4 .16 .16 N0-4 D5-9 N5_9 D10-14 n10-14 °15-19 n15-19 d20-24 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 "30-34 d35-39 n35-39 d40-44

N40-44 d45-49 N45-49 D50-54 • ^50-54 °55-59 N55-59 d60-64 N60-64 D65-69 *>65-69 d70-74 N70-74 d75 and over 75 and over O D N C Total C 21.3 NTotal X 1000 458 Loma Larga

Age Class 1917 1918 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923 O DInfants O .67 NInfants .75 ^0-4 .16 .16 .66 • CD No-4-: .14 .43 U) °5-9 .2 n5-9 °10-14 n10-14 D15-19 .33 .33 n15-19 °20-24 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 n30-34 d35-39 n35-39 d40-44 [g40-44 d45-49

N45_49 d50-54 ^50-54 °55-59 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 D65-69 N65-69 d70-74 n70-74 d75 and over 75 and over

D Total 39.2 94,3 76.9 39.2 19.2 ^Total X 1000 459

Lorna Larga

Age Class 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930

DInfants .50 NInfants .1 1.0 .5 PQ-4 .50 1.00 .33 n0-4 .33 » 5 .25 D5-9 N5-9 D10-14 n10-14 °15-19 .17 n15-19 d20-24 .17 n20-24 d25-29 .33 n25-29 .33 d30-34 ^30-34 .5 D35-39 n35-39 d40-44 W4O-44 d45-49 N45-49 d50-54 ^50-54 D55-59 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 .5 d65-69 **65-69 d70-74 n70-74 d75 and over .5 75 and over 1.0 °Total 37.7 36.4 72.7 18,9 75.5 56.6 18.9 ^Total X 1000 460 Loma Larga .

Age Class 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937

DInfants .60 .33 1.0 "infants .36 d-0-4 .2 .33 .17 N0-4 °5-9 .1 .14 .1 .25 N5-9 D10-14 "l0-14 D15-19 n15-19 d20-24 .2 .33 n20-24 d25-29 * .5 "25-29 d30-34 .2 r30-34 1.0 d35-39 .5 n35-39 1.0 d40-44 n40-44 d45-49 "45-49 1.0 d50-54 "50-54 °55-59 "55-59 °60-64 "60-64 d65-69 "65-69 1.0 d70-74 "70-74 d75 and over 75 and over 1.0 °Total 70.2 72.7 103.0 52.6 16.7 31.8 47.6 ^Total X 1000 461' Loma Larga

Age Class 1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944

DInfants ;

n N

I Infants o j 1 a 1.0 1 °5-9 0.7 .083 .25 .25 N5_9 D10-14 n10-14 D15-19 n15-19 d20-24 1.0 - n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 n30-34 .5 d35-39 n35-39 d40-44 n40-44 d45-49 N45-49 °50-54 r50-54 D55-59 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 d65-69 .25 N65-69 d70-74 .5 N70-74 1.0 D 75 and over - 75 and over

D Total 60.6 44.8 29.4 14.1 12.8 ^Totai X 1000 462 Loma Larga

Age Class 1945 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951

DInfants .66 .4 .33 NInfants ^0-4 .33 N0-4

D5-9 .11 .22 .18 H H

.4 .3 O 00 N5-9 D10-14 n10-14 °15-19 n15-19 d20-24 .08 .13 n20-24 .33 d25-29 N25-29 d30-34 ^30-34 d35-39 n35-39 d40-44 .5 N4O-44 d45-49 N45-49 d50-54 ^50-54 D55-59 n55-59 d60-64 *>60-64 D65-69 .5 N65-69 d70-74 N70-74 d75 and over 75 and over °Total 12.4 58.9 48.2 66.7 11.2 31.3 %otal X 463 Loma Larga

Age Class 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958

DInfants .33 .25 .75 NInfants ^0-4 n0-4 °5-9 .11 .18 .2 .086 .09 .11 N5-9 D10-14 n10-14 °15-19 n15-19 d20-24 .09 n20-24 d25-29 .14 N25-29 d30-34 r30-34 d35-39 .5 n35-39 d40-44 N40-44 d45-49 n45-49 d50-54 ^50-54 D55-59 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 d65-69 N65-69 d70-74 n70-74 1.0 d75 and over 1.0 75 and over DTotal 21.1 10.3 29.4 36.7 50.0 26.8 ^Totai x 1000 464 Loma Larga

Age Class 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965

DInfants .50 .16 .66 .33 NInfants ^0-4 N0^1 1.0 .25 .67 D5-9 .154 ,071 .31 .083 .08 .09 N5-9 .07 .07 .15 D10-14 n10-14 D15-19 n15-19 d20-24 n20-24 d25-29 .07 n25-29 d30-34 n30-34 d35-39 n35-39 d40-44 N40-44 d45-49 n45-49 d50-54 n50-54 .25 °55-59 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 d65-69 N65-69 d70-74 "70-74 d75 and over 75 and over .5 DTotal 16.0 15.4 36.8 29.2 7.2 13.9 6-9 ^Total x 1000 465 Loma Larga

Age Class 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972

DInfants .2 .16 NInfants d-0-4 n0-4 .33 .33 D5-9 .12 .08 .11 .18 .09 N5-9 .22 °10-14 n10-14 °15-19 n15-19 d20-24 n20-24 d25-29 .14 N25-29 d30-34 .15 n30-34 d35-39 n35-39 .33 d40-44 N40-44 d45-49 n45-49 d50-54 n50-54 °55-59 n55-59 d60-64 .5 N60-64 d65-69 N65-69 d70-74 N70-74 d75 and over 1.0 75 and over 1.0 DTotal 54.8 26.3 24.4 6.06 ^Total X 1000 Loma Larga

Age Class 1973

DInfants .14 NInfants d-0-4 N0-4 .5 °5-9 .61 N5-9 .17 °10-14 n10-14 . D15-19 n15-19 d20-24 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 n30-34 d35-39 n35-39 d40-44 "40-44 D45-49

N45_49 d50-54 "50-54 .33 D55-59 n55-59 d 60-64 / N60-64 D65-69 n65-69 d70-74 n70-74 d75 and over 75 and over .25

D Total 31.4 ^Total x 1000 467

Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899

DInfants 1.0 1.0 ^Infants Po-4 .6 N0-4 .33 °5-9

N5_9 D10-14 n10-14 D15-19 n15-19 °20-24 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 n30-34 d35-39 n35-39 D40-44 n40-44 .5 d45-49 n45-49 d50-54 *"50-54 d55-59 .5 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 D65-69 N65-69 d70-74 N70-74 d75 and over 75 and over °Total 250 ^Total X 1000 468 Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 1906

DInfants 1.0 NInfants D-0-4 .2 .5 1.0 .5 .5 N0-4 °5-9 %-9 °10-14 n10-14 D15-19 n15-19 °20-24 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 n30-34 d35-39 n35-39 d40-44 N40-44 °45-49 N45-49 d50-54 ^50-54 °55-59 n55-59 d60-64 .5 N60-64 d65-69 N65-69 d70-74 n70-74 d75 and over 75 and over °Total torn" I' X 1000 111 41.7 40 40 115 "Total 469 Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913

DInfants 1.0 1.0 NInfants 1.0 Po-4 1.0 1.0 N0-4 D5-9 n5-9 °10-14 n10-14 D15-19 n15~19 d20-24 n20-24 d25-29 N25-29 d30-34 r30-34 d35-39 n35-39 °40-44 N40-44 d45-49

N45_49 d50-54 n50-54 d55-59 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 D65-69 L.O N65-69 d70-74 N70-74 d75 and over 75 and over °Total 83.3 41.7 76.9 %otal x 1000 470 Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920 DInfants .5 .5 .33 NInfants %-4 ,5 .25 .4 N0- 4 °5-9 N5-9 D10-14 ^10-14 D15-19 .33 n15-19 °20-24 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 .5 n30-34 D35-39 1.0 n35-39 d40-44 n40-44 ,5 d45-49 n45-49 1.0 d50-54 1.0 n50-54 D55-59 n55-59 d60-64 1,0 n60-64 d65-69 n65-69 1.0 d70-74 n70-74 d75 and over 75 and over °Total 115 87.1 45.5 87.1 192 ^Total x 1000 471

Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927

DInfants 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 NInfants .6 ^0-4 .33 .33 1.0 .5 n0-4 °5-9 .5 N5-9 D10-14 n10-14 D15-19 n15-19 d20-24 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 ^30-34 d35-39 n35-39 d40-44 N4O-44 d45-49 N45-49 d50-54 ^50-54 D55-59 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 d65-69 N65-69 d70-74 1.0 n70-74 d75 and over 1.0 75 and over °Total 208.0 100.0 105.0 50.0 50.0 ^Total * 1000 472 Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934

DInfants NInfants 1.0 .67

1 .33 o .17 .5

1 .5 .2 0 °5-9 N5-9 °10-14 n10-14 D15-19 n15-19 d20-24 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 n30-34 d35-39 n35-39 1,0 d40-44 n40-44 .33 d45-49 n45-49 d50-54 "50-54 D55-59 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 d65-69 N65-69 d70-74 n70-74 1.0 d75 and over 75 and over 1.0 DTotal 80.0 74.0 35.7 64.5 194.0- 152.0 ^Total X 1000 473 Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 1941

DInfants 1.0 1.0 NInfants 1.0 d-0-4 .75 .5 .33 .5 N0-4 .5 .5 °5-9 N5-9 D10-14 n10-14 D15-19 n15-19 °20-24 n20-24 d25-29 1.0 n25-29 d30-34 - r30-34 d35-39 n35-39 d40-44 "40-44 d45-49 N45-49 d50-54 ^50-54 • °55-59 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 d65-69 N65-69 d70-74 n70-74 d75 and over 75 and over

D Total 35.7 34.5 140 64.5 Hlotal X 1000 474 Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 1948

DInfants 1.0 NInfants d-0-4 1.0 .25 .33 n0-4 D5-9 n5-9 D10-14 n10-14 °15-19 n15-19 d20-24 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 ^30-34 d35-39 N35-39 d40-44 N40-44 D45-49 N45-49 d50-54 ^50-54 d55-59 n55-59 d60-64 ^60-64 d65-69 N65-69 d70-74 N70-74 d75 and over 75 and over °Total 88.2 28.6 ^Total X 1000 475 Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955

DInfants .33 1.0 NInfants .33 ^0-4 .33 .2 N0-4 °5-9 n5-9 °10-14 n10-14 D15-19 n15-19 d20-24 .25 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 n30-34 d35-39 n35-39 d40-44 n40-44 d45-49 n45-49 d50-54 ^50-54 1.0 °55-59 N55-59 d60-64 N60-64 °65-69 N65-69 d70-74 n70-74 d75 and over 75 and over DTotal 25.0 48,8 22.7 ^Total X 1000 476 Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962

DXnfants .33 ,25 .5 NInfants .5 .5 PQ-4 .17 .11 W0-4 .4 .25 .09 D5-9 N5-9 °10-14 n10-14 D15-19 n15-19 d20-24 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 n30-34 d35-39 n35-39 d40-44 N40-44 d45-49

N45_49 d50-54 ^50-54 d55-59 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 d65-69 1.0 N65-69 1.0 d70-74 n70-74 d75 and over 75 and over

°Total 19.6 54.6 35.1 14.5 13.5 ^Total x 1000 477 Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969

^Infants .5 ^Infants ^0-4 N0-4 .11 .11 .13 °5-9 N5-9 °10-14 n10-14 °15-19 n15-19 ' d20-24 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 n30-34 d35-39 n35-39 d40-44 n40-44 d45-49 N45-49 d50-54 ^50-54 D55-59 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 d65-69 N65-69 °70-74 n70-74 d75 and over 1,0 75 and over DTotal 12.4 23.3 11.0 ^Total x 1000 478 Corral del Cerro

Age Class 1970 1971 1972 1973

DInfants .5 .5 NInfants Po-4 .14 .25 N0-4 D5-9 n5-9 °10-14 n10-14 D15-19 n15-19 D20-24 .25 n20-24 d25-29 n25-29 d30-34 n30-34 d35-39 n35-39 d40-44 N4O-44 d45-49 .33 N45-49 d50-54 n50-54 d55-59 n55-59 d60-64 N60-64 d65-69 N65-69 d70-74 N70-74 d75 and over 75 and over

DTotal 10.4 10.5 10.5 20.0 ^Total X 1000 APPENDIX P

SEX SPECIFIC MORTALITY RATES FOR FOUR TOWNS 1864 TO 1973

Sex specific mortality rates were computed by the formula:

SEX SPECIFIC _ MORTALITY RATE

DEATH OF INDIVIDUALS OF SPECIFIED SEX PER TOWN PER YEAR TOTAL POPULATION OF SPECIFIED SEX PER TOWN PER YEAR X

Sex specific rates are presented here to supplement the risk of death descriptions provided by crude death rates and age-sex specific rates.

The sex specific mortality rates represent the average chance of death for all females or all males in a population (Sex Specific Mortality

Rates). Therefore the average probability of survival for individuals _ , . . sex specific mortality rate of each sex per town per year is 1- •*- 1000 * 0 means and standard deviations for all sex specific rates for the four populations are presented at the end of the appendix. Although the mean rates are fairly similar differences in the magnitudes of standard deviation indicate that greatest vaxiation in sex specific rates is found in Corral del Cerro and Loma Larga, the populations with the less diversification of resource utilization strategies. Smaller variability of sex specific rates are found in Mitla which has greater diversifica­ tion of resource utilization strategies.

479 Kitla Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro "males , ___ D , ^ x 1000 "females ^ IOOO Mles ir l nnn "females Year N , J£i££xiooo !££22l«xiooo JalSxiooo !££25i» x woo males ^females males females malc3 females males f gaaleg 1864 28 31 0 40 1B65 21 11 0 0 1666 32 17 0 0 1867 28 54 . 0 0 1868 49 33 21 0 1869 50 36 0 31 1870 35 30 39 54 1871 37 32 88 26 1872 36 50 100 56 1873 63 53 146 114 1874 49 S5 0 65 1875 31 26 22 0 1876 37 21 0 0 1877 24 24 39 0 1878 65 85 41 103 1879 32 34 122 0 1880 38 45 22 79 18S1 — — __ 1982 -- 1883 14 26 44 0 1884 49 54 0 51 1885 45 22 0 0 1886 39 48 0 0 1887 39 45 16 47 1888 31 22 33 48 1889 61 68 17 24 1890 38 43 32 24 1891 20 35 63 24 1892 37 34 63 0 1893 64 54 91 22 308 182 1894 37 34 48 44 0 0 1895 41 32 17 21 0 0 1896 30 37 16 102 0 0 1897 41 33 31 0 0 1898 54 0 49 61 60 0 1899 21 0 28 30 0 0 1900 48 0 39 58 37 0 1901 46 0 31 30 55 67 1902 167 41 42 15 55 71 0 Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro D Dmales Dfemales Dmales females d - x 1000 x 1000 r. x 1000 Year N * x 1000 Jjssslaa x 1000 JaJai x woo ^ss. x 1000 males females males females ""lea females males females 1903 32 27 14 -51 77 0 1904 42 28 71 65 0 0 1905 56 44 68 31 0 0 1906 45 28 14 61 143 0 1907 41 32 75 30 77 0 1908 59 56 13 16 0 0 1909 35 37 13 14 0 0 1910 47 27 60 41 56 0 71 0 1911 38 43 47 91 0 0 0 0 1912 52 5S 56 114 0 0 0 0 1913 50 41 56 50 0 0 143 0 1914 64 53 75 38 0 0 0 214 1915 51 35 66 71 0 0 0 0 1916 71 52 117 143 40 0 167 0 1917 35 2 92 38 5 40 0 83 1918 54 46 34 8S 77 111 100 77 1919 28 20 56 71 42 143 182 200 1920 33 24 35 24 0 0 0 0 1921 33 31 23 12 0 0 250 167 1922 44 24 11 35 80 0 200 0 1923 45 26 43 55 0 37 111 100 1924 39 31 22 22 37 39 0 100 1925 30 30 48 11 69 0 0 0 1926 31 36 19 31 0 133 100 0 1927 29 34 76 66 0 39 0 0 1928 32 31 18 57 74 77 0 143 1929 25 35 33 36 40 71 0 67 1930 18 31 17 9 40 0 0 1931 34 29 0 40 44 34 3 07 67 63 1932 25 22 48 42 0 148 67 1933 22 22 0 47 52 121 80 0 1934 24 33 125 53 34 31 80 63 193S 33 17 235 31 0 56 0 0 1936 22 22 0 7 0 54 0 0 71 1937 22 21 43 32 53 39 0 71 1938 23 20 22 31 24 80 0 0 1939 29 20 14 8 49 77 0 0 1540 43 38 28 7 0 0 167 111 Mitla Xaaga Loma Larga Corral del Cerro

^nales Dfemales nale3 £emales ^males ^females °males , ^females • x 1000 x 1000 ° X 1000 ° x 1000 x 1000 1000 r; X 1000 1( Year N , N * N, . * males females males females 4 males females males females 1941 24 17 27 49 22 0 59 71 1942 30 31 38 14 22 40 0 0 1943 23 18 120 13 0 0 118 59 1944 31 27 35 14 20 0 0 0 1945 37 33 20 21 21 0 0 0 1946 28 20 45 27 20 118 0 0 1947 29 12 6 20 57 33 0 63 1948 36 31 18 24 55 86 0 0 1949 20 21 12 49 0 0 0 0 1950 28 21 33 6 19 0 0 59 1951 27 19 48 40 36 25 0 0 1952 39 26 26 71 0 51 0 56 1953 15 24 22 11 17 0 0 0 1954 18 26 21 11 48 0 45 0 1955 25 23 15 0 61 0 0 0 1956 12 7 14 15 0 0 36 0 1957 18 16 4 10 86 0 32 83 1958 17 16 17 5 15 44 0 83 1959 22 10 8 9 29 0 0 0 1960 17 16 11 22 14 18 0 0 1961 15 13 11 0 53 17 26 0 1962 13 10 15 20 13 48 0 31 1963 16 14 7 4 13 0 0 0 1964 13 18 14 23 13 10 0 0 1965 16 10 3 2 13 0 21 0 1966 15 14 13 7 75 30 43 0 1967 10 12 3 22 0 0 0 0 1968 11 11 9 7 24 28 0 0 1969 10 7 6 3 0 0 0 24 1970 14 10 11 3 22 27 20 0 1971 15 7 5 9 0 14 20 0 1972 11 14 5 12 0 0 20 0 1973 13 14 18 11 27 37 38 0 ffcan 33 29 33 31 2S 30 36 33 Standard Deviation 14.2 14,6 29.9 29,,6 28.0 40.8 63.2 S8. 3 APPENDIX Q

ADJUSTED DEATH RATES FOR MITLA, XAAGA, LOMA LARGA, AND CORRAL DEL CERRO, 1864-1973

Death rates for each population per year were adjusted by a

direct method discussed in Chapter 2 in order to eliminate the effect of

idiosyncratic age-sex distributions. The rationale of the adjustment

procedure is, if the observed death rate was operating on a standard

population then the sex-age specific rates of the sample population

operating on the respective age-sex cohorts of the standard population would produce the number of individuals expected to die within the specified time period. The sum of the number of expected deaths for all cohorts divided by the total standard population equals the adjusted rate. The formula used for computing adjusted death rate is:

OBSERVED AGE-SEX SPECIFIC . CORRESPONDING AGE-SEX . ADJUSTED = DEATH RATE PER TOWN PER YEAR COHORT IN STANDARD POP. DEATH RATE TOTAL STANDARD POPULATION

The population used as standard in this study is the census population of the State of Oaxaca for the year 1930. The 1930 census population was selected as standard because it approximates symmetri- cally pyramidal shape, is close to the midpoint year of 1919 for the range of years 1864-1973, and is one generation away from 1910, when the population of Loma Larga was founded. The 1930 census population for the State of Oaxaca for infants and five year age-sex cohorts is presented in Table Q-l- The number of expected deaths in the standard

483 Table Q.1. Population of the State of Oaxaca in Five Year Sex Cohorts

Males Females Total

Accum. Accum. Accum. Age Popula­ Per Per Popula­ Per Per Per Per Group tion Cent Cent tion Cent Cent Population Cent Cent

Under one 16,490 1.5 — 16,588 1.5 33,078 3.0 Under five 83,654 7.7 7.7 79,389 7.3 7.3 163,043 15.0 15.0 5-9 77,562 7.2 14.9 75,396 7.0 14.3 152.958 14.2 29.2 10-14 61,052 5.6 20.5 53,865 5.0 19.3 114,917 10.6 39.8 15-19 47,648 4.4 24.9 53,264 4.9 24.2 100,912 9.3 49.1 20-24 45,867 4.2 29.1 54,287 5.0 29.2 100,154 9.2 58.3 25-29 47,269 4.3 33.4 53,741 5.0 34.2 100,009 9.3 67.6 30-34 38,563 3.6 37.0 • 41,181 3.8 38.0 79,744 7.4 75.0 35-39 34,436 3.1 40.1 35,619 3.3 43.3 70,065 6.4 81.4 40-44 24,715 2.3 42.4 28,748 2.7 44,0 53,463 5.0 86.4 45-49 20,248 1.8 44.2 20,906 1.9 45.9 41,154 3.7 90.1 50-54 15,021 1.4 45.6 18,800 1.7 47.6 33,821 3.1 93.2 55-59 12,214 1.1 46.7 12,715 1.2 48.8 24,929 2.3 95.5 60-64 11,651 1.1 47.8 13,050 1.2 50.0 24,701 2.3 97.8 65-69 5,487 .5 48.3 5,200 .5 50.5 10,687 1.0 98.8 70-74 3,047 .3 48.6 3,298 .3 50.8 6,345 .6 99,4 75 and over 3,262 .3 48.9 '3,395 . -.3 51.1 6,657 .6 100.0 Total 529,678 48.9 48.9 554,871 51.1 51,1 1,084,549 100.0 100.0 485

population are presented in the appendix for each cohort per year as

well as the total ejqpected deaths and the adjusted annual death rate.

Expected male deaths are recorded in the upper left corner for each age

cohort; expected female deaths are recorded in the lower right. A

comparison of the variance of the adjusted rates for the four popula­

tions indicates that the variance in adjusted rates of the populations is not equal (F = 2.81, sig. at .05). 486

Mitla

1864 1865 1866 1867 1868 1869 1870

33 36 31 46 15 31 48 Infant 23 17 23 53 23 38 18 Under 57 57 73 114 73 90 96 Five 49 33 49 130 81 73 41 8 5-9 23 8 8 3 15 12 10-14 6 6 5 11 5 5 15-19 14 14 11 11 11 16 18 18 9 5 20-24 11 5 16 11 33 10 10 25-29 9 25 9 43 27 11 11 19 12 12 30-34 12 12 12 8 12 12 17 35-39 7 7 11 7 30 32 7 40-44 14 17 6 8 10 45-49 11 8 50-54 11 6 5 5 13 5 55-59 10 15 8 22 60-64 45 16 31 17 10 20 22 28 28 65-69 8 6 9 20 6 6 30 30 70-74 8 13 17 75 and Over 11 10 6 14 Total Expected 198 245 390 430 413 316 Deaths 327 Adjusted .030 .018 .022 .036 .039 .038 .029 Mortality Rate 487

Mitla

1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 53 41 40 63 33 56 41 Infant 32 56 27 38 30 13 23 Under 98 57 147 139 57 73 90 Five 65 130 155 155 81 33 57 16 8 5-9 23 31 54 8 15 68 8 8 6 6 6 10-14 16 5 5 11 5 15-19 10 14 5 n R 5 20-24 5 18 11 11 11 10 5 5 25-29 10 11 27 n 22 11 4 31 30-34 8 8 8 14 10 10 14 35-39 11 li 11 11 15 7 7 40-44 6 6 6 6 6 6 45-49 6 11 11 4 4 29 21 15 11 50-54 11 14 10 9 9 9 17 5 4 7 20 10 55-59 18 5 8 6 21 15 7 6 60-64 12 18 43 14 12 9 6 18 15 65-69 25 13 9 13 30 8 70-74 8 11 3 75 and Over 11 17 Total Expected 239 Deaths 353 431 558 550 288 263 Adjusted .032 .040 .051 .050 .026 .024 .022 Mortality Rate 488

Mitla

1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884 48 45 48 5 36 Infant 66 38 71 13 Under 188 131 106 16 90 Five 236 98 57 41 114 23 23 78 5-9 39 16 75 53 8 23 18 12 10-14 6 11 11 5 5 27 5 15-19 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 20-24 5 11 5 10 25-29 11 22 5 8 4 4 30-34 8 8 25 10 17 35-39 7 14 7 7 40-44 9 6 6 8 8 45-49 8 4 6 6 13 6 50-54 11 6 9 13 11 9 7 17 55-59 13 11 11 21 15 60-64 16 9 18 18 18 9 7 65-69 14 4 5 10 6 22 3 70-74 8 11 75 and Over 7 6 Total Expected 172 555 Deaths 685 353 301 Adjusted .063 .032 .028 .056 .050 Mortality Hate 489

Mitla

1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 31 13 50 28 55 38 22 Infant 8 48 27 38 48 56 43 Under 73 57 82 74 180 98 49 Five 8 106 65 81 187 138 114 31 16 8 5-9 8 16 8 8 23 15 123 6 6 6 10-14 18 16 5 5 11 5 5 5 5 15-19 11 5 16 11 5 9 9 5 9 9 5 20-24 22 11 5 5 22 11 24 14 5 25-29 11 16 5 12 8 8 8 12 lb 30-34 8 29 25 21 8 8 17 24 10 7 17 7 35-39 7 32 11 7 7 15 5 5 10 40-44 6 10 6 26 6 6 6 8 45-49 26 16 6 15 26 8 6 50-54 6 6 13 19 8 10 5 6 6 33 55-59 10 14 10 4 5 20 16 14 60-64 9 17 21 21 39 7 7 10 4 6 22 65-69 19 17 13 5 5 6 13 4 5 70-74 17 11 13 11 7 7 11 75 and Over 6 5 Total Expected 326 476 427 269 620 416 304 Deaths Adjusted .030 .044 .040 .025 .057 .038 .028 Mortality Rate

I 490

Mitla

1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 55 78 63 46 26 23 bb Infant 32 63 65 33 37 12 52 Under 98 171 122 98 49 65 131 Five 73 138 122 81 57 65 130 23 31 23 5-9 8 23 232 30 8 23 23 6 12 6 10-14 24 5 10 14 5 15-19 5 11 32 11 5 5 5 9 5 18 5 28 20-24 5 16 11 22 5 16 14 5 5 14 5 25-29 5 16 16 11 11 8 - 8 8 8 8 19 30-34 17 8 12 4 14 7 7 35-39 21 14 14 7 7 10 5 5 12 40-44 9 6 20 4 18 18 45-49 4 4 11 5 12 3 3 50-54 15 6 4 4 17 6 9 7 12 13 27 55-59 18 17 6 6 5 20 14 15 2 16 60-64 21 17 7 29 16 18 6 5 25 24 18 65-69 16 9 19 7 12 12 4 8 10 70-74 6 13 17 8 7 5 5 5 75 and Over 4 9 7 6 1 Total Expected Deaths 344 588 611 373 339 387 552 Adjusted .032 .054 .056 .034 .031 .036 .051 Mortality Hate

I I i 491

Mitla

1899 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 26 66 45 58 46 63 73 Infant 30 50 38 50 40 40 43 Under 49 122 122 122 106 106 2,37 Five FIT 98 90 90 81 98 106 8 8 5-9 16 8 8 15 8 8 15 6 6 6 10-14 5 14 5 15-19 5 5 5 9 23 5 5 5 20-24 5 5 16 16 5 5 19 10 10 10 14 25-29 11 16 5 16 15 4 30-34 12 12 1? 29 17 8 7 17 3 35-39 14 7 7 11 4 14 5 22 5 10 7 40-44 6 11 9 17 11 4 45-49 10 6 15 4 2 9 8 50-54 5 12 6 9 11 6 9 4 11 7 16 55-59 8 8 4 4 4 13 11 7 19 60-64 35 7 11 5 16 65-69 4 11 15 15 70-74 3 6 10 75 and Over 6 7 17 Total Expected 300 538 Deaths 251 412 361 426 287 Adjusted .023 .038 .033 .040 .026 .028 .049 Mortality Rate 492

Mitla

1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 64 63 64 58 48 63 64 Infant 38 55 43 50 22 40 51 Under 122 114 131 90 106 114 139 Five 57 90 130 65 49 90 114 16 16 8 8 23 16 5-9 38 15 8 23 30 6 6 10-14 5 5 11 11 5 15-19 5 5 14 5 5 5 11 5 9 9 5 14 20-24 5 11 11 5 11 22 5 9 14 5 5 25-29 5 5 11 5 38 27 5 8 23 8 8 8 21 30-34 16 4 12 12 25 12 14 11 31 14 14 35-39 7 14 7 14 25 25 15 22 12 40-44 6 11 20 6 17 6 6 10 10 8 45-49 10 10 13 6 4 4 12 5 5 5 5 8 50-54 4 11 9 6 11 17 7 10 1 5 12 55-59 10 8 4 12 13 5 11 5 13 33 7 60-64 16 5 5 10 12 19 25 12 7 4 3 3 65-69 5 4 4 8 3 3 52 5 4 5 5 70-74 3 4 8 8 6 6 6 75 and Over 6 14 3 3 3 9 6 3 8 Total Expected 375 390 437 591 Deaths 345 361 557 Adjusted .032 .033 .051 .034 .036 .041 .054 Mortality Kate

i 493

Mitla

1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 59 73 28 46 53 69 54 Infant 42 33 43 47 60 38 Under 114 180 49 98 73 155 98 Five 90 122 49 73 98 155 55 31 5-9 23 16 31 8 15 15 15 8 15 6 10-14 6 6 1 12 5 16 5 54 5 5 5 10 5 19 15-19 29 5 16 5 53 5 14 14 32 5 31 20-24 11 5 11 22 5 5 5 28 33 5 25-29 27 11 27 27 5 16 8 12 15 35 4 4 30-34 25 16 8 16 12 7 34 17 17 17 7 35-39 36 14 12 25 25 7 7 12 40-44 17 14 9 29 11 10 10 10 10 8 6 14 45-49 4 6 15 6 14 26 5 14 50-54 11 15 21 4 4 16 6 55-59 5 9 13 13 9 9 28 13 60-64 6 32 22 21 7 14 20 17 12 65-69 5 7 22 11 3 4 4 4 4 8 8 4 70-74 7 8 6 3 3 2 75 and Over 6 6 19 11 11 3 5 15 3 Total Expected 448 755 308 536 253 Deaths 414 622 Adjusted .038 .057 .041 .069 .028 .049 .023 Mortality Rate 494

Mitla

1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 53 46 74 63 66 41 40 Infant 40 53 20 30 30 38 37 Under 122 114 163 139 122 90 90 Five 73 98 57 81 73 90 106 5-9 16 16 15 8 8 8 23 10-14 12 6 18 10 11 5 11 15-19 10 5 11 11 9 5 14 5 20-24 16 5 11 5 5 5 5 25-29 5 5 5 5 16 5 4 15 4 8 4 4 4 30-34 4 4 4 10 10 17 10 3 35-39 7 11 21 11 7 10 5 5 40-44 6 6 6 6 6 12 12 6 10 45-49 6 4 4 4 4 5 12 50-54 11 6 8 2 6 21 6 10 10 17 13 55-59 3 4 8 8 4 7 7 60-64 20 8 14 1 8 3 4 65-69 17 4 8 5 15 10 3 70-74 4 11 5 4 75 and Over 11 7 7 7 9 3 6 Total Expected Deaths 328 349 346 358 352 281 360 Adjusted .030 .032 .032 .033 .032 .026 .033 Mortality Hate 495

Mitla

1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 23 38 28 21 23 10 21 Infant 23 27 35 25 27 2 Q 10 Under 49 90 57 57 8 33 49 Five 57 81 155 73 65 57 33 8 8 5-9 16 8 15 8 8 8 15 6 10-14 6 11 11 11 5 15-19 5 5 5 16 5 9 5 5 9 20-24 11 11 5 9 5 5 5 5 5 25-29 11 5 21 11 5 11 15 4 4 15 4 30-34 4 8 16 3 10 10 14 7 10 35-39 11 4 5 12 5 15 7 2 40-44 11 6 14 6 17 12 4 10 8 4 45-49 4 4 4 4 10 15 5 50-54 4 11 4 6 11 18 11 55-59 13 6 14 5 4 20 7 16 18 8 7 60-64 14 14 31 16 8 4 10 9 65-69 10 3 8 3 6 6 2 3 70-74 4 3 4 3 4 5 4 6 8 4 75 and Over 5 9 3 3 3 3 Total Expected 312 295 389 225 258 219 232 Deaths Adjusted .029 .027 .036 .021 .024 .020 .021 Mortality Bate 496

Mitla

1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 33 20 28 10 30 18 41 Infant 43 15 13 20 17 22 43 Under 82 90 49 41 49 65 106 Five 81 33 33 41 33 49 147 8 16 5-9 16 16 16 15 8 8 8 23 6 6 6 10-14 6 5 11 15-19 5 5 5 5 5 11 5 11 14 9 5 14 20-24 5 11 5 5 11 22 5 14 9 5 9 25-29 11 11 5 4 12 12 12 8 30-34 4 8 4 12 12 3 14 3 3 3 35-39 7 4 11 4 7 4 2 10 7 2 10 12 40-44 3 3 3 11 3 3 8 45-49 4 10 4 8 6 4 2 8 6 50-54 8 9 9 3 6 6 4 6 9 55-59 4 4 12 4 6 4 4 7 20 7 18 60-64 7 9 17 4 8 65-69 10 6 12 7 3 7 7 3 3 3 3 70-74 6 5 3 3 75 and Over 3 4 2 4 6 3 4 4 7 2 Total Expected Deaths 256 291 202 215 212 242 472 Adjusted .023 .027 .019 .020 .019 .022 .043 Mortality Rate

f i 497

Mitla

1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947

64 23 18 45 35 35 15 Infant 10 27 25 3=1 in 1 3 Under 82 73 57 82 90 57 57 Five 31 57 41 65 41 ?4 8 8 8 8 5-9 3 8 8 23 8 6 6 6 6 10-14 5 5 5 5 5 10 15-19 5 5 5 5 5 14 14 9 5 20-24 5 5 5 16 11 5 5 19 5 25-29 11 5 5 4 15 4 4 12 15 30-34 4 4 21 8 8 14 7 3 14 14 3 35-39 7 11 7 7 7 4 2 2 10 15 10 2 40-44 3 11 9 9 6 10 8 8 4 10 2 45-49 10 2 2 10 8 12 9 3 3 3 9 50-54 11 21 6 4 4 6 4 6 55-59 •4 5 4 3 6 6 9 14 15 15 60-64 14 9 14 10 10 4 5 11 4 3 65-69 3 3 5 2 5 39 45 70-74 4 4 8 8 7 75 and Over 2 4 6 5 3 4 7 8 9 19 3 7 4 Total Expected 272 Deaths 229 339 251 327 312 197 Adjusted .021 ,031 .023 .030 .029 .025 .018 Mortality Rate 498

Mitla

1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 84 18 31 28 99 28 17 Infant 59 16 28 32 32 17 7R Under 106 49 65 49 106 41 49 Five 114 41 41 49 73 41 65 8 8 8 23 8 5-9 8 8 8 15 8 8 6 6 6 6 6 10-14 5 5 5 5 15-19 5 5 5 11 5 5 2 5 5 5 20-24 5 16 16 5 5 5 9 9 5 25-29 5 11 11 11 5 15 4 4 30-34 8 4 4 4 3 3 3 3 3 14 35-39 4 4 4 4 7 4 40-44 7 7 2 12 5 3 14 9 3 45-49 6 8 16 10 10 14 2 2 8 2 4 8 2 6 3 15 50-54 6 15 9 5 2 7 2 13 5 55-59 4 8 6 3 4 8 9 2 8 47 8 5 4 60-64 4 16 5 21 14 7 65-69 12 11 7 7 7 11 10 3 6 5 6 70-74 2 5 8 2 17 13 27 7 99 30 33 75 and Over 33 22 9 5 14 11 10 7 Total Expected 386 209 303 Deaths 371 388 259 327 Adjusted .035 .019 .034 .028 .036 .024 .030 Mortality Hate 499

Mitla

1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 45 12 25 26 >5 26 26 Infant 38 12 17 43 13 17 25 Under 73 16 41 41 49 33 33 Five 49 16 33 57 24 65 41 5-9 8 8 3 8 3 8 3 3 10-14 6 6 6 5 5 5 5 15-19 5 5 5 5 5 5 9 5 20-24 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 25-29 5 5 5 4 8 4 4 4 30-34 12 14 3 3 3 3 35-39 4 4 4 7 2 2 7 7 40-44 11 9 9 45-49 6 4 L0 L0 4 8 2 4 3 3 15 3 6 50-54 6 2 8 2 6 7 2 2 2 55-59 5 3 8 60-64 9 4 12 13 4 7 5 3 3 65-69 3 8 4 2 3 11 6 70-74 3 7 3 6 J.7 17 13 3 8 7 75 and Over 17 6 4 11 14 132 19 10 3 43 34 34 34 Total Expected Deaths 301 99 180 213 195 359 202 Adjusted .028 .009 .017 .020 .018 .033 .019 Mortality Rate 500

Mitla

1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 13 36 21 26 23 20 23 Infant 30 27 23 22 25 22 15 Under 16 41 33 33 33 24 33 Five 41 41 41 41 41 41 16 3 2 8 5-9 2 6 2 2 10-14 2 5 15-19 5 5 5 5 2 2 9 5 20-24 5 5 5 5 5 25-29 5 5 4 30-34 4 4 10 3 3 35-39 7 4 4 4 7 5 5 2 40-44 3 6 3 4 4 4 4 2 45-49 2 2 5 4 6 3 8 5 3 3 50-54 2 2 2 6 2 2 9 7 5 2 55-59 1 5 5 1 2 5 2 60-64 3 5 5 4 1 4 7 3 9 4 2 65-69 3 1 1 2 4 3 2 2 1 1 2 3 70-74 2 2 4 2 20 33 11 33 33 14 75 and Over 26 61 7 51 11 15 Total Expected Deaths 141 163 232 160 211 147 120 Adjusted .013 .015 .021 .015 .014 .013 .011 Mortality Hate 501

Mitla ; 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 21 35 21 17 20 Infant 10 13 15 22 20 Under 24 33 33 33 25 Five 16 16 16 24 33 2 2 5-9 2 2 6 10-14 2 2 2 15-19 2 2 5 5 20-24 2 2 5 5 5 5 5 25-29 5 5 5 4 4 30-34 4 3 3 35-39 2 5 2 40-44 3 3 3 4 2 45-49 2 4 3 3 50-54 4 2 2 2 2 2 2 55-59 3 6 6 2 2 60-64 1 1 5 1 1 1 3 3 2 65-69 1 1 3 2 10 1 2 70-74 2 2 7 12 4 9 2 10 75 and Over 9 7 1 11 2 Total Expected 84 114 113 115 110 Deaths Adjusted .008 .010 .010 .011 .010 Mortality Rate

i 502

Xaaga

1864 1865 1866 1867 1868 1869 1870 53 42 Infant 166 42 55 Under 114 Five 26S 106 122 5-9

10-14

15-19

20-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74

75 and Over Total Expected 269 0 0 0 0 106 236 Deaths Adjusted .025 .0 .0 .0 .0 .010 .022 Mortality Rate 503

Xaaga

1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 41 55 83 41 Infant Under 122 253 408 106 65 Five 81 179 163 85 5-9 116 377 10-14

15-19 95 176 115 20-24 95 95 25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64 814 65-69

70-74

75 and Over Total Expected Deaths 508 649 : 1080 977 106 0 160 Adjusted .047 .060 .099 .090 .010 0 Mortality Hate .015 504

Xaaga

• 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884 165 83 41 Infant Under 90 326 163 90 Five 326 90 326 124 5-9

10-14 135 15-19 152 20-24 179 543 25-29 91 30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74

75 and Over Total Expected 0 0 90 326 Deaths 838 450 931 Adjusted .077 .041 .085 0 0 .008 .030 Mortality Rate 505

Xaaga

1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 55 165 Infant 55 166 166 83 Under 57 73 237 269 Five 114 269 163 204 5-9

10-14 -

15-19

20-24

25-29

30-34 206 114 35-39

40-44

45-49 75 50-54 18£ 61 55-59 39 60-64 •

65-69

70-74

75 and Over Total Expected 377 517 163 441 571 Deaths Adjusted .0 .035 -047 .015 .040 .052 Mortality Rate 506

Xaaga

1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 99 83 83 41 83 Infant 166 42 42 83 Under 269 294 204 106 106 163 Five 407 163 138 106 90 81 5-9

10-14

15-19 78 20-24 179

25-29

30-34

35-39 89 40-44 51 45-49 42 75 50 50-54 61 55-59 117 60-64 18 65-69 52 70-74

75 and Over 17 34 Total Expected 536 506 212 414 184 345 Deaths 793 Adjusted .073 .049 .046 .019 .038 .017 .032 Mortality Hate 507

Xaaga

1899 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 99 94 111 Infant 55 111 111 28 71 28 Under 73 269 65 171 237 Five 122 122 114 122 147 49 5-9

10-14 79

15-19 33

20-24

25-29 134

30-34 58 35-39 118 117 40-44

45-49

50-54 47 61 55-59

60-64 43 65-69

70-74 17 - 75 and Over Total Expected 289 293 234 452 387 Deaths 152 391 Adjusted .014 .036 .027 .027 .021 .041 .036 Mortality Rate 508

Xaaga

1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 36 83 165 27 71 Infant 83 28 66 73 Under 98 41 49 212 41 131 Five 130 41 98 228 285 5-9 78 45 10-14 59 59 15-19 67

115 20-24 38 25-29 135 30-34

35-39 50 40-44 49 45-49 38 50-54 122 40 55-59

60-64 43 131 131 65-69

70-74 33 75 and Over 33 34 Total Expected 482 Deaths 32 465 75 180 441 Adjusted .003 .043 .007 .017 .040 .044 .069 Mortality Rate

i 509

Xaega

1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 55 117 55 55 111 55 132 Infant 63 33 55 48 73 Under 122 245 106 237 237 139 171 Five 114 90 130 236 73 260 212 47 5-9 53 53 377 10-14

15-19 81 5.3 64 60 20-24 118 25-29 39 30-34 136 114 38 35-39 71 124 40-44 95 81 45-49 42 52 50-54

55-59 117 117 60-64

65-69 30 70-74

75 and Over Total Expected 453 427 640 1236 569 535 474 Deaths Adjusted .042 .039 .059 .113 .052 .049 .043 Mortality Rate 510

Xaaga

1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 28 55 55 59 55 Infant 111 18 111 28 33 Under 57 57 114 114 147 73 Five 98 57 106 90 106 49 90 5-9

10-14

15-19 95 43 133

20-24

25-29

30-34 103 86 35-39 117

40-44 95 45-49

50-54

55-59 59 59 60-64

65-69

70-74

75 and Over Total Expected 280 590 220 196 296 Deaths 252 116 Adjusted .023 .011 .026 .054 .020 .018 .027 Mortality Rate 511

Xaaga

1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 59 41 55 63 55 Infant 83 23 28 33 33 83 Under 204 33 82 147 163 171 Five 195 114 73 33 65 90 106 5-9 54 31 60 10-14 49

15-19 41 20-24 43 33 49 25-29 91 38 • 30-34 82 58 35-39

40-44 67 45-49 105 50-54

55-59

60-64 43 28 65-69 30 70-74

75 and Over 11 Total Expected Deaths 453 296 286 112 360 396 486 Adjusted .042 .027 .026 .010 .033 .036 .045 Mortality Hate 512

Xaaga

1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 .83 33 33 33 Infant 83 33 Under 171 33 65 33 33 33 Five 155 49 62 5-9 - 37 79 10-14 43 15-19 43 37

20-24 - 43

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44 51 45-49 69 50 50-54 94 49 49 55-59

60-64

65-69 6 70-74 33 75 and Over 11 Total Expected 388 199 72 205 Deaths 438 33 43 Adjusted .040 .003 .004 .036 .018 .007 .019 Mortality Rate 513

Xaaga

1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 48 99 48 28 17 71 Infant 95 55 18 42 48 42 17 Under 65 98 106 57 49 L47 Five 130 65 130 41 114 114 65 5-9

10-14

15-19 48 29 41 20-24 43 38 25-29 107 27 85 30-34 45 52 38 35-39 39 61 40-44 49 37 152 45-49 52 50-54 19 55-59 117 59 59 59 60-64 66 65-69 26 70-74 15 15 15

75 and Over 22 11 Total Expected Deaths 271 295 1096 241 263 347 84 Adjusted ,025 ,027 .100 .022 .024 ,032 ,008 Mortality Rate

i i t 514

Xaaga

1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 41 13 18 41 28 L3 Infant 18 15 83 Under 73 57 73 41 25 41 Five 33 106 98 106 62 5-9 54 23 98 10-14 55 532 15-19 29 27 59 23 20-24 33 22 25-29 43 38 35 30-34 45 38 48 35-39 32 25 27 40-44" 18 45-49 50 50-54 24 55-59 18 17 60-64 22 65-69

70-74 17 11 11 75 and Over 9 11 11 Total Expected Deaths 150 245 207 386 935 152 145 Adjusted ,034 .022 .019 .035 .086 ,014 .013 Mortality Rate

i 515

Xaaga

1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 15 50 L3 Infant 15 30 22 Under 41 57 8 25 Five 41 41 16 16 16 39 5-9 24 10-14

15-19 24

20-24

25-29

30-34 21 35-39 39 40-44 28 45-49

50-54 188 17 55-59 26 60-64 55 65-69

70-74 33 17 75 and Over Total Expected Deaths 100 145 65 73 50 297 42 Adjusted .009 .013 .006 .007 .005 .027 .004 Mortality Rate 516

Xaaga

1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 33 15 28 15 33 Infant 42 42 15 17 38 10 Under 41 16 33 49 16 49 Five 65 16 57 57 25 57 16 16 16 5-9

10-14 16 15-19

20-24

25-29 43 27 30-34

35-39 21 40-44 20 45-49

50-54

55-59 42 20 60-64

65-69 7 8 17 70-74 17 33 75 and Over 11 Total Expected Deaths 143 49 180 122 118 117 82 Adjusted • 013 .004 .017 .011 .011 .011 .008 Mortality Rate 517

Xaaga

1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 28 18 7 22 46 Infant 10 23 Under 33 49 25 41 57 Five 16 24 24 5-9 15 10-14

15-19

20-24

25-29 32 27 30-34

35-39 21 40-44

45-49

50-54 24 55-59 20 60-64

65-69 35 70-74 11 75 and Over 7 Total Expected 65 85 107 147 Deaths 51 Adjusted .005 .006 .008 .010 .013 Mortality Rate 518

Loma Larga

1910 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 83 33 Infant Under 131 L31 Five 5-9

10-14

15-19

20-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74

75 and Over Total Expected Deaths 131 131 Adjusted .012 .012 Mortality Rate 519

Loma Larga

1917 1918 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923 165 Infant 111 Under 131 131 539 Five 114 35 155 5-9

10-14

15-19 176 176

20-24

25-29 174 30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74

75 and Over Total Expected Deaths 245 340 640 539 176 Adjusted .022 .013 .059 .049 .016 Mortality Kate 520

Loma Larga

1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 83 Infant 166 166 83 Under 408 816 269 Five 269 407 204 5-9

10-14

15-19 81 78 20-24 156 25-29 177 30-34 206 35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64 . 66 65-69

70-74

75 and Over Total Expected 206 450 282 156 Deaths 677 816 584 Adjusted .062 .074 .054 .019 .041 .026 .014 Mortality Rate

ii 521

Loma Larga

1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 99 55 55 Infant 166 Under 294 81 114 81 Five 163 269 138 5-9 189 10-14

15-19 176 20-24 92

25-29 95 269 537 30-34 193

35-39 356 40-44

45-49 209 50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69 52 70-74

75 and Over 34 Total Expected Deaths 820 590 621 652 114 274 271 Adjusted Mortality Rate .075 .054 .057 .060 .010 .025 .025

( |

i 1 i i 522

Loma Larga

1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944

Infant 204 Under 57 68 Five 5-9

10-14

15-19 533 20-24

25-29 269 30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59 29 60-64 18 28 65-69 52 70-74

75 and Over Total Expected Deaths 298 642 18 232 68 Adjusted .027 .059 .002 .021 .006 Mortality Hate 523

Loma Larga

1945 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 109 66 55 Infant Under 89 180 147 90 Five 326 163 65 5-9

10-14 381 62 15-19 176 20-24

25-29

30-34 172 35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59 59 60-64

65-69

70-74

75 and Over Total Expected Deaths 172 415 356 369 381 217 Adjusted .038 .033 .033 .035 .020 Mortality Rate .016 524

Loma Larga

1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958

55 41 124 Infant Under 90 147 163 65 Five 73 90 5-9

10-14

15-19

41 64 20-24

25-29

30-34

!»•« "172 35-39 ""

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69 52 70-74

75 and Over 33 Total Expected Deaths 125 90 147 213 260 155 Adjusted .011 .008 .013 .020 .024 .014 Mortality Hate

['

i I i 525

Loma Larga

1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 82 26 109 55 Infant Under 126 51 253 65 65 73 Five 57 65 122 5-9

10-14

15-19

32 20-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49 52 50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74

75 and Over 17 Total Expected Deaths 126 114 358 171 65 117 73 Adjusted Mortality Rate .012 .010 .032 .016 .006 .011 .007 526

Loma Larga

1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 33 26 Infant Under 98 65 90 Five 180 147 73 5-9

10-14

15-19 64 20-24 71 25-29

30-34 136 35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59 61

60-64

65-69

70-74 30

75 and Over 34 Total Expected Deaths 504 140 237 73 Adjusted .046 .013 .021 .007 Mortality Rate 527

Loma Larga

1973 66 Infant Under 498 Five 138 5-9

10-14

15-19

20-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49 115 50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74 8 75 and Over Total Expected 825 Deaths Adjusted .076 Mortality Rate

t Corral del Cerro

1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 165 Infant 166 Under 490 Five 269 5-9

10-14

15-19

20-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44 144

45-49

50-54 61 55-59

60-64 -

65-69

70-74

75 and Over Total Expected Deaths 964 Adjusted .088 Mortality Rate 529

Corral del Cerro

1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 1906

Infant 166 Under 163 408 814 Five 407 407 5-9

10-14

15-19

20-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54 61 55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74

75 and Over Total Expected Deaths 570 61 408 407 814 Adjusted .052 .006 .037 .037 .075 Mortality Rate 530

Corral del Cerro

1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913 816 165 Infant Under 816 816 Five 814

5-9. •

10-14

15-19

20-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69 55

70-74

75 and Over Total Expected Deaths 1630 55 816 Adjusted .150 .005 Mortality Rate .075 531

Corral del Cerro

1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920

Infant 91 83 55 Under Five 407 204 326 5-9

10-14 _ 15-19 152

20-24

25-29 193 30-34 344 35-39

40-44 143

45-49 209

50-54

55-59

60-64 117

65-69 52 70-74

75 and Over Total Expected Deaths 459 302 143 321 1072 Adjusted Mortality Rate .042 .028 .013 .029 .098 532

Corral del Cerro

1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 165 165 Infant 166 166 Under 490 408 Five 269 814 407 5-9 377 10-14

15-19

20-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74 30

75 and Over 33 Total Expected Deaths 1136 411 814 407 30 Adjusted .038 .075 .037 .003 Mortality Rate .104 533

Corral del Cerro

1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934

Infant 166 111 Under 139 163 269 Five 407 163 407 5-9

10-14

15-19

20-24

25-29

30-34

35-39 356 40-44 - 95 45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74 33 75 and Over 34 Total Expected Deaths 407 163 234 163 389 710 Adjusted .037 .015 .021 Mortality Rate .015 .036 .065

!t I V 534

Corral del Cerro

1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 1941 L65 165 Infant 166 Under 612 408 Five 83 407 268 407 5-9

10-14

15-19

20-24

25-29 537

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74

75 and Over Total Expected Deaths 83 407 1417 815 Adjusted .008 .037 .130 .075 Mortality Rate

I i \ 535

Corral del Cerro

1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 1948 165 Infant Under 816 Five 204 5-9

10-14

15-19

20-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74

75 and Over Total Expected Deaths 1020 Adjusted .094 Mortality Hate

i | 536

Corral del Cerro

1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 165 Infant 55 Under 269 Five 162 5-9

10-14

15-19

115 20-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54 188 55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74

75 and Over Total Expected Deaths 188 277 269 Adjusted .017 .025 .025 Mortality Rate

i i i i 537

Corral del Cerro

1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 55 41 Infant 83 83 83 Under 139 90 Five 326 204 73 5-9

10-14

15-19

20-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64 55 65-69 52 70-74

75 and Over Total Expected Deaths 139 416 256 55 73 Adjusted Mortality Rate .013 .038 .023 .005 .007 538

Corral dal Cerro

1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 83 Infant Under 90 90 Five 106 5-9

10-14

15-19

20-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74

75 and Over 33 Total Expected Deaths 123 90 106 Adjusted Mortality Kate ,011 .008 .010 539

Corral del Cerro

1970 1971 1972 1973 83 83 Infant Under 114 204 Five 5-9

10-14

15-19

20-24 115

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44 67 45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74

75 and Over Total Expected Deaths 67 114 115 204 Adjusted • 006 .010 .011 .019 Mortality Rate APPENDIX R

NUMBERS OF BIRTHS BY AGE OF MOTHER AND BIRTH NUMBER FOR Ali REGISTERED BIRTHS, 1963-1972

For the decade 1963 to 1972 the town secretaries recorded on

2337 birth registers the birth number for each mother. This number counts all previous births, both live and still, that each mother has had. The data provide a large sample for computing the mean ages of mothers upon the birth of each of their respective children and the interval between the mean ages is an estimate of child spacing. The frequency of births per mother's age per birth number are presented in the table. The mean and median age of mothers per birth number and the interval between mean ages for each consecutive birth are found at the end of the appendix.

The mean number of children born to all women included in this sample is 4.1 and the mean age of all mothers in the sample is 24.7.

These figures should not be interpreted as the mean number of children born by women in the study area nor the mean age of female reproductive performance because this is not a sample of women who have completed their reproductive cycles.

Fertility rates in this study are based on the total number of births divided by the female population within the age limits 15 to 54.

The ages 14 to 54 used for the limits of female fertility were defined by the reported ages of mothers in this sample. In this sample all

540 541 mothers' ages except four (.17%) fall within the limits 15 to 54 and those four ages that do not fall within the interval (all of which are

14 years of age) were excluded in order to conform to a demographic convention for computing fertility rates. Birth Number Por Cent Age of —— • —— — — •• Total of All Mother 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Blrtha Blrtha

14 3 1 4 .17 15 12 0 12 .51 16 43 4 47 2.11 17 S3 15 68 2.90 18 72 23 11 4 1 111 4.75 19 53 34 8 3 2 1 101 4.38 20 50 63 27 6 2 148 6.33 21 21 23 22 4 2 1 73 3.18 22 36 37 42 28 5 148 6.33 23 31 42 33 18 3 6 133 5.69 24 10 21 19 31 9 4 2 96 4.11 25 11 32 42 41 22 5 4 1 1S8 6.76 26 13 21 17 27 20 11 3 1 113 4.84 27 11 11 21 25 2S 8 3 2 1 1 1 109 4.66 28 13 18 20 26 23 51 7 3 1 1 163 6.98 29 4 7 7 16 16 10 6 1 1 68 2.91 30 8 17 16 23 15 53 24 3 3 1 163 6.96 31 1 4 5 3 8 9 5 2 3 40 1.71 32 1 5 9 10 8 12 20 10 4 4 3 86 3.68 33 1 2 5 13 13 6 6 6 4 1 57 2.44 34 1 2 4 4 7 6 9 7 5 3 1 49 2.20 35 3 3 10 10 19 10 24 9 7 3 1 105 4.49 36 3 2 3 4 6 10 13 9 5 2 4 1 1 63 2.69 37 2 3 3 2 1 8 2 4 4 4 1 2 36 1.54 38 1 1 6 3 5 8 19 11 8 4 3 2 76 3.25 39 0 0 3 2 1 1 1 3 3 1 1 1 14 .60 40 0 3 3 1 2 4 -7 5 7 4 4 1 1 42 1.80 41 2 1 3 2 8 .34 42 2 3 4 1 5 15 .64 43 1 1 1 1 6 .26 44 1 1 1 3 .13 45 1 1 1 1 4 .17 46 1 1 2 .09 47 1 1 .04 48 1 1 1 3 .13 49 1 1 .04 50 0 0 51 1 1 .04 52 1 1 .04 S3 1 1 2 .09 Ttotal Births 457 395 337 305 216 228 153 84 56 47 26 22 7 3 1 2337 100.00 Mean Age 20.5 23.2 25.7 26.9 29.X 30.6 33.0 35.0 35,7 37.7 37.7 39.7 38.4 40.3 Mean Interval to Next Birth 2.7 2.5 1.2 2.2 1.5 2.4 2.0 .7 2.0 0 2.0 -1.3 1.9 Median Age 18.9 21.9 24.2 25.7 27.7 29.3 32.3 34.7 35.0 37.3 37.3 39.8 37.5 39.5 REFERENCES

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