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Social Change and Sukuma Traditional Medicine on Tanzania's Extractive HEALING ENVIRONMENTAL HARMS: SOCIAL CHANGE AND SUKUMA TRADITIONAL MEDICINE ON TANZANIA’S EXTRACTIVE FRONTIER by Menan Hungwe Jangu A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Natural Resources and Environment) in the University of Michigan 2012 Doctoral Committee: Professor Bunyan Bryant, Co-Chair Professor Rebecca Hardin, Co-Chair Professor Kelly Askew Professor Nancy Rose Hunt © Menan Hungwe Jangu 2012 DEDICATION This dissertation work is dedicated to my grandparents, parents, siblings, relatives and friends. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe every individual who directly or indirectly supported me in making my journey through SNRE possible, from which my thoughts and ideas coalesced in a form that could be read by others. I thank Professor Rebecca and Professor Bunyan for their persistent and continuous encouragement, motivation and inspiration throughout my doctoral studies. I would like to recognize the former dean at SNRE, Rosina Bierbaum for her consistent moral and material support for my research and my studies at SNRE. I thank SNRE, CAAS, ASC, PitE, the Global Change faculty, and the Rackham Graduate School for their support. I thank my respondents in the field both healers and non-healers that are too numerous to mention by name for their invaluable contributions and ideas. I appreciate the time they spared to listen, invitations to their homes and work places, and incredible stories, life histories, experiences, and practices they shared with me. I want to recognize some of them on behalf of all the people I interviewed. I thank Busondole Musobi and Mzee Nhimbili Buhimila for interviews and songs. I extend my acknowledgements to various individuals for their collaboration, including members of the Bujora Community for allowing me to review the information and archival data at the Museum, the late Father Sandu, Father Mabura, Richard Buluma, Ms. Bestina, Mr. Mtalingi; the Medical Doctors at Mwanza City Council, Dr. Kimaro, Dr. Mkina, and Mama Tibaijuka; as well as Dr. Kasuka and Ms. Mwana Masalu from Misungwi District Hospital. I wish to thank individuals who were part of my research team, including Luckness William, Robert Renatus, and William Kayichile. I wish to thank officials working for the village, iii district, and regional authorities in Mwanza for welcoming me and introducing me to different respondents during field work. I thank my mentor and adviser, Professor Rebecca Hardin, for the reviews and inputs to the research proposal to the write-up stage of this document. Professor Rebecca, thank you for all the guidance, inspiration, motivation, advice, support, and reviews of my earlier drafts, as well as offering constructive ideas. I extend my acknowledgements to my committee members, Professor Bryant Bunyan, Professor Kelly Askew, and Professor Nancy Rose Hunt, for their inputs and suggestions. Their guidance has helped me learn and gain new knowledge and skills in the field. Their guidance and motivation have also enabled me to be able to comprehend new perspectives when learning about people’s lives and how are they shaped by global phenomena. Thank you, Professor Bunyan for your inspiration, encouragement and humble approach throughout my time at the University of Michigan. I wish to thank members of DESULICO and many other students at the University of Michigan for their enlightening discussions, constructive criticisms, and contributions. Thank you Professors Arun Agrawal and Rebecca Hardin for hosting DESULICO meetings, which have helped me gather comments and ideas for my dissertation. I wish to extend my appreciation for the support and cooperation I received from the National Environment Management Council and the National Institute for Medical Research of Tanzania. I also want to extend my thanks to Engineer B.T. Baya for the support he gave me and that enabled me to do research in Tanzania. There are individuals here at the University of Michigan whose contributions have been vital and I extend my appreciation to them. I am thankful for the critical reviews and comments of Shaw Lacy, Ted Lawrence, David Eisenhauer, Jennifer Demoss, M’Lis Bartlett, Jennifer Johnson, Aimee Massey, Sarah Katherine Pethan, Catherine Benson, and Baruani Mshale. I extend my acknowledgements to Dr. Julie Andrzejweski, Dr. John Alessio, Dr. Emma Bailey, and Neema Jangu, and for their inputs in my writings. I thank members of the SNRE, CAAS, iv Global transformation and Global Health seminar community for their different roles, and I am glad that I was part of the team. My writing has benefited from the local and international seminars that I have attended and at which I presented preliminary findings. Internally, I have benefited from supervisors and students involved in seminars on Global Transformations and Global Health. Externally, the seminar held at Omar Bongo University in Libreville, Gabon, during the PSAI-International and Interdisciplinary Summer Training (July 17–26, 2007) on “Entangled Medical Fields: Transformation of Meaning, Knowledge and Practice.” To my parents, brothers, sisters: thank you for your love and unconditional support and insights about information gathered in the field. I also wish to extend my acknowledgements to my friends, the families of Condon and Makene for their support and encouragement. I thank the Rackham Graduate School for the financial support that I have received, enabling me to pursue graduate studies in SNRE and CAAS as well as supporting my field work abroad. This Institutional-Review-Board-approved field study in Tanzania during the summers of 2006, 2007, and 2008 as well as extended periods of field work between June 2009 and August 2010 was made possible through support by the Yossi Schiff Memorial Scholarship, the School of Natural Resources and Environment Dissertation Research Grant, African Initiative Grants and Fellowships, the African Studies Center Fellowship, and the Rackham Graduate Research Fellowship. Menan H. Jangu Winter, 2012 v PREFACE Having been born and raised in the Mwanza region, worked in beverage and food industries and with an environmental institution in Tanzania and conducted my dissertation research in the region between 2006 and 2010, I have observed and recorded different dynamics and interactive processes in politics, economics, culture, environmental management and epidemiological conditions over time. In the 1980s, I observed major events happening in Mwanza that have continued shaping health, environmental and economic conditions. The major industry at that time was the government owned Mwanza Textile (Mwatex), which obtained its raw material from cotton grown in Sukumaland. In addition, there were ginneries and vegetable oil industries that were owned by the Nyanza Cooperative Union. In the mid-1980s Nile Perch started appearing in the local market, and people were amazed by the new species that soon dominated the market. The presence of Nile perch in Lake Victoria occurred at the time when the government was transitioning from socialist ideas to privatization and free trade policies. Fish industries were built fast and quickly started processing fish for the European market. These industries used advanced fishing technologies which jeopardized the ability of local and artisanal fishermen to access lake resources. Likewise, during the same period the mining activities that were operated by artisanal miners were also transformed as many investors scrambled to secure land in order to invest in mining. vi Local people and artisanal miners in mining areas were forced to relocate. This condition has aggravated social tensions and conflicts over land in the region. Personally working in one of the beverage industries in Mwanza, I could observe shortage of domestic water for local people, but the industry rarely stopped operating due to water shortage. In other words, resources such gold, fish, water and land in Lake Victoria basin became focal points of contestation between investors and local people. Again, during the same period (1980s) the region experienced a new emerging disease, (HIV/AIDS) and people were confused by its symptoms that could hardly be treated by either biomedicine or traditional medicine. This was the time when the local militia, Sungusungu vigilantism, was spreading through Mwanza in response to crimes such as robberies, witchcraft, and brindigadge. Because of these and other forces, Mwanza was dramatically transformed on multiple fronts including economic activities, land use, investment, security affairs, politics, and epidemiologically. Likewise, in some spaces, in the outskirts of Mwanza (Nyamhongoro about 9 kilometers from Mwanza town), used as grazing fields, and some space hosting healers who preferred to live in isolated places. Since then areas once considered isolated have been converted into residential areas to accommodate the increased population in Mwanza. By the 1990s the textile industry was almost abandoned and Mwanza was dominated by fish and mining industries. At the same time the magnitude of HIV/AIDS effects were alarming in their devastation to the community. With my undergraduate degree in Chemical and Process Engineering I had been working in industries for most of the time, yet I felt limited in understanding social processes occurring in Mwanza. I felt that social problems in the region were intractably linked to the presence of resources and how these resources were vii managed. I observed community members struggling with deciding
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