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Contents Biography: Comrade S. Muaena (see page 11) Fas: Comrade E Managxgwa (see page 26) ...... 1 An Address by the President and First Secretary of ZANU(PF) Comrade R.G. Mugabe ...... 2 Comrade T.R. Nhongo Welcoming the President and First Secretary of ZANU(PF) Comrade R.G. Mugabe, at the Women's League National Assembly ...... 5 Comrade Mudzingwa: Chairman Mashonaland West Province ...... 8 Comrade Simon Muzenda The Deputy Prime Minister and Second Secretary of ZANU(PF) ...... 11 ...... 12 ...... 16 By Comrade F. Shava, Minister of Labour, Manpower Planning and Social Welfare and ZANU(PF) Deputy Secretary for administration ...... 19 Department of National Security ...... 26 ...... 28 From the French of E. Pottier, Music by P. D egeyter ...... 32 The spilling of major dams in Zimbabwe this year shows a sign of good rains after 3 years of drought. ZANU(PF) - Unity, Peace, Economic Independence. Zimbabwe News is the official News Organ of the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU/PF) and is produced on the authority of the Central Committee by the Department of Information and Publicity, Jongwe Printing and Publishing Co., No 14 Austin Road, Workington, Harare. World Copyright, Central Committee (ZANU/PF). Pictures by Jongwe Archives and Herald 0mm Editorial One Zimbabwe, One Nation, One Party Women in Zimbabwe Consolidate the Party Mashonaland West Province Biography Provincial Round Up ZANU(PF) Women's League - UN Decade for Women The Objectives of the Labour Relations Act During Zimbabwe's Transition to Socialism Focus Failure of America's "Constructive Engagement" with South Africa The International bWe News Vol.16 No. 3 March 1985 itorial Vote ZANU (PF) Vote for Peace, Progress and National Unity! ver since it was founded, ZANU (PF) which you overfhelmingly voted into office in 1980, has never hesitated ocall upon you to give your utmost in this struggle for Itimate liberation and solid nationhood. Aware that vacillation and dilatory tactics were leading he people into a political blind alley, the formation of le Party on August,8, 1963, gave birth to a leadership iat called a spade a spade and summoned the nation o armed combat against our oppressors, even though *any of you at the time did not fully believe that path tould lead to final victory. It took many years of extreme hard work and sacrifice nder extremely difficult conditions during which the ihole country slowly but implacably gave its support to he ZANU (PF) policy of confrontations, bolstering the tareffort until the enemy gave in and we all went to Lanaster House in 1979. Once there the colonialists and their puppets attemped to take a last ditch stand aimed at neutralising the nilitary and political gains ZANU (PF) had won in the beration struggle. But all that was to no avail. Irincipled Stand kt the negotiating table, as in the long war of liberation, our party ZANU (PF), confident of your support and etermined not to permit the colonialists to win through egotiations what they had lost in the battle field, took nd maintained a principled stand. That stand enabled the Lancaster House talks to reach greements which gave our country for the first time a onstitution under which you voted for majority rule, and ttained genuine independence on April 18, 1980. The verwhelming support you gave to ZANU (PF) upset the lans of our enemies and detractors who had pinned their 'opes upon an electoral verdict that would have ushered i a puppet government in the mould of ZimbabweIhodesia. That vote of confidence reflected your support for the Bvolutionary principles of the Party and its leadership to stand not only for the political independence of our country but for its economic freedom as well. Without economic independence, without the ability to create wealth for ourselves from our resources, without controlling these resources, and without the workers and the peasants getting a share of the country's wealth, commensurate with their toil and labour, the words freedom and democracy would be meaningless and all the sacrifices made during the past decades would be in vain. Total Emancipation ZANU (PF) has used and looked upon the five years you gave us to rule as a period to continue the struggle under new conditions for the same'original goals of total emancipation. But whereas we can thus speak of ourselves regarding our past and present performance, no other party campaigning for your votes can do the same. In the past, when we called for confrontation, some of them preferred vacillation; when we called for the continuation of the armed struggle, they advocated capitulation; where we took firm positions against the enemy during the Lancaster House talks, they indulged in collabora tion; when today ZANU (PF) is struggling for socialism to create wealth for all the people and thus complete the process of liberation, they stand for capitalism in order to re-enact the socio-economic injustices which caused you to go to war against the Smith colonialist and racist regime. And finally where today we are calling for peace, reconciliation and national unity, they are advocating violence through the dissidents supported by the apartheid Republic of South Africa and calling for a unitedfront with Ian Smith to take this country back to colonialism and racism -7 back to Zimbabwe-Rhodesia. We are confident you will not give them that opportunity and that you will once again as you did in 1980 vote overwhelmingly for ZANU (PF) to continue the struggle with your support.

2Vol.16 No. 3 March 1985 Ziml One Zimbabwe, One Nation, One Party The following is a full text of the address made by the President and First Secretary of ZANU (PF) Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe when he opened the Women's League National Assembly, held at Park Lane Hotel Harare from the 16th to the 17th of February 1985. NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, SATURDAY 16TH FEBRUARY, 1985. The Secretary for Women's Affairs, Comrade Teurai Ropa Nhongo, Comrades of the National Council of the Women's League, Comrades of the Provincial Councils of the Women's League, Comrade Members of the Central Committee and Politbureau, Ladies and Gentlemen, Comrades and Friends. When I addressed your National Conference in March 1984, I outlined to you the history of our political and armed struggle, explaining at the same time the role that women played in the unfolding process of our history and the struggle for our national independence. At that time in 1984, I wanted to draw your attention to the political consistency of our Party ,and the sacredness of our national independence and sovereignty. I also explained to you our Party's political philosophy, name)y SOCIALISM. Furthermore, I outlined the tasks which I urged the Women's League to carry out and fulfill. In August, 1984, the Party heldits Second People's Congress. This marked the climax of our joint efforts as Party leaders to reconstruct our Party so as to make it a viable organ for the expression of the people's wishes and aspirations and a powerful framework within which to satisfy those same wishes and aspirations. The Women's League worked very hard; the Youth League worked very hard; the Main Wing of the Party worked very hard and we all worked very hard to mobilize the people and prepare our Party for the Second People's Congress. At the Congress, we worked even harder to put final touches to the structure of our Party. Most importantly, we charted our way forward and passed far-reaching resolutions not only for the strengthening of our Party as an organisation, but also for the transformation of our society /in line with our political philosophy, especially in regard to the nature of society we want to establish in Zimbabwe. Strong Party Structure Today our Party is strong. We nom a firm structure beginning from th going upwards to the Central Corn and the People's Congress. Equall Women's League and the Youth L - the two important wings of our - are strong and properly struc While it is regretted that when w( tested the General Election of Fet 1980, we could not boast of a stron ty structure, we did, in those unf, able circumstances, perform very mendably, winning 57 of the 80 se the Common Roll. Some of us in retrospect, feel that we could hav better if we had done this- or that we had not done this or that, but' all happy that we won the Electic formed a Government. We are approaching the end five-year term of office and are s go back to the people to seek their! mandate to run the affairs of this try for the next five years as aG ment. The time has come when tho feel that we could have done be

News Vol 16 No. 3 March 1985 -1 1980 must come forward with their ideas and help to ensure that we win the forthcoming General Election with a greater majority than we did in 1980. I am well aware that you all want to win all the 80 seats. All of you want a ONE PARTY STATE. This is as it should be. However, to do this, we must work harder than we did in 1979/80. The people will judge and select us upon our integrity as a Party and our achievements as a Government. We must go to them, not only to tell them what we, as leaders, kiow, but also to listen to their views and aspirations. Commilment As leaders, we should demonstrate our commitment to our political principles as stated in our Constitution and our Congress Resolutions. We must show that we have the interests of the people at heart, both in our political pronouncements and in our daily conduct. Our Party has adopted SOCIALISM as the political and ideological modality for theimplementation of our policies and programmes. This choice must direct us to place the people first in all that we say and do. The peopile are" the owners of Zimbabwe. and should own its resources in the collective sense, In concrete terms, this means that we must lead in organising the people into cooperatives and work-brigades so as to raise the standard of their food, shelter, health, recreation and enlightenment about their environment. Our Party should, through its leadership, be the sole leader and organiser of the entire people. Our political line demands of us honest and tireless work towards the achievement of unity aimong all our people. To this end, it is absolutely essential that we who form the leadership of our Party and of our nation should rise above tribalism and regionalism and strive to unite all sections of our society upon the banner of one tightly unite, nation - One Zimbabwe and One Nation. As we travel from district to district, province to province during the campaign period, the people will measure us by what we say and do to promote national unity. If we preach tribalism or regionalism and fail to show -that our political line seeki to unite the entire country for the purpose of achieving peace, justice and prosperity, then the people will not give us the overwhelming mandate we expect them to grant us to shape and direct the transformation of our society for another five years. It is regionalism, tribalism and individualism which have given birth to and unleashed upon us the dissidents that now rape, murder, abduct and harass the people in some parts of our country. The fathers and mothers of dissidents as well as the dissidents themselves will be rejected at the Elections. The dissident Party and the dissident father are both destined not only for rejection but for destruction as well. The people's anger will punish them. The people want peace. They want unity. They want to go about their day to day occupations without harassment from anybody. ZANU must grant them peace, unity and prosperity. People's Party We are contesting the General Election not as an ordinary political Party but as a people's party that has run the affairs of the nation for the past five years on the basis that it is the people we should serve and the people who are our masters. In the 1980 Elections, we were judged and selected by the people for the heroic manner in which we had fought for our national independence and the principled stand we took at all inteinational conferences leading to the Lancaster House Conference in 1979. In the 1985 General Elections, we shall be judged, and selected upon our perfomance as a Party in Government in the past five years. People want to know what principles guided our actions, what achievements we made, what obstacles we faced and what plans we have for the future of the nation. In this regard, we shall be examined for our modesty in the description of our achievements and our honesty in admitting our shortcomings. We must tell the people the truth in an honest and constructive manner. Achievements Yes, comrades and friends, we shall be weighed and judged not so much on what we have accomplished as a Party in Government but on what we intend to accomplish. Our enemies are working day

4 Vol.16 No. 3 March 1985 and night to distort our achievements and exaggerate our failures so as to confuse the judgement of our people. We have a brilliant track record for the five years during which ZANU has run the affairs of this country. Let us tell the people of the precarious peace and security that hung over this country at Independence in 1980 emanating from the existence of three antagonistic Armies that had only recently been at each other's throat and how we created one National Army from those three armies. Let us tell them of the misery of our people - refugees and other displaced persons - and how through our programmes of resettlement, rehabilitation and reconstruction we reestablished happiness, personal dignity and prosperity for our people. Let us tell them of the illiteracy, ignorance, hunger and disease-that emaciated our people all through the colonial years and how, through free primary education, adult literacy, free health care services and free food distribution we have brought about a very significant transformation in the condition of both the young and the old. Let us tell them of the degree of land 4hunger and land expropriation forced upon our people by racism and colonialism and how we have systematically gone about resettling the people along sound land use patterns. Indeed, we should tell' them of the misfortunes visited upon our country by the severe drought which afflicted us in the past three years and how we were able to avert the total destruction of some whole regions and whole families through a people-oriented drought relief programme. Honest explanation The list of our achievements is indeed well-known and most of our people need no reminding about that. However, in reminding them we must remember to give them an honest explanation of our failures and constraints. We have not achieved everything we had planned to accomplish. Our resolutions at the Second Congress point to a lot more that remains to be done. Let us tell the people how the drought, the economic recession, the dissidents, saboteurs and the preponderance of multi- national corporations in our economy have slowed down our rate of progress in favour of the people. In this task, the Women's League has a very important role to play. There are very encouraging reports on what you are doing to raise the status of wonen in ZANU has established " happiness, personal dignity and prospetity I people!" society as well as increasing their family incomes. You have organised various projects to raise money for the Party generally and your League in particular. You have exposed the enemies of the people and called many lost sheep back to the ZANU fold. You have held seminars and workshops to debate national, Party and women'S problems. Indeed you are working hard to enhance the quality of our national culture, our Party and the women generally. This is commendable. ZANU Family As I said earlier on, ZANU is going back to the people to seek a second mandate to form a Government. This National Assembly of the Women's League must address itself to the challenge and come up with strategies for the Election Campaign. When you go back to your Districts and Provinces, you should spread the ZANU gospel of unity, progress, prosperity and the full dignity and 'equality of all men and women. Indeed carry home the message that ZANU is the People's Party and all those who stand outside it must come into the ZANU family. It is through such work and such messages that we can build a permanent ZANU STATE, A ONE-PARTY STATE in Zimbabwe. We cannot afford the wastefulness of the multi-party state for much longer. We cannot afford to expend our resources and energies in fighting unptriotic and unproductive conflicts precipitated by minority parties seeking disagreement for disagreement's sake. In urging you to go back harder for a more massive el, tory, I am not unmindful of ti you have an agenda of your t ding to the problems of wol society. I am aware, for exam aspects of the social statuso still warrant debate and ati include some. aspects of our concerning inheritance, prope nity leave conditions, and apl and promotions of womn in Service and Private Sector k, ed at our Second People's Co Party will seek to remove a drances to women's advanci still linger in our society. May I conclude by urging y sify your efforts to stfengthz I wish also to urge you to co, your efforts at establishing o' and other self-help projects a ugh the success of these projM can prove to the people the of our socialist philosophy poverty, ignorance and diseE the Party and amongst yourst you to strengthen the opera Departments of the Women's to increase inter-Provincial District meetings so as to e cohesion of ou*Party and ii derstanding among all our D Provinces. With these words, pleasure to declare your Asse Thank you. e News Vol.16 No 3 March I A non in Zimbabwe Consolidate Party The following is a speech delivered by Comrade Teurai Ropa Nhongo welcoming the President and First Secretary of the Party Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe during the Women's League National Assembly. -l r w 11 1 nrade Teural Rope Nhongo, ZANU (PF) Secretary for Women's Affairs, at the Women's League National Assembly Comrade. President, Comrades and Friends, I welcome you in the name of ZANU (PF) to this first Meeting of ZANU (PF) Women's League National Assembly. I would like to say a special welcome to the President and First Secretary of the Party, Comrade. R.G. Mugabe. We thank You Comrade. President for your untiring interest in the affairs of women and your determination to ensure the equality between all the citizens of this country. Comrades and Friends I regret the delay in calling this meeting. As you are aware, according to the Constitution, the National Assembly is supposed to meet twice a year or be called to meet as the need arises. Our Conference took place in March where the candidates of your National Council was elected. However, the confirmation of the candidates did not take place until August during the main Congress. Therefore your Council was officially established in August, 1984. Immediately we had several Meetings where we had to take stock of what we had inherited and handing over of the Departments that had been operating as a single unit. We then went into the process of clearly delineating all the Departments and their respectful operations. Subsequently we were able to sort out different Departments so that they did not conflict in their day to day operations. Another problem we encountered was office space. We had lots of time that we

6 were stepping on each other's toes. However I am glad to inform you that all the problems have been sorted out. We now have office space and all the Departments have started to operate very smoothly. There are some people who had expected to see us come up with major developments. It was our conviction that we should start our work at the Headquarters first. Clarify the mode of operation before we moved into the Provinces. However, we did not only stick to internal matters only during this period. We staged a Fund Raising Dinner Dance and a Football Match to our operational costs. Restructuring Exercise Initially, before we were made to understand that we could go ahead and complete the restructuring exercises. So we had completed the By-Elections in three Provinces. These had to be restructured again after Congress. After Coniress the Commissariat Department felt that all the Provincial By-Elections should be conducted jointly. This was done to save the costs of having two By-Elections at different times. Even though they were done jointly, the Women's League conducted their own elections separately. I am glad to report that the Women's League Provincial Elections went on well and I would like to congratulate you, During this same period your National Council had several Rallies in Matabeleland North and South. We felt that this Vol.16 No. 3 Marc was an area which need assistance to consolidate the efforts of the Women's League in these Provinces. Some members of the Council participated in Provincial Shows where they served as judges and presented prizes. I would like to add here that Circulars were sent to the Provinces about your Shows but we did not receive any response. Another circular was sent to the Provincial Chairwomen asking you about the suitable dates we could hold Meetings and Rallies. Many Provinces replied that they were still sorting out their inhouse problems. We hope we have now finished this work and should now embark on full National Party Work. Accordingly, the Commissariat Department has sent you schedules of when we will be visiting different Provinces. We have had very successful campaign Meetings and Rallies in both Matabeleland North and South. Your Council has also been active in joint Committee Meetings to lay the ground work for the proper operation of the Party. Some of these involved the operations of different Departments. You will be given these reports by the respective Department Heads. The League received a good number of invitations by sister Organisations such as USA, Czechoslovakia, Mozambique, and Norway. Some of these visitors were able to visit some of your Provinces. We want to thank you very much for the warm welcome you gave them. We also agreed that each Department should examine its respective respon- sibilities and come up withsuggested gramme of action. These suggested grammes of action shall be given to in the Departmental Reports. Making Uniforms We are also aware that a lot of w, has been going on in the provint Several Rallies have been held. We w to congratulate you for the effort -v done. The major development in Women's League has been in self-relia p5rojects. Many Women's League in ferent Provinces are engaged in unife making, many rural schools are hay their uniforms made by Women's ealj members who have pulled their resout together. Others are engaged in br4 baking, soap making and agricultu cooperatives to just name a few. I kn your Provincial Reports shall ment these developments in your areas. On whole we are pleased and very encour ed with the work and enthusiasm you showing. We know some of you have problc of different sorts such as Transpc Finances etc. These are some of the iss that are being worked out by the Pa as a whole. I know you were given a very sh notice to prepare for this Meeting. Th are reasons why we had to call i Meeting. One was to give you a bi report of where we are. Secondly, needed to discuss our future pl together because these are needed discuss our future plans together beca Self-Reliance - The Road to Socialism zimoaowe News Vol.16 No. 3 these are needed to be incorporated in the plans of the main body. Thirdly, we have to lay out some campaign strategies so that-we all carry the same message to the people. Thus, Comrades, these are the main issues we have to deal with today. We shall also give you our own thinking through different Departments. However, we need to agree on all the approaches we will take. On the whole Comrades, we have made lots of gains since our independence. Our Party and Government have deliberately taken steps to ensure that men and women are equal. Yet we are also aware of the cultural constraints which have made it impossible for the Government to move fast. We also need to integrate the operation of the Party and that of the Government in particular the Ministry of Community Development and Women's Affairs. Before I sit down I would like to say few things that are making our work difficult. These include, Finance and Transport, these problems Comrade. President have slowed our work in the Provinces. I am sure you will hear the same message in the Provincial Reports. We do hope that these problems will be solved so that we can carry out our work without any difficulties. In addition Comrade. President we have had problems with women being elected in the Publid Offices. It is true that women do not vote for other' women. This is an area we will need to work on. H6wever, we would like you to appreciate the social cultural environment and our historical background. It has been an endorsed practice to keep women in the background. We are grateful for the ,Socialist Philosophy we adopted for it is the only guarantee we have for opportunities. However, We are operating against great odds. At independence we had about 1,5 per cent women elected in the Local Government Authorities. This Second Local Government Elections resulted in a drop of women Councillors to about .005 per cent. If it was not for your intervention Comrade. President the number of women representatives would have been less than four in comparison to 9 last year when we had Parliamentary Election. This is an issue Comrade. President we would like examined closely. In our Conference resolution in March, we asked for a quarter system.. We were aware thai our society has not yet appreciated our political direction. Accordingly, Comrade. President we were asking you to consider implementing the quarter system lest we retrogress in our development and, get frustrated in our efforts. On behalf of the Women's League, I want to thank you Comrade. President for the firm position you have taken in defence of the rights of women. We pledge you our allegiance and our dedication. Pamberi neGore reDzikamidzi! Pamberi naPresident Mugabe! Pasi neZvimbwasungata! M armh IQR'R March 1 5

Vol.16 No. 3 March 1985 Mashonalan Comrade Mudzingwa: Chairman Mashonaland West Provin Mashonaland West Province lies on the western part of Mashonaland, stretching from Kariba to Mhdndoro Communal! Land. It is sandwiched by the Midlands in the west and Mashonaland East and Central in the east. The population of the province is 859 000. This consists of miners, commercial and peasant farmers, farm workers, industrial and commercial workers. fishermen and traders. Favoured with a good climate and fertile soils the Province is one of the most important farming regions in Zimbabwe. It is the country's major producer of cotton and produces more than a third of its maize. It also grows tobacco. On the political side, the first Provincial elections were held at Chegutu in July 1981 and the Prime Minister Comrade Robert Mugabe officially opened the meeting. The five districts which comprise the Province - Kariba, Karol, Chinhoyi, Chegutu and Kadoma - were fully represented and a Provincial Executive Committee was elected into office, with the Minister of Information, Posts and Telecommunications, Comrade Shamuyarira as its Chairman. Other members of the Committee included Comrade E. Chikowore, Treasurer, Comrade A. Mudzingwa, Secretary and Comrade Sabina Mugabe, Production Secretary. Restructuring Committees The Party was faced with a major task of restructuring and it formed restructuring committees to establish cells, village committees, branches and so on throughout the Province. As a result of the work of these committees the Province has 98 districts, a figure which accords with the population. The province had a difficult political situation. During the war of liberation ZIPRA penetrated it from the north and spread through into Hurungwe, Sanyati, Peace and Unity are a pr-requisite to development Zowa, Makonde, Chitomborwizi, Zvimba, Chirau, Msengezi and the commercial areas surrounding these places which became ZAPU's stronghold. The UANC was also very active especially in some parts of Mhondoro. Some ZIPRA forces were based at Assembly Point Romeo or Magurekure in Makonde while Muzorewa's Auxiliiaries were actively campaigning for him in Mhondoro, Sanyati and Hurungwe. The reign of terror unleashed by ZIPRA and the Auxiliaries intimidated the local people into voting for ZAPU and UANC who won one seat each in the 1980 general election. However this year the Party is determined to defeat these two parties. In the recent local government elections in the province ZANU (PF) has won all the seats in those areas previously ZAPU strongholds. For example, in Sanyati where ZANU (PF) and ZAPU ha each of the councillors, ZANU (P controls the entire Council. Said t] vincial Chairman Comrade Mud2 "From this alone it can be seen 1 will win all the seats". Traditional Leaders As a result of gigantic efforts on I of the ZANU (PF) leadership, m and more ZAPU and UANC m are deserting those parties to join (PF). However Msengezi is a sa of dissidents because of a handful sympathisers. Last year Comrad Simunyu, the District Transport S of Msengezi was killed by band Party responded by mobilisati politicisation of the masses in tb Comrade Mudzingwa said that e News Vol 16 No 3 M-rh IAnK est Province ified that ZANU (PF) is now controllthe whole area. He announced that part of a new strategy to win all peoover to ZANU (PF), The Provincial lership was now actively involving the ditional leaders like chiefs and dmen in the organisation of the ParThis was necessary, he said, because he respect people have for their tradial leaders. The Party also adopted this egy in order to make these leaders tfrom within the Party, of its i, aims and objectives. All the and headmen in the province actehe idea. u uently a meeting for all chiefs, dn, district councillors, Central ttee members and other Party ofin the Province was held in Chiyear to discuss the role of tradileaders in the new society. That twas a success. To date two chiefs ; party at district level. The late Jemiah Chirau served at provinJ as Secretary for Production. arty State meetings held at Selous and last year, Chief Chirau as Presiitfhe Chiefs Council moved a on to the effect that for Zimbabwe elasting peace, all people in Zimshould belong to one party. He made an important announcement rtal chiefs in Zimbabwe were in favour a one-party state. Vithin the Province itself, the recent ionstrations against Joshua Nkomo's posed tour of some of its parts inate the people's wish for a one-party vince. Vhile the Party has scored dramatic ories on the political front, it has also n plagued by dissidents and disasters. saster the 9th of June, 1982 a Kumuka Bus nged into the Dande river in Guruve. is disaster claimed the lives of 61 mers, injured 12 others and left 60 lifies including some 600 children deute. ,s a result of this accident, the nhoyi Disaster Fund was set up to ier assistance to the bereaved families xially in the areas of the future and L~ Lower level bridges; a disaster sport for buses during rainy season education of the 600 children. So far $75 000 has been raised and once a target figure of about $100 000 has been realised the fund will be closed. During this disaster ZANU (PF) demonstrated that it is one with the people. Our Headquarters at 88 Manica Road donated bales of clothing and blankets to the bereaved. Its youth helped at the funerals and in harvesting the bereaved's crops. The Prime Minister, Comrade Robert Mugabe, declared a national day of mourning and accompanied by the Deputy Prime Minister, Comrade Simon Muzenda, and Government ministers he visited Msengezi, Zowa and Chitomborwizi to offer condolences to the bereaved. Within a few weeks of the disaster, a Matambanadzo bus collided with a train at a railway-level crossing at Chegutu killing 15 people and injuring others. This was on 10 July, 1982. The third disaster occurred on l1th September, 1982 when a fight aircraft carrying four people including the pilot crashed into Lake Kariba. Three officials in the plane drowned and the pilot escaped. They were Comrade Makwavarara, a senior official of the Ministry of Youth, Sport and Recreation; Comrade Munamati, District Administrator for Kariba; and Comrade Kupfuma, Chairman of the Kariba District Council. Last month on Saturday January 26, 1985, a Mverechena bus was swept off the flooded bridge of Mukwadzi river between Banket and Raffingora. At least 25 people died and 17 survived. Besides these tragedies, the province experienced security problems in 1982 when the Zimbabwe National Army at Camp 2.7, Karoi broke up and large numbers of ZIPRA deserted into Hurungwe and other adjacent areas committing banditry. But the masses there were vigilant and, supported by the Zimbabwe Republic 9

It) f Vol.16 No. 3 March 1985 Zimbabwe News Police, they arrested the bandits and brought the situation back to normal. Seminars Some urban areas in the Province have witnessed demonstrations against Councillors. Comrade Mudzingwa said that these demonstrations should not be allowed to continue. He expressed his wish that the relevant ministry should hold seminars at which Councillors are briefed on how to deal with the people and the best way of running council affairs. He stressed that the Party would do everything possible to educate the people on how to handle their grievances without resorting to demonstrations. The Party has launched several development programmes in the province including the formation of co-operatives, building brigades and people's militias. There are two very successful sewing cooperatives run by women at Sanyati and Kariba. If these co-operatives get enough .in-puts, they will be able to supply their areas with school uniforms. Commenting on all co-operatives in the Provinceg Comrade Mudzingwa said, "The will is there but the in-puts are lacking". He however said that if the economy of the Province improves, there will be an increase in co-operative activities. Comrade Mudzingwa said that people's knowledge of the organisation of cooperatives was limited. T6 combat this problem, the Party will hold seminars in each of the provincial districts to teach people how to run co-operatives after the March elections. Commenting on the problems in the province, Comrade Mudzingwa singled out the Zambezi Valley and the urban areas as regions which were not doing well. He said that there was no sound ,social and economic infrastructure in the Zambezi Valley. There were no roads and water was scarce. In some cases the water, if found by borehole drillers was salty. The bad security situation in some parts of the Valley also hindered development. However fishing co-operatives are being formed to enable the people to have a steady source of income. One such cooperative at Kariba is doing well. After the coming elections, the Party's priority areas development-wise will be parts of Makonde, Hurungwe and the Valley itself. On urban areas in the province Comrade Mudzingwa said that lack of investment was retarding their growth and development. He said that prospective industrialists complain that in places like Norton and Chegutu for example,.there are no social and educational facilities. This, coupled with lack of foreign currency discourages them. Squatters Describing farming and mining as thtwo major activities within the Province Comrade Mudzingwa said that the drought and world economic recession had led to the closure of several mines and farms and subsequently to retrenchment of labour. The unemployed resorted to moving on to farming areas in order to eke out some existence creating the squatter problem. The Provincial Chairman said that squatting was not intentional. He has toured the crisis area around Karoi to study the situation. During this, tour he talked to Mr. Mackenzie, the Commercial Farmers' Union Chairman of KaroiChinhoyi about the squatter problem and how to solve it. As a result of his efforts a lot of squatters are being systematically resettled. "After this rainy season we don't want to see any new squatters," said Comrade Mudzingwa. Turning to the question of future plans for the Province Comrade Mudzingwa said that he would like to see people getting more and more involved in cooperative ventures in order to promote meaningful development along socialist lines.

,e NeWS Vol.16 No. 3 March 1985 Born on October 28, 1922, at Gutu in Victoria Province, the Vice President and Second Secretary of ZANU (PF), Comrade Simon Vengai Muzenda is quiet- spoken, amicable, fatherly, unassuming but uncompromising on political ideologies. For more than 30 years he has stood fast by his principles, suffered and fought with the masses of Zimbabwe for selfdetermination and political justice. He was Secretary of the Voice Association, one of Zimbabwe's early nationalist movements. He was educated at Gokomere Mission, Domboshawa Government School and Marianhill College, South Africa. In Zimbabwe, he set up several business enterprises but was soon deeply involved in the fight for independence in the early days of the struggle. A prominent member in the formation of the NDP and as Chairman of the Umvuma Branch, Comrade Muzenda established other branches in the district, later becoming Organising Secretary for Victoria Province. When NDP was banned and succeeded by ZANU in 1962, Comrade Muzenda was at the centre-stage of the struggle as the Victoria Administrative Secretary and was arrested in the same year for making a speech considered seditious by the authorities and sentenced to twelve years imprisonment of which he served only two. At ZANU's First Congress, he was elected Deputy Organising Secretary. Like most of ZANU's leadership, when the Party was proscribed, he was detained again in Gweru, Wha-wha, Sikombela and Salisbury. But these threats by the Rhodesian regime did not deter Comrade Muzenda, for, once out of detention, he started mobilising the nation against acceptance of the Smith-Home proposals of 1971, during the time of the Pearce Commission. In May, 1975, he left Zimbabwe for Zambia as a member of the ANC National Executive and Secretary for Law and Order. At the suggestion of the Zambian President Comrade Kenneth Kaunda, the Zimbabweans opened an office in Lusaka and formed the Zimbabwe Liberation Council (ZLC) to set up a High Command to prosecute the war. Comrade Muzenda was then Deputy Administrative Secretary of the ANC which had instructed them to take folhr representatives each, from ZANU, ZAPU, FROLIZI and ANC. When the members of the high command, the Central Committee and some cadres were arrested by the Zambian Government after the death of the late Chairman of ZANU, Comrade Herbert Chitepo, Comrade Muzenda went to Tanzania where, together with other Comrades, he helped to work out theMugagau Document of Fighting Forces. In 1976 he was transferred to Mozambique where he was reunited with Comrade President Robert Mugabe to reorganise the Party, plan and prosecute ZANU's armed struggle. At the same time, Comrade Muzenda travelled to many countries abroad to raise money and materials for the Liberation struggle and to canvass for political and diplomatic support for the armed revolution. He has also represented ZANU and the country at numerous international forums. In 1977, the Party's Central Committee was formed, he was elected VicePresident of the party, the position he retained at the Second National Congress of ZANU (PF) in August 1984. Comrade Simon Vengai Muzenda is the Second Secretary and Vice President of ZANU (PF). He acts as Prime Minister whenever the First Secretary and President of the Party is out of the country on official business. He is a member of the Central Committee and Politburo charged with responsibilities to chair the Party's Political Policy standing committee, the Cabinet committee on Parastatals, the Cabinet committee on state visits and independence celebrations, chairman of the Party's Staffing Committee. " Comrade Muzenda is also chairman of ZANU (PF) election strategy committee. He helps the Prime Minister, Comrade Mugabe run other Ministries and to oversee the smooth running of ZANU (PF) affairs. The fatherly Comrade Muzenda is married with eight children, one of whom was killed in a raid at Chimoio in Mozambique. [COMRADE SIMON MUZENDA Tlli: DouTY PRIAH Vll%/.S 1-1 R I \ 1) SL'CO \ 1) SFUR I- T-1 R ) 0/ Z,- IN' U (P1

12 Vol.16 No Provincial Round Up When the ruling Party, ZANU (PF) came into power in 1980, following a landslide victory in the country's first general election, one of the major issues which needed attention was the redistribution of land. An intensive RESETTLEMENT PROGRAMME was instituted and thousands of landless ZIMBABWEANS were gradually resettled. This exercise is still continuing. In his New Year Message, the First Secretary and President of the ruling Party, Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe, underscored the importancet of peasant agriculture. He has set, as one of the Ten Tasks to be carried out, "that peasant resettlement programmes be accelerated and peasant agriculture be assisted in achieving a definite organisational and qualitative transformation through purposeful rural development programmes." I The ZANU (PF) Government Is determined to resolve the land ques Comrade Mugabsat the official opening of a bridge named in his honour In Rushinga District The sentiments and aspirations express- one common ingredient; that they are ed in Comrade Mugabe's call are reflected aimel at a definite organisational and in various development programmes cur- qualitative transformation of the lives of rently taking place in the country's nine the masses. provinces. These programmes, although Let us now look at some of the projects at various stages of development, have in each of the country's provinces: Manicaland Manicaland, which shares its border our sister state of Mozambique, has the last five years, strived to mobili people for collective action in line the aspirations of the ruling Party, Zi (PF). A number of Co-operative vent now at various stages of developn have been formed. In Chimanimani example, about a hundred familic VILLAGE "E" in the Mate udze/Charamba Ward, joined hand! formed a Bakery Co-operative. The c man of the Village Development Con tee, Comrade Ernest Sisimayi, saic idea started even before the formatic the Village Development Committee, aim is to provide the area with bri In the same district, the Mu bara/Guhune Co-operative Society full operation. It has twenty m farmers. The farmers grow beans, c( and maize. The chairman of the Co-operative they no longer have problems in ge all their agricultural inputs such ass fertiliser and insecticides because order them in bulk at reduced pric The same sentirirats were expres Comrade Nyanda Chapangura, cha :3 March 1985 lvews vol.16 Nn ~ M~,4, 1OQ~ nt tillage programme a success P TANA CLUB Number Six in a ard, Buhera. d his Club has about one hunbers and this year it received i assistance through the ManicaDevelopment Association from a :h organisation totalling about seven sand dollars. They used the money uy agricultural inputs. imilar Co-operative groups are also in ration in Nyanga, Chitepo, Chipinge Makoni Districts. 'hat is even more pleasing in some s of Manicaland, is what has been ! and continues to be done to improve people's health. ' Mutasa District, ninety-six village th workers have so far been trained twelve others are scheduled to come their training in March this year. i Chitepo District, 450 blair toilets and imber of protected wells have been structed. hese and other development projects lanicaland, which is virtually a ZANU Province, bear testimony to the rulParty's commitment to fulfill the idate it got from the people in 1980. fhe same spirit and determination has n displayed by the people in: ishonaland Central Provincial Governor, Comrade !ph Kaparadza, notes that ten Growth its in the Province have been earked for electrification and all districts ! been asked to submit their developIt plans for consideration. he electrification project is estimated ost about 750, thousand dollars. In response to the Party and Government's calls for self-help projects, people in Kondo area in Guruve District, built two weirs at a cost of about seven thousand dollars. A third weir is under construction. The list of development projects carried out by the people together with the Government and Party, ZANU (PF), in the Province is long. But mention should be made of the people in the Matope Communal Lands in Mt. Darwin. Parents whose children go to Chatumbana School have already spent up to 250 thousand dollars to reconstruct their school. The school which started in 1979 with only 13 pupils, now has close to five hundred pupils. The Headmaster of the School, Comrade Nathan Mafukidze, who is very pleased with the progress of the school, said parents moulded one hundred and fifty thousand bricks for the building of teachers' houses and blocks of classrooms. It should be noted that the ruling Party, ZANU (PF) and the peoples' Government, continue to place great emphasis on education. Since independence, Education has been receiving the nation's largest share of funds. This is why the people of Matope deserve special mention. The determination of the people of Matope was rewarded when the European Economic Community gave the school a 15-thousand dollar grant which was used to purchase roofing material and to drill a borehole. The support given by several international organisations to the people of Zimbabwe through their popularly-elected Government demonstrates clearly the solidarity which exists between Zimbabwe and progressive organisations throughout the world. In line with the Government's quest to decentralize services, Bushu and Madziwa Communal Lands will soon each have six Village Training Centres. A Local Government Promotion Officer in the area, Comrade Douglas Mudukuti, says the Central Government has already set aside funds for the building of centres to train village and ward development committee members. Each training centre would have enough room to accommodate a co-operative shop, pre-school and an adult literacy class and a community hall. A Tannery Co-operative is being established at Angwa Centre in the Guruve District. The Tannery is being started with the generous assistance from two local hunters; Mr. Michael Dismorr and Mr. Ian Piercy, who have donated twenty-five thousand dollars. The money comes from Doctor Steward Dismorr. father of Michael, who left a will in which he expressed the desire to see the people of the area become selfreliant. The proposed Tannery is expected to start operating in May with a labour force of about thirty. This project and several other micro-projects in the whole of the Province, augur well for the ruling Party's development plans whose central aim is to improve the welfare of the people. 13 1VOWS., Vol 16 No 3 March 10Rr

Vol.16 No. 3 March 1985 Mashonaland East The receptivity of the people of Mashonaland East Province to the ruling Party's call and Government to form co-operatives and self-help projects is shown by the multiplicity of such projects. In the Katsande area, for example, thirteen farmers' groups have pooled their resources to mould fifty thousand bricks for the building of a Community Hall. The Hall will be used to hold Agricultural Shows and other meetings related to agriculture. In a related' development, the Bunga Rural Farmers Association plans to renovate a Hall in the area. In Wedza, farmers speak of a bumper harvest this season. They say Government's tillage programme where tractors were made available at a very low cost, largely contributed to the expected good yield. Besides maize, mhunga and groundnuts, some farmers have now started to grow cash crops such as cotton. This season, more than one hundred hectares have been put under cotton. As has already been seen in other provinces, health facilities continue to receive attention in Mashorialand East. Health community workers continue to receive training and a number of primary health care clinics continue to be built. 0 Mashonaland West The Chairman of the Mashonaland West Province, Comrade Alexio Mudzingwa, is more optimistic that development programmes in the Province will receive even better attention after the ,forthcoming general election. He says so because the ruling Party expects to win all the seats in the Province. During the 1980 election, two seats went to two separate minority parties, but this year's election is expected to produce a landslide victory for the ruling Party, ZANU (PF), in the Province. Rallies held throughout the Province over the last few months show clearly that the people in Mashonaland West do not want any other political party besides ZANU (PF). This is as it should be because ZANU (PF), through its clearly defined programmes for development, has become a household name in the Province. Various training programmes, all aimed at improving the welfare of the people in the Province, are underway in Mashonaland West. " For example, in Karoi, members of the recently formed Village Development Committees have been undergoing training in various disciplines pertaining to development. At all these courses, self reliance was the major theme. In addition, participants at some of the courses learned aspects such as political economy, meeting procedures, project planning and land use. In Chief Chundu's area, residents are building a day secondary school at Chitindiva. The Ward Councillor, Comrade. Roger Mushawemhuka, said already four classrooms have been completed. Each parent Boreholes provide clean water for the people contributes twenty dollars project in addition to one to each has to mould. The Mashonaland Wes Authority provided buildin well as payments for buidr Masvingo Provinc The ZANU "PF Prvnia Masvingo, veab . ork wants to make life Provn which all other Provinc This is the spirit of healt which the ruling Party an encourage. Like other Provinces, te svingo have been work te develop the province. Not long ago,f health per NEHAceDA, was comewl from the SWEDISH INTR DEVELOPMENT AGENC The lcnr community asistol struction of the centre. It should be noted that th i ween rulingParty and Sweden started during thp struggle. The new centre will go a long ing the shortage of health pers Province because scores will b the centre. This centre is only the scores of development pr ried out in Masvingo over ht years. Despite three years of a sever many parts of Masvingo app( done well. Certainly this yeax in all parts. The worst affected areasofC green with crops flourisig Matabeleland South. In 1980 the Province had sev, dominated by minority parti was affected by bandits sponi white racist regime in Pretoi These trends adversely affect ment. However, the pattern ferent. The majority of the p area have now seen the hgh joined the ruling party, ZAI In Jahunda Township, Gwarn vincial capital, more than tw people joined the ruling pai (PF) during the last two nont: necessitated the restructuring ty's cells and branches. Senator Aleck Ndhlovu, a Ce mittee Member of the ruling pressed satisfaction at the membership of the Party I residents to watch out for dis may continue to infiltrate th 1, a

News Vo1.16 No. 3 March 1985 15 W! 7 w,, '01 built through self-reliance ational Organisation support the Party's development programmes

16 Vol.16 No. 3 March 1981 ZANU (PF) Women's League UN Decade for W omen As a result of the international recognition of the plight of women throughout the world the UN General Assembly passed a resolution declaring 1975 as the International Women's Year. To-mark the year a conference was hield in Mexico whose themes were equality, development and peace. The Mexico Conference noted that one year was not enough to look at the problems of women which had accumulated over decades of oppression. They therefore recommended that a decade be set aside if meaningful improvements were to occur in the status of women. The conference also recommended that a mid-decade conference be held to review and appraise the achievements made in the first five years. The U.N. attached women and development offices to all their regional economic commissions and sub-regional multi-national programming centres. An international research and training in. stitute was set up in the Dominican Republic. In Africa a training and research centre was also set up in Addis Ababa. Under the auspices of the U.N. Economic and Social Council, the branch for the advancement of women and the commission on the status of women were charged with the responsibility of monitoring progress in achieving the goals of the U.N. decade for women. A.U.N. voluntary fund was also started to help give technical and material assistance to women's projects. In Zimbabwe a number of projects have been funded by the voluntary fund. (Uniform making in Omay, film on women for Ranche House College). The mid decade conference in Copenhagen 1980, noted that although progress had been achieved in that most nations were addressing themselves to the problems of women, a lot still needed to be done especially in the areas of employment, health and education. Thus these three sub-themes were incorporated into the main themes of the decade. One of the strongest recommendations of the two conferences was the setting up of national machineries which would carry out the task of the advancement of women. In 1980 Zimbabwe became in- dependent and thus joined the U.N. midway through the decade and the government proceeded with speed to set up the Ministry of Community Development and Women's Affairs which would spearhead the development of women. This was due to the recognition of the role women had performed during the liberation struggle under the women's league. What has been Achieved During the Decade 1. The U.N. Economic Commission for Africa carries out annual sub-regional meetings on the integration of women in development. It also carries out training workshops, seminars and study tours to help meet the request of member countries. Experts are also attached to member countries on request to help in specific issues. Zimbabwe has benefited a great deal from the U.N.E.C.A. and other U.N. Agencies such as U.N.I.C.E.F. in the needs assessment survey and the pre-school programme. Equality 2. The Ministry of Community Devel ment and Women's Affairst h other Government ministries positive steps to improve the stat women in the following areas: Legal Age of Majority Act, 1982 This act gives women and men full con tractual capacity and freedom froim parental control on attaining the age of majority which is eighteen. In the past African women were from the cradle to the grave: therefo under the guardianship of a man. Wm could not own property in their right. Since the act was passed, a'woman can now contract a marriage without parental consent. This was not the case before the passing of this Act. However, women in Zimbabwe have always had the right to choose their own spouse although parental consent was needed to register the marriage. Equal Pay Regulations Before independence men and women doing the same kind of job, with the same qualifications were renumerated on defferent scales, with the men getting a higher wage. The above regulations outlawed this discriminatory practice and now women and men get equal pay for equal work. Minimum Wages Act The Government instituted a minimum wage for different types of unskilled occupations. We see this as a great stride, since most of our women are being exploited in the unskilled category. Parttime workers such as tobacco, tea and cotton pickers were also catagorised, as permanent rnd are now entitled to pension benefits. Maternity Leave Regulations Before independence women had resign from their jobs when they got ma 5 ye News VnI IR Mn 2 ~ Training The Ministry of Community Development and Women's Affairs has skills trainers, community workers and home economics demonstrators who train women in skills such as club management, project planning, monitoring, implementation and evaluation. In addition to the extension services mentioned above the ministry has two women's training centres, namely Roger Howman and the National Women's Training Centre where rural women come for specialised courses in various fields. The Party's Women's League also carries out training in various functional skills throughout the provinces and ...... WeW Vo 161 No 3 -1 IOR Adult literacy a success 3t the banner of the Party the en now participate in decision making 17 especially at their training centres at Kubatsirana and Melfort. In all its endeavours the Ministry has been cooperating and consulting closely with the women's league on its programmes and activities. The Government also launched the literacy campaign to enable adults, especially women, who had not had the chance to go to school, to be taught how to read and write so that they can be in a position to better their own lives. N.G.O. and international agencies have been instrumental in starting projects in rural areas in line with Government's policy of promoting self reliance and selfhelp community based projects.

Vol.16 No. 3 March 19M Peace With the attainment of independence the women of Zimbabwe are now focussing on the plight of women in the region who are suffering under apartheid and colonialism. At the ZANU (PF) Women's Congress held in March 1984, solidarity was expressed with the suffering women of Namibia and Azania. For the purpose of a evaluating national achievements towards the decade, the Ministry organised a three day workshop attended by both Government ministries and N.G.O. representatives in August, 1984. This was in line with the U.N. recommendation that national machineries should hold pre-Nairobi World Conference workshops with their N.G.O.s so as to coordinate their activities and establish a common factual and statistical base. The workshop also provided data for the preparation of the country's statement to be presented to the Nairobi Conference in July, 1985. Thirdly the workshop developed forward-looking strategies for the year up to 2000. The workshop proceedings were in two major parts i.e. the presentations from various government ministries, N.G.O.s and donor agencies and secondly group discussions which addressed themselves to the six themes recommended by the U.N. equality, development, peace, employment, health and education. Under each theme, the groups outlined the achievemnts made and constraints faced during the decade and forward-looking strategies in the form of recommendations. A report giving full details of the workshop will soon be available from the Ministry of Community Development and Women's Affairs. The health of any nation determines its growth Equal pay for equal work Q I bwe News Vol.16 No. 3 March 1985 Objectives of the Labour ations Act During babwe's Transition Socialism by Comrade F.M.M. Shava Minister of Labour, Manpower Planning and Social Welfare DUCTION e principal contributory factors dional Liberation Struggle was itation of labour by settler i. Throughout the colonial irkers were subjected to super on by capital and their role in )my was consistently denied. ntly, the workers along with the nd other patriotic forces fought for national liberation. Under -ship of ZANU (PF), the exsses in Zimbabwe, struggled for iary transformation and for a -e from exploitation of man by clear commitment to socialism n Marxist-Leninilt principles, sought to introduce thoroughnges in the relations of producmeant that the socio-economic vould be reorganised so that the f production were gradually wned. As a corollary to that, is the producers of wealth had greater role in the economy and eater participation in decisionnd management. ependence the Party, ZANU de a thorough and objective of the concrete reality obtaining )we. As a result of that analysis, concluded that among other was necessary to place the main for the time being on nationreconstruction of the war-torn and reconciliation of the hitherpolitical groups and armies. In iwhile, however, the Party, :he machinery of government ace a great store of energy on inneasures for laying a firm foufor the creation of a socialist five years, therefore, have seer ed effort at creating propitiou!. s for the establishment o Among some of the mon le and dramatic achievements o 19

Workers as the producers of wealth must assume greater participation in decision- making and management Advancement and protection of the interests of the workers is a priority of the Party zlim'oaowe N ews Vol.16 Non,"t die ZANU (PF) government are in the areas of education, health, rural developm et, and labour, to mention only a few. With specific reference to labour, the Party%Mdgovernment have conscientiously andoirelessly worked to devise policies aIl introduce measures aimed at ftelioating the overall condition and status of the workers. Most significantly; great strides have been made in the area of wage policy as symbolised by the estlishment of the Wage and Salary Review Committee which has annually rvev'ed minimum wages, wage increments and fringe benefits. Not only has the government raised minimum wages, but has also granted occasional acrossthe- board wage increments to the lowest paid workers in order for them to cope with inflation and rising prices and, thereby, enable them to meet at least their basic needs. Simultaneously, wage increments amongst the highest paid employees have been frozen in order to narrow down the *wage gap. The intentions and objectives of the Party'and government may be summarised as follows: To democratise labour relations, foster the worker unity in clear recognition of the historic role of the working class in socialist revolution. In other words. government is committed is committed to the advancement and protection of the interests of the workers so as to enable them to playmore effectively their role in the economy. During the period of transition to socialism the party and government will work strenuously to create the appropriate conditions for the achievement of socialism. Among other things, the party is determined to ensure that: (a) the necessary material framework for a new economic management and the gradual and steady concerntration and centralisation of the production is established to allow for the regulated process of labour; (b) the worker as the manifestation of the social character of labour is mobilised so that he can play an in* creasingly more prominent role in the fight for the establishment of socialism; (c) workers generally, and trade unions in particular, are well organised and ideologically clear' In the light of the above, this article seeks to discuss the new Labour Relations Bill'and analyse its role in the period of transition to socialism, as well as answer some of the specific issues raised mainly by White Members of Parliament in criticism of the Bill. In so doing the article attempts to highlight the ideofogical and political objectives of the Bill, and answer once and for all some of the points of contention. 21 2. The Role of the Bill during the Period of Transition to Socialism The Labour Relations Bill, when it goes through Parliament, will result in changes of labour matters, of far reaching consequences. In that respect it is of historic importance. From the point of view of the ZANU (PF) government the Bill is a pillar for our socialist thrust and commitment, because its centrality lies at. the core of the Party's political principles. It is a reaffir mation of the Party's unshakable belief and conviction in the superiority of socialism over bapitalism..For, as already stated above, the National Liberation Struggle, for which many illustrious and gallant sons and daughters of Zimbabwe died, was not only anti-colonial in nature and character, but was for the constructiopiof socialism on the ruins of colonialism. Undoubtedly, independence was won in 1980 after a bitter and protracted struggle, but the struggle for socalism continues. During the struggle for socialism there are many instruments and weapons wielded to achieve that objective. These instruments and weapons are of an ideological, political, economic and legal nature. The Labour Relations Bill, when it becomes law, is both a legal instrument and weapon for advancing and protecting the interests of the workers as we assiduously lay the firm foundation for the establishment of socialism. In drafting the Bill, government was guided by the need to give the workers their rightful and historic role in the society and the economy. What the Bill, therefore, does in essence is to clearly recognise the critical importance of the workers - the producers of wealth - a role denied by previous and successive colonial regimes in Zimbabwe. The Introduction of the Wages Act The u ndispute importance of labour, and the centality which government attaches to the matter, was amply demonstrated as already alluded to above, by the serious and urgent attention we put, with maximum speed, on the issues related to. the welfare and status of the workers at independence in 1980. It may .be recalled that government instituted the introduction of the Minimum Wages Act and the Employment Act in 1980, in addition to its tireless efforts to create viable and powerful Trade Unions. Needless to say, these measures were welcomed by our workers with genuine acclaim, and went a long way in enabling workers to, for the first time, live like human beings. In conjuction with these measures, the Government swiftly removed certain racist and reactionary pieces of 'Legislation, namely and notably the notorious Master and Servant Act (1901).' It is now a truism to say that until 1980 ,the workers of this country bore a heavy brunt of capitalist exploitation and oppression. In the mines, plantations and factories the workers moiled, toiled and sweated to produce wealth on wages and working conditions which could only correctly be characterised as semislavery. The genuine concern of the ZANU (PF) government with the lot of the workers has been visibly and loudly demonstrated through other measures. Only illustrative examples can be cited here: the introduction of the Workers' Committees and the concept of Workers' participation aimed primarily at enabling Workers' to effectively participate in the economy, and the creation of a Retrenchment Committee in the wake of increased retrenchments in industry. Other social welfare measures falling outside the purview of the Ministry of Labour, Manpower Planning and Social Welfare but which illustrate our commitment, as government, to the workers and the poor, include provision of free health care and free primary education for the-lower income workers- solid evidence of the government's concern for the workers. Unity Among Workers In clear recognition of the importance of workers' unity in our thrust towards the achievement of a socialist society, government has thrown its weight behind Trade Unions and has strenuously worked to ensure unity among workers. Consequently, since independence government has seriously and single-mindedly encouraged the mobilisation and organisation of workers for them to become a meaningful force: In that spirit the government assisted in the formation of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) in order to bring together various and hitherto disparate unions under one umbrella as an instrument for achieving unity. However, in restating our commitment to workers' rights and social justice, no erroneous impression should be created that the Government wants to put the worker on a pedestal, and promote laziness and indiscipline at the places of work. For, our Honourable Prime Minister and President of the Party, ZANU (PF), as well as several Cabinet Ministers and Party leaders have all spoken out strongly against laziness, in-. discipline, and corruption among the workers, whenever we have seen or suspected them. The Government and Party are committed to the maintenance of a welldisciplined and fully productive labour force. The Bill, for example, prohibits the workers from staging reckless and illegal strikes. It also prohibits labour and trade union officials from disrupting the normal process of economic production during the course of their labour inspections. The decisions of our Retrenchment Committee also have demonstrated the Government's no-nonsense approach to laziness, indiscipline and non-productivity. Ugrrh 1OR ZJM0aVWe AT-WS Vol.16 No 3 March 1 5

22 Why is is Necessary to Introduce New Legislation An objective assessment, however, of colonial legislation relating to workers clearly and amply demonstrates why it is necessary to introduce new legislation. This is particularly true of the notorious Industrial Conciliation Act. First of all, a brief look at the ideological and philosophical basis of the Industrial Conciliation Act demonstrates why it is totally and uncompromisingly unacceptable to the people of Zimbabwe. Colonial industrial relations, at any rate treated labour with absolute contempt, yet without workers our inherited impressive industrial infrastructure would not have been possible. Colonial industrial relations was the overriding philosophy based upon those who depended for their livelihood on the sale of their labour were inferior to the coloniser. P.S. Harris, writing in 1974 acknowledged the absurdity of colonial labour relations: "Employer attitudes, and perhaps more importantly the perspective from which employer groups approach collective bargaining in Rhodesia, seem to be based on the myth that employment is a favour, conferred by an omnipotent and benevolent employer on a servile and insignificant employee. The myth then becomes translated into a range of more specific attitudes, from one side is the outright 'worker-basher' who regards as impertinent and ungrateful any employee, who like Oliver Twist, approaches his master with an empty bowl outstretched and pleading for 'more'; on the other side is the more paternalistic employer, who regards himself as the person best equipped to act as custodian of the welfare of his dependent employee. "There is little recognition of two very important facts: viz, that production involves co-operation, and that labour, capital and management interact in a mutually interdependent manner in order to perform an economic function: and that workers are the group best able to protect and promote their own interests." (P.S. Harris: "'ten Popular Myths concerning the Employment of Labour in Rhodesia", Rhodesian Journal of Economics Vol. 8, No. 1, March 1974, p. 39). The worker here, therefore, was treated simply as a unit of production, worthless except taking orders from management. The obvious and logical consequence of such a philosophy, was confrontation between labour and capital, frustration and the alienation of workers from their places of work. Correctly, the worker saw Vol.16 No. 3 March 1985 Peasant tarmers' contribution to the national agricultural output has Incrweed since the attainment of indeoendence his employer as an oppressor, and work upholding the principle that the constituas a dehumanising and degrading process tion of any registered trade union or of colonial exploitation. As a result the employers' organisation shall not contain worker did not feel committed to the discrimination on grounds of race, col goals and aspirations of his company. our, or religion, makes the provision that The racist tenents of colonialism are it may provide: clearly evident in the Industrial Concilia- (a) for the establishment of a branch of tion Act which was an oppressive piece the union or organisation; and. of legislation designed primarily for the (b) for its membership to be divided inenslavement of the Black workers. The to branches on the basis of work or Act tended, in the main, to be employer- enterprise or the place of work or oriented to the detriment of the worker, business or sex or the race or colou This is one of the main reasons why the of the members or otherwise." Act has been open to the charge that it Similarly allowance is made for tht was more an instrument of control, protection of "minority" interests. especially over African Trade Unions. By The Act is full of racist insinuation his own admission, the then colonial and innuendos, which I do not think ii Minister of Labour is quoted as saying in is necessary to cite in more detail. Take the parliamentary debate on the introduc- this example, which in colonial parlance tion of the Act in 1959 that "it could be subtly indicates the racist nature of the argued that to provide for these associa- Act. Outlining one of the main re tions (i.e. African Trade Unions) is quirements for registration subsection (I nothing more than a control measure, and (c) of section 40 says the Registrar shal let me be perfectly frank, it is." In other not register any union unless he is sati words though the Industrial Conciliation sfied that: Act was, in theory, a non-racial piece of "the union or organisation is I legislation, in practice the intentions of responsible body and reasonabl, including African Trade Unions within capable of taking part in th the ambit of white unions was for the sole negotiation of matters of mutua purpose of controlling their activities and interest between employer ani development, employee in accordance with th For example, tIough in principle White provisions of this Act". Unions were regarded as automatically Yet another provision was evidentl registered under the Act, in practice specifically aimed at African Union! African Unions were simply administered within the colonial context, was tli as unregistered Unions. stipulation in Section 49 prohibiti, The Industrial Conciliation Act was unions, registered and unregistered, froi also racist in two major respects. First, affiliating with any political party ( it excluded all employers engaged in organisation, or receiving money or u private domestic service, agriculture and ing facilities of such organisation forestry - the sectors at any rate, which Subsection (3) (a) and (b) prohibits co, had the bulk of African workers. These tributing money and services or accepti, were governed by the obnoxious Masters them from organisations under/l and Servants Act which has since been Unlawful Organisations Act. We all knc repealed. Second, though purportedly too well which organisations we non-racial, the racist character of the In- "unlawful" in this country. We dustrial Conciliation Act is clearly evident too, that the provision prohibiting a in Section 50, Subsection (3) which, while tion to political parties was mea

Zimbabwe News yonI16 Nn_ 3 Marnh 1.QM. emasculate nationalist parties of worker support. Similarly, we know that stringent control over unions was meant specifically and primarily. to inhibit African oganisations, Another unacceptable deficiency of the Act is'that it undermined the unity and strength of the workers, not only through its racist character but through its principle of "vertical" representation whereby unions could only register within an industry, and only for legally designated classes of work. This led to the fragmentation of'unions, and introduced and sustained divisiveness, thus enabling employers to exploit various groups of workers for their own ends. Workers were thus prevented from becoming a strong force able to put up a unified negotiating position. Collective Job Action The Industrial Conciliation Act was also a draconian piece of legislation in another respect. Its provisions, relating to lock-outs and strikes, as contained in Section 141, particularly subsection (7) were terribly arbitrary. It is the belief of ZANU (PF) and government that, provided all the available channels have been exhausted, unions should have the right to collective job action in order to get their grievances solved. There are many deficiences of the Act which could be analysed here, but suffice it to say that the Act is an unpopular and anachronistic piece of legislation, far divorced from the existing political reality in our country. As a popularly elected government representing the entirety of the people of this country we can not allow such a piece of legislation to continue on our Statute Books. In main the Act goes at variance without intentions and objectives and frustrates government policies on labour. The Labour Relations Bill, in essence, is an antithesis to the Industrial Conciliation Act and thus seeks to create an industrial relations system which conforms, in large measure, to the socialist principles of government. Government regards the Bill as an instrument .for transforming and restructuring the relations of production in the period of transition to socialism. However-, cognisant of the existing concrete reality in our society, government fully recognises the role of employers. Consequently, the Bill seeks to promote, advance, and protectless workers' and employers' interests in order to foster balanced management labour i' relations. For good and healthy industrial relations to exist, it is necessary to foster harmonious co-existence between the morkers and employers at the workplace. I The'specific objectives of the Bill may be summarised as: I To promote and uphold the principle of the fairer distribution of collective bargaining power between the employers and employees. in so doing, however, the 23 Bill clearly recognises that the worker has historically been disadvantaged, and thus seeks to provide greater protection to the worker vis-a-vis the employer. To achieve this objective, the Bill defines in very specific terms the fundamental rights of employees, and stipulates the general conditions of employment. It also stipulates the exact types of unfair labour prhctices. The Bill prohibits all forms of negative and subjective tendencies and discrimination in employment such as race, colour, religion and sex. Thus it seeks to confer on all Zimbabweans the right to equal opportunities and equal access to occupations, jobs and employment. More importantly, the Bill provides details of the legal and administrative remedies for both preventing and redressing grievances arising out of unfair labour practices and discriminatory practices and makes them offences. 2 To integrate all workers and employers under a single dispute machinery and thus, for the first time recognises domestic and agricultural workers as part of the labour force whereas their terms and conditions had been previously governed by tie now repealed Masters and Servants Act. However, the workers and employees whose terms of employment are specifically governed by the constitution are excluded from the Bill. This includes in the maid, state employees. 3 To remove the existing fragmentary nature of the representation of workers and employers, and to give workers greater participation in decision-making and in the economy generally. This is sought to be done by making specific provision for the voluntary registration and certification of trade unions and employers' organisations. It is important to note that, unlike the Industrial Conciliation Act, the present Bill seeks to encourage the concept of 'horizontal' representation of workers' and employers' interests according to industry or undertaking, as opposed to the 'vertical' representation of those interests by area or class of work, which we consider is divisive and inimical to the interests of both the worker and the employer. More importantly, however, we believe that 'vertical' representation is more open to abuse and manipulation than 'horizontal' representation. In order to give greater and more effective meaning to the concept of worker participation, the Bill specifically provides for, and institutionalises the formation of Workers' Committees and defines their role and functions. 4. Further, provision is made for setting up machinery to deal with other matters such as conditions of employment, and appeals. In order to achieve this, the Bill specifically provides for the establishment of Employment Councils, Employment Boards, a Labour Relations Board and a Labour Relations Tribunal. 5. To transfer certain powers from the Registrar to the Minister and to con- solidate the powers already enjoyed by the Minister in one Act. The Minister, inter alia, now has the power to investigate the affairs of trade unions or employers' organisations. Though the Bill confers certain regulatory powers on the Minister, it should be added that such powers can only be exercised on the advise of, or after consultation with, specified people and authorities and are, at any rate, subject to review on appeal by the Tribunal. The point that needs strong emphasis here is that our intention, though being to give the Minister some power, such power must be democratic and must not be open to abuse and arbitrariness., 3. A Reply to the Critics of the Bill The objectives of the Labour Bill have been clearly set out above. However, inspite of the clarity of the Party and government's position on the issue, several points of criticism have been raised fiom various quarters. Criticism is of two-types: from those who have genuine criticism and others, who are either detractors or die-hard racist and reactionary elements still living in the past. Comments made here relate mainly to the second group of critics. The main points of concern which were raised, particularly during the debate of the Bill in Parliament, can be summarised as follows: (a) Employers' Rights* (b) Employee's Rights (c) Effects of Labour costs on the national economy with specific reference to investment from outside. (d) The respective roles of Trade Unions and Workers Committees. (e) Minister's Powers (f) Size of Bureaucracy (g) Lack of Consultations The Necessity of Class Struggle It is evident that some of these issues were raised purely out of political expediency, and certainly by those seeking to prolong the life of the Industrial Conciliation Act. It is notable, at any rate, that there was consistent convergence of interests between the Conservative Alliance of Zimbabwe (CAZ) and the "Independents" throughout the debate on the Bill. What emerged clearly in Parliament was an attempt to delay the implementation of democratic, fair and progressive labour administration in Zimbabwe. On an ideological plane the debate on the Bill graphically portrayed the class character of our society and led to one obvious conclusion: the necessity of class struggle in order to rid our society of exploitation of man by man. For, inspite of the long, arduous and ultra-democratic path of the Bill to Parliament, some people saw it fit to fight to the last minute to frustrate its introduction. Baseless allegations that the government did not sufficiently consult or failed to take into.account representations by various interested parties should be -Yimbabwe News Vol 16 Nn 'A M.,11.h 1CA5

2d Vol.16 No. 3 March 1985 Zimbabwe News dismissed with the contempt they deserve. For the fact that government does not agree with representations made must not be misconstrued to mean lack of consultation. The truth is that in the process of consultation government agreed with certain areas but disagreed in others. However, the willingness of government to consult is clearly demonstrated by the fact that in the history of this country there is not a single Bill which has been subjected to that severe scrutiny of the public eye. Employers' Rights It is necessary now to discuss some of the specific issues raised in criticism of the Bill. The first issue is that of employers' rights and other matters related to this. What needs to be emphasised from the onset is that the employers in this country have been and are still strong and dominant, whereas, workers are still very weak. What is obvious in the above and other arguments is the notion that there is a balance of power and strength between employers and workers, as obtaining in other countries. Yet the truth is that employers in this country have since colonial rule established and organised strong institutional machineries for articulating their interests. In contrast Workers have not. Given the dominance of the employer vis-a-vis the employee, which is not conducive to effective collective bargaining, what government is trying to do is to strengthen the workers to achieve effective tripartite arrangements. However, this by no means constitutes a withdrawal or denial of employers' rights. By common law, employers already have very wide and Well entrenched rights which do not need to be specified in the same way as employee's rights. Employers, in any case, have greater access to legal expertise and understand their rights more than workers do. In any case, notwithstanding the employers' common rights, it is untrue to argue that the Bill does not specify emplbyers' rights. The following illustrates the point: throughout the Bill careful regard has been given to the representation of employer interests in employment Councils and employment Boards. Furthermore, mainly in anticipation of the fears of employers the tribunal was made a full judicial body, with the right of a full appeal to the Supreme Court. In addition, there are many more rights in various sections of the ,Bill. Another objection to the Bill raised is that it does not offer proper incentives to managerial employees while the conditions of workers are guaranteed. This is a political afid economic issue rather than a legal one, but it may be pointed out that Party V of the Bill does not discriminate in the matter of wages and salaries between employers and employees: both are covered by government policy which seeks, in the first place, to reduce the gap in remuneration between the low paid income group and the highly paid income group.. Government as is already known is committed to a socialist thrust and in our legislation, we must be seen to be adhering to this principle. It has also been suggested that the introduction of minimum wages has created unemployment. This is falacious and ignores other factors such as the drought and the current world wide recession. Besides, it is worthwhile remembering that some of our wages are still. below the Poverty Datum Line (PDL). The cost of labour in this country is still very low as compared to other countries. Wage controls are thus necessary in order to stabilise the economy in the face of inflationery tendencies inherent in our economic system. Another incorrect view, is that the Bill is a positive disincentive to investment and therefore leads to increased unemployment. Clearly, one of the first considerations for any entrepreneur in deciding whether or not to invest is the predictability and certainty of the law of the land where the investment is contemplated. Clear labour laws that are conducive to stable and harmonious labour relations are thus far between the complex laws which do not have the full confidence of either employers or employees. Here the attitudes of the parties involved are important since any piece of legislation really depends on their whole-hearted co-operation and participation for it to work. Evidently, the very intention of critics of the Bill is to scare away investors by their distortion of the truth. It has also been argued that there are instances of blatrant discrimination against employers. In particular, it is argued that the provision of offences and penalties through the Bill is an example of discrimination. Yet in reality, the Bill does no more than spell out penalties for violations of the law for which employers, may be primarily responsible simply by reason of their dominant role in the contract of employment, especially in the formation of that contrast. The assumption of the argument is that all penalties should have been put at the end of the Bill under the Geneial Offences Clause, thus covering all parties that is employers and employees. However, government believes that it would be unfair to leave so important a matter as punishment in vague and uncertain terms, by putting it as a general catch-all clause. Rather by specifying the penalties as has done in the Bill, this helps employers to. have a fuller appreciation of what to expect rather than 'risk punishment by ignorance. The other instance of alleged discrimination is in the giving of notice. It is said that while an employer must give 30 days notice of termination of a contract, an employee need only give 24 hours notice. However, clause 12 of the Bill which states -clearly that such a situation only arises in cases where the contract is silent on the issue of notice. More part cai. ly, this provision only applies to employees who have been in the service of an employer for 2 years or more. The reason for the apparent biass towards the employee is simple. The ILO Conventions prohibit the practice of foroed labour, that is to say no free person may, without his consent, works for another. To do otherwise constitutes forced labour which Zimbabwe as a member of the ILO governing body cannot afford to do. Rhodesia being an international outcast could afford such obnoxious labour practices without censure. If along period of notice is required by either party to an employment contract, they must agree to it, and such an undertaking would then be contractually binding. Moreover, to require a worker to give his employer a long period of notice where the contract is silent on this point, would be restricting his mobility in the labour -market. The second major concern which has been expressed is about the so-called wide regulatory powers given to the Minister in terms of clause 17. On closer inspection of this clause, however, it is clear that the concern is groundless. Subclause (5) of clause 17, for example, obliges the Minister to publish in the Gazette his intention of making any regulations on any subject specified in subclause (3). This gives ample opportunity for interested parties to make representations to the Minister. This procedure is not postoperative. The only instance where regulations may be published without this procedure is in the event of an emergency, in which case the Government is subject to other checks. All regulations are examined by legal officers and, if they deal with an emergency, they are further referred to the Cabinet Committee on Legislation. In any case, these regulatory powers have always been a feature of Labour Law. One only has to look at the labour regulations already published to understand this. The Bill provides the overall framework within which all matters dealt with by regulation must operate. The 'ultra vires' rule applies equally to this legislation as to any other. A third visible point raised relates to what may be summarised as cumbersome bureaucratic machinery through the creation of employment boards, and other machinery. It should be made clear, in answer to this charge that, the proposed machinery for settling disputes does not entail more bureaucracy than that to which we have been accustomed. The proviso for example, in clause 137 (1), was included with the intention of bringing about a maximum economy of personnel for maximum results. Moreover, this seemingly elaborate structure was necessitated by the need to ensure that the fairest possible outcome would arise from

News VoIIA Nn ~t Uawh i r ZANU (PF) can end the exploitation of Man by Man any dispute. The procedure for settling disputes is as swif as the parties wish to make it. Obviousl', with mutual goodwill few disputes will Ar have to run the full course of atihorities all the way up to the Supreme Court. But the machinery is there if the parties wish to make use of it. A fourth point contests the practicability of the concept of horizontal representation of workers. It is true that our policy is to aim, wherever possible, for the creation of one certified union or employers organisation for each undertaking or industry. This policy is stated as one of the considerations which the Registrar must take into account in clause 45 (1) (d). But let us be realistic: for a trade union to be effective it cannot represent vastly divergent interests, even if it operates within One industry. Hence, the provision in clause 45 (1) (b), that trade unions shall not represent employers or managerial employees seeks to give meaning to horizontal representation. The kind of situation we wish to avoid is the one prevailing today in, for example, the Railways, where at various times 4 unions misted for the same undertaking, with no justification other than the desire to preserve a certain racial composition. Representatives of employers, and apologists of colonialism are in favour of fragmentation of trade unions for it serves the goal of the employers, that is, weakening of trade unions and thereby maximizing employers' interests. We do not believe effective collective bargaining can be achieved where we have dominant employers and weak trade union organisations. It is also alleged that there is the apparent lack of control of trade unions, particularly as regards their financial affairs. However, clause 35 (b) relating to the keeping and auditing of the books of account of registered trade unions and the making available to members certified true copies of audited accounts answers the charge. More importantly, however, the Minister is given a very effective power of investigation in terms of section 136, allowing him to appoint investigators without notice to inspect the affairs of registered or unregistered trade unions and employers' organisations where good reasons exist for doing so. The Minister even has the power to appoint an administrator who shall administer these bodies where winding up is not felt to be a suitable remedy. The Minister's power in this respect is subject to prior judicial review in terms of sub-clause (6) of clause 136. To exercise more powers than what is elaborated above would be tantamount to controlling unions which in our view is not desirable, and in any case contravenes the ILO Convention. The other point needing clarification refers to the relationship between the Trade Unions and workers' committees, It should be noted that workers' committees operate on enterprise or shopfloor level to deal with the day-to-day issues whereas Trade Unions operate at Industrial or national level. Furthermore, unlike trade unions in other countries, trade unions in Zimbabwe do not have shop stewards who could feed them with information. Most of them are not employed by these enterprises. They operate from outside and have little information as to what takes place at plant level. Hence there is a need to establish a point of link as what would operate where there are shop stewards. Fears have also been expressed that there is going to be duplication of duties if workers' committees are allowed to negotiate collective bargaining agreements. This is well catered for in clause 24 (3) (a) where workers' committees only perform this function, "in case where the trade union has no collective bargaining agreement with the employer concerned, only to the extent that such negotiation is authorized in writing by the trade unions concerned". 4.Conclusion The Labour Relations Bill, put in proper historical context is part of the Party - ZANU (PF), struggle against capitalist exploitation. Its objectives are to enhance the position of the worker, protect his interests and remove all forms of discrimination inherited from colonialcapitalist system. While it is a contribution for the establishment of socialism, the Bill recognises the existing concrete realities of Zimbabwe. The Bill, in summary is a recipe for harmony in labour relations. It is clear that those who criticise the Bill do so because they are nostalgic of the past in which exploitation of workers was the order of the day. As a popularly elected government, the ZANU (PF) government is duty-bound to fulfil its promises of alleviating the conditions of the poor. Equally, the Party recognises the importance of the working class in the struggle to achieve a socialist society. The recent debates, comments and criticism of the Bill clearly indicate who the proponents and apologists for capitalism and exploitation are, and who the champions of the workers are. The introduction of the Bill has achieved one major thing exposing the enemies of the revolution. 25 MOWS Vol 16 No 3 M-1- lam

Vol.16 No. 3 March 198 Just before independence in 1980, few observers of our political landscape believed that our country could succeed in raising itself from the problems experienced during the war, and achieve the atmosphere of peace and freedom which we enjoy today, Indeed it was not uncommon to hear certain political pandits predicting that if ZANU (PF) came to power, Zimbabwe would fragment into little tribal kingdoms, with rival gunmen on top of every.commanding hill- top, exchanging hell each time there was a chill in the political air. These predictions were largely based on ignorance not only of the attitudes and policies of our Party and leadership, but also of the general character of our people. Contrary to what was forecast, Zimbabwe over the past five years has made enormous gains in consolidating its hardwon peace, creating new socio- economic conditions, and forging links with other countries and organisations around the world. Although the vast majority of our people have enthusiastically accepted the new Zimbabwe under ZANU (PF), a few elements working in league with our enemies abroad have refused to accept the prevailing realities. These are the people who are now trying to disturb the proper functioning of our system, and to sow seeds of disharmony among the people. Within our Party structures, the task of ensuring that the designs of these elements do not succeed falls under the Department of National Security. * The Department of National Security of the Party consists of the President of the Party, Comrade R.G. Mugabe; the Secretary for National Security, Comrade E.D. Mnangagwa; and the Deputy Secretary for National Security, Comrade D.I.G. Karimanzira. The Department is assisted in its work by the National Secretaries for Security of the Women's and Youth Leagues, and the Secretaries for Security of Provinces, Districts and Branches. Comrade Mnangagwe Secretary for National Security Zimbabwe News recently talked to Comrade Mnangagwa about the history of this Department, its functions, the main security challenges facing our nation, the role Party members can play in security issues, and the future of the Party and country as a whole. History Outlining the history of the Department of National Security, Comrade Mnangagwa began by noting that the Department has always existed in the Party, though not under its present name. After the Gweru Congress in 1964, the idea of a Security unit existed in what was then called Department of Public Affairs - one of whose functions was to implement "the policy of confrontation". "During the early stages of the armed struggle in 1966, a Department of Reconnaissance was created and was first headed by Comrade Josiah Tongogara. It took three years for this unit to receive its due recognition as an integral and important arm of the military in our revolution". By 1969, this unit had1 succeeded in establishing itself as a netessity and had begun to be referred to as the Department of Security and Reconnaissance. By 1972, it was felt that Security was an integral part of the armed struggle. Accordingly, a post was created in the Dare reChimurenga whose first incumbent was called Chief of Security. Thus, the Department of Security came into being through learning from practice and experience in the armed struggle. The head of this Department was called Chic of Security from 1972 to September 1977 Thereafter the title of the head was chang ed, but the functions of the Departmen remained the same. From 1977 the Department came unde the Presidency, and was h.aded by an of ficer called "Special Assistant to thi President". "What prompted the changi in name was the Party's concern that th old title was too revealing and therefort made the head of Security too vulner ab] to the enemy", Comrade Mnangagwi explained. Following the signing of the Lancaste House Agreement and during the electioi period, the Department of Special Assis tant to the President established preseno in the provinces and was the only viabl machinery inside the country chargec with ensuring the Party's security, as we as its contacts with the masses. After 1980, when the Party was ii government, it started restructuring it organs and the Department of Specia Assistant to the President was included and officially reverted to its old name a the Second Congress. This Department, of necessity, had t start from the cell/branch rising up throu gh the district, province, and end with th Central Committee. It has taken up hev roles and shed old ones pertaining to th war, and the restructuring has helped t( strengthen the Party's Security efforts a all levels of the Party, Comrad Mnangagwa said. Functions Comrade Mnangagwa defined the func tions of the Department of Nations Security within the Party as including th following broad areas: (1) security of th leadership; (2) security of the Party; an (3) security of the interests and propert of the Party. "In any revolution, it is of the utmol importance that its leaders are afforde the maximum protection and securit3 This is made necessary by the obvious ho 26 FOCU

-Zimbabwe News Vo1.16 No. 3 March 1985 that the enemy has as his priority target, kleadership. Once the leadership is lost, apolutiofi risks the loss of purpose and direction". *mrade Mnangagwa observed that thepepartment had to be alert against extema agents who may wish to subvert the party using external means and forces. It also had to be alert to identify internal #asives within the Party "who come in service personal ends or those of the enemy". Furthermore, it also had to gttard "the security of the Party line against attacks by internal enemies who use tribalism, regionalism and other counter revolutionary means to try to subvert the revolution". Main Security Problems Referring to the security challenges, facing our nation, Comrade Mnangagwa -pointed his finger at the land beyond Limpopo as the main source of the problems. "When Zimbabwe became independent in 1980, South Africa did not accept our government but instead engaged itself in destabilizing acts against our country. The aim being to preserve its apartheid system by making sure that neighbouring countries such as Zimbabwe are not hostile to its system." He said South Africa has dissidents in her country who have beea trained with a view to infiltrating Zimbabwe to disturb our political and economic order - for example Pfumo reVanhu which went to that country in 1980. "It is strongly believed that these elements may take advantage of the opportunity provided by the forth-coming General Elections to disrupt and generally sabotage the democratic process." Expanding on this Comrade Mnangagwa remarked: "An extensive screening of people deported from South Africa had been in operation for some time and a number of dissident elements had beeen detected and weeded out. Agents continue to be infiltrated from South Africa on specific missions of espionage, reconnaissance and recruitment. Some of them have so far been apprehended." South Africa was also buzzing the airwaves with anti-Zimbabwe propaganda and disinformation, and issuing many publications with the same messages. "A clandestine radio station, known as "'Radio Truth' transmitting from the Transvaal, has been operating for some time. It has recently increased its coverage with broadcasts in English, Shona and Ndebele aimed at the Matabeleland and Midlands Provinces. The broadcasts are highly critical of Zimbabwe government Policy and comments on all aspects of life in Zimbabwe. During last year, a number of disinformation campaigns were detected and these were directed at the business community." . On the question of dissidents, Comrade Mnangagwa said that the "problem originated from ZAPU's armed wing of ZIPRA which did not fully account for / its personnel and weapons. during the integration exercise; the reason being that ZIPRA had a plan code-named ZeroHour. Zero-Hour was conceived during the armed struggle for national liberation and was aimed at taking over the government by force. Many ZIPRA combatants left the army and uplifted the arms which had been cached'in preparation for the overall strategy." When this failed, ZIPRA combatants turned to banditry and began to kill farmers and other defenceless people and kidnapped tourists. "These acts were initially committed with the aim of achieving publicity for the dissidents." "When the arms which were cached inside the country were discovered through our intelligence, ZIPRA suddenly found itself without arms. They therefore turned to South Africa and formed Super ZAPU organisation which became a new source of supply of weapons to the dissidents. "At present Super ZAPU is the most predominant threat to our security and South Africa is trying to use it in the manner in which it is using the MNR in Mozambique. However, this will fail because Super ZAPU has no political base." In 1984 alone, Comrade Mnangagwa observed, more than 40 people were killed by dissidents in the Matabeleland Province, including Party officials and ,known Party supporters. "Most of these murders have been accompanied by assaults and rape of female relations of the deceased, and in many cases torture and brutality have preceded the actual killing - with beatings and mutilations being common." Murders of officials and supporters of ZANU (PF) "is believed to be a means of expressing dissatisfaction with the present political situation and opposition to the present government... Dissidents actually have a list of the ZANU (PF) officials who are to be eliminated, and these include senior officials with posts at provincial level." Despite these killings and other acts of banditry, Comrade Mnangagwa said the government was on top of the situation. He said the government had been able to achieve this by "making use of the security machinery that is in existence and by increasing its operations." However, he warned, "it is difficult and not advisable for the government to put a timetable as to when these problems might end." Turning to the threats directed at our economy, Comrade Mnangagwa said the government had already/created special measures to deal with persons who may wish to subvert our political system through manipulating certain economic factors - such as "over and under invoicing of imports and exports." 27 Through practices of this sort, prejudice occurs to our economy through loss of foreign currency. "Some acts of sabotage inside Zimbabwe consist of the drainage of Zimbabwe's dollars by white businessmen who do not see a future for themselves in this country." Admitting that some of the methods used in these operations were very complex, Comrade Mnangagwa nevertheless felt that "through our intelligence and security we are more and more getting to know how to deal with them." Role of Party Members The Department feels that its job would. not be complete if members of the Party fail to uAderstand that in the final analysis they are the eyes and ears of the Party. "This role ensures that", Comrade Mnangagwa said, "the people themselves are protectors of the Party, the leadership of the Party, Government and the independence of Zimbabwe itself." Comrade Mnangagwa believes that security work will be greatly assisted if there was deeper understanding of ideology which is conducted by the Department of Commissariat and Culture. "For it is only when the ordinary person knows his/her ideology that he/she can detect any deviations from it. It therefore follows that the ordinary- members of the Party should be vigilant, guard against the enemies of the Party, by eyes and ears of the Party, and should always be ready to defend the Party and Zimbabwe." Future Casting his eye to the future, Comrade Mnangagwa reckoned that as more and more people become Party members, the minority parties will become less a real threat. However as the political fortunes of these outfits shrink, they may become more desperate and draw closer to the embrace of that apartheid gurus in Preioria. Comrade Mnangagwa said the continued growth of the Party will help to broaden debate of the Party's policies. "But above all, the growth of the Party is a validation of the Party's choice to establish the One-Party State in Zimbabwe." All the same, there was need to guard against fair-weather opportunists and outright enemies who might join the Party to corrode it from within. Unlike some countries, Comrade Mnangagwa said, Zimbabwe will reach the One- Party State when the objective situation exists. "This will ensure not only its success, but stability for the nation as a whole. In turn, stability will ensure that the socialist policies which the Party has formulated for the government will be implemented in conditions of peace and quiet, thereby ensuring that the economic benefits of our country reach all the people of Zimbabwe."

28 Vol.16 No. 3 March 1985 Zimba Failure of America's "Constructive Engagement" with South Africa Chester Crocker, who became Presi Reagan's Under-Secretary of Statc Africa, predicted in 1980, "In poll terms South Africa is not embract without incurring massive diplon damage and risking severe dor polarisation." His prediction proved rect, for after four years of embr South Africa in "constructive enj ment," the Reagan Administration its Southern African policy in sham There is no peace or stability in Nan or South Africa, aud opposition in t is demanding withdrawal of US sul of apartheid. The Black Caucus of the US Con and TransAfrica (lobbying grour Africa and Caribbean) initiated the est wave of protest against "destru engagement," but now member Reagan's own camp are joining. Sei Lowell Weicker (Republican), or many recently arrested in the seri demonstrations at the South Africar bassy in Washington D.C., decl "The principles that South Africa uses are not different from the print that Nazi Germany espoused and ai which many Americans died". Fu thirty-five conservative Congres have warned South Africa that if cl is no fundamental, they will suppo economic sanctions against aparth What is Constructive Engagement "Constructive engagement was fir ed by Crocker to designate US polio proposed goals were to bring pe Southern Africa and a settleme Namibia by offering incentives to: Africa to change its policy. The rea' A became clearer as administration of further explained US intentions: 1. to stop perceived Soviet (and C N TUencroachments" in Southern A T H E ..... 2. to press neighbouring states to draw even token support for AN SWAPO; S3. tolmake the region conducive investment, to reshape the ecor

Zimbabwe News Vol.16 No. 3 March 1985 of Southern Africa in the interest of the US Reagan's policy is not really new. Previous American administrations have proposed that the best way to change'apartheid is to gain the confidence of the white minority regime there. For example, Richard Nixon's Foreign Policy Report (1969-1970) says, "We do not believe that isolating them (South Africa) from the influence of the rest of the world is an' effective way of encouraging them to follow a course of moderation and to accomodate change." All American administrations (including the more liberal ones) have opposed economic sanctions against apartheid and with-held even humanitarian (food, books) aid to liberation groups. What constructive engagement did signal was a shift in tactics. The South African regime was not to be condemned at all, for the US "should sustain those who would resist the siren call of violence and the blandishments of Moscow and its clients," as stated by Crocker to the conservative American Legion in August 1981. Just a week before, the US had voted a UN Security Council resolution condemning the "Operation Protea" invasion of Angola. In fact, in the General Assembly from 1981-1983, the US voted "no" 33 times and abstained 5 times on resolutions concerning South Africa. It also abstained on every resolution about Namibia. American policy is rarely'unified, and opposition did arise within the governmqnt. However, what the policy did in practice was to give South Africa a green light for increasing its military aggression against its neighbours: Angola, Mozambique, Lesotho, Zimbabwe, Zambia. It also meant that the U.S. government would not press for internal reforms of apartheid; rather, the former American ambassador to the U.N., Mrs. Jeanne Kirkpartrick, spoke out repeatedly against liberation groups as "those who choose violence." Reasons for Constructive Engagement President Reagan was elected in 1980 on a wave of American chauvinism. The US had been humiliated in Iran; Nicaragua was free of the American puppet, Anastasio Somoza. Zimbabwe had elected the Hon. Prime Minister, Cde R.G. Mugabe, with an absolute majority in parliament, foiling the British-American plan of forcing a coalition government which would remain conducive to South African manipulation. And the Soviets had intervened in Afghanistan. The Cold War was revived as the US tried to curtail the successes of progressive forces around the world. Finally, the US economy was faltering and its economic supremacy was being challenged by Japan and others. The right- wingers reasoned that therefore, US power and control had to be regained at any cost. For Africa, this American reaction meant that the Soviet 29 Cuban) "threat" was much worse than apartheid. One important indication of the revived Cold War is the massive military buildup, with new weapon systems and new military bases, which increases the ability of the US to intervene militarily. The invasion of Grenada was to test this new capability. A second indication is ,the strengthening of military-strategic alliances with countries willing to act as regional 'policemen (South Africa, Israel); they are to destabilize any attempts at revolutionary mobilization. Third World revolutions are to be contained through "preventive intervehntion." The policy promotes the military option and reduces the role of diplomacy in settling differences. In Reagan's language, the US is once again "standing tall." In addition to the Cold War; Reagan policy also reveals the entrenched racism on the part of the conservative right. One high official commented that "all he (Reagan) knows about southern Africa is that he is on the side of the whites." He himself said on national television, "Can we abandon a country that strategically has stood by us in every war we've ever fought, a country that is strategically essential to the free world?" Reagan's first Secretary of State, General Alexander Haig, used to beat the table like ,jungle drums whenever African topics were discussed. in meetings. UnderSecretary of State Crocker is an academic who has studied Africa, but one will search in vain in his writings for either sympathy or detailed knowledge of any part of the continent except white South Africa. Again, racism among Americans is not new; but the Reagan Administration makes no apology for it. Just look at his assault on the limited rights of Black Americans; from social welfare to civil-rights - the domestic policy has been to reduce the hard-won gains 'of Black Americans. US Support of Apartheid rThe US alliance with South Africa was to replace the old buffer zones (of Portpguese Africa and Rhodesia) around South Africa with a Western barrier against international pressure on the apartheid regime. US policy became an economic, military and political buffer against criticism of South Africa, as Reagan officials vowed to end "South Africa's polecat status" in the world. Pik Botha was the first foreign minister from Africa to be welcomed by President Reagan 'after he took office. Shortly thereafter, military and intelligence activities between the two countries escala'ted to unprecedented levels. It is possible to cite only a few examplesfrom a long list of collaboration (as documented by the UN Centre against Apartheid). American-military exports to South Africa for an entire 30 years, 1950-1980 was US $18.6 million. In contrast, from 1981 through- 1983 (three years), the'Reagan Administration permitted US $28.3 million of military exports. Aircraft and sophisticated computers are no longer considered military exports and have been shipped with no restrictions to South Africa (at the same time that they are prohibited' for the U.S.S.R. and Iran). US corporations are allowed to serve as brokers for enriched uranium for Koeberg, obtained from a Swiss utility, even though South Africa refuses to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. American corporations have invested in South Africa since the discovery of gold there, but in a sharp break with earlier policy, Reagan has actively promoted investment. In addition, between January 1981 and June 1982, US bank loans to South Africa increased 246 per cent. The total of US $2.7 billion in 1981 roseto US $4.6 billion in 1983. Total US investment and loans is now estimated at over US $14 billion. At the sar~e time that the US-dominated-IMF was refusing loans to Tanzania, it provided South Africa with US $1.1 billion, about the same amount as the increase in its military budget. War Against the Frontline States, The excuse for constructive engagement was to promote a quick solution to Namibia, but instead, it became the way for the US to help South Africa by-pass the United Nations in a settlement. It was the Reagan Administration that first proposed "linkage" the removal of Cuban troops from Angola as the price for any concessions by South Africa. In fact, it was a call for Cubans to le~ave before the South-African threat to Angolan security was removed. The American Congress blocked Reagan's attempt to repeal the Clark Amendment which banned US support of UNITA. However, Jonas Savimbi commented, " a great country like the US has other channels ..... the Clark amendment means nothing." He has met more than once with top officials, most recently with Crocker in February 1985. Western sources keep reporting that US aid to Savimbi has been channelled via Zaire, Morocco, and Saudi Arabia. One wonders at the recent announcement of increased military aid to Zaire; is it so high because some will be passed to Savimbi? The US also set up representatives in Namibia in violation of UN sanctions. The Administration prevented US $10 000 of the UN's Institute for Namibia allocation because they said it would go directly to SWAPO. With possible covert aid to7UNITA, refusal to aid SWAPO, and support of South Africa's invasions, constructive engagement simply translates into an alliance with South Africa's tdrrorist war against the MPLA and SWAPO. South Africa's undeclared war on the other Frontline States has also been supported by the US Mozambique kicked US Embassy officials out in 1982, because they gave information to South 'Africa P

30 Vol.16 No. 3 March 1965 that assisted its bombing of Matola. The US responded by cuttihg off food aid. At the height of the drought and disruption by the MNR, the US was slow in reinstating food aid, a macabre gesture of punishing Mozambique for transiting to socialism. Other aid to Mozambique came only after Frelimo signed the Nkomati Accord. Constructive engagement was based on the assumption that Zimbabwe would support the American plan for a Namibian "settlement." Prime Minister Mugabe was to be "the badge of credibility on Namibia." When Zimbabwe insisted on a non-aligned foreign policy, the US retaliated. Ambassador Kirkpatrick kept a computer hit list of UN votes. When Zimbabwe voted to condemn the US invasion of Grenada, abstained on the Korean airline incident, and refused to support US intervention in Lebanon, aid was reduced by US $30 million and threats were made to stop it totally. Prime Minister Mugabe replied, "We are not on sale and will never be on sale to the highest bidder. We treasure our sovereignty and independence, so much that we would rather be without a single cent from any source if securing aid meant selling or compromising our sovereignty." The US has not protested South African support of Zimbabwean dissidents nor the MNR sabotage of SADCC oil and rail lines which force Zimbabwe to ship through South Africa. In fact, at the time when dissident activity escalated, the IMF demanded that Zimbabwe reduce its defence expenditures. Total Failure of "Constructive Engagement" Policy Reagan's policy in Southern Africa has unleashed terrorist wars in the region that Cassinga massacre dews Vol.16 No. 3 March 1985 - Namibia one struggle, one destiny astated economies and killed tens sands of Southern Africans. The a "reforms of apartheid (the new ion, legislature, privileges for a urban Africans, etc.), have been reby the South African people. Contstlie engagement has not brought or "change" as the whites have tyed in power only by increasing their ling at home and against neighbours. The alliance, with apartheid has also not lfilidd the other goals of constructive gagement. The governments in Luanand Maputo are still in power and have It abandoned their Eastern allies. They nain firm in their non-alignment and en to any investment which honours tional laws. The other Frontline States ongly support Angola's right to ask for ;istance in national defense and see the 'ban presence as little different from It of American troops in Europe. The Frontline States continue to suprt the ANC andSWAPO. Events have own that the Nkomati Accord has not luced the ANC's ability to organize inle and to strike militarily. SWAPO receives full support from the Frontline states in rejecting the tricks of South Africa's promotion of the Multi-Party Conference. The final goal of constructive engagement - the one less publicized - to make the region conducive to US economic interests has also failed. Certainly, the Nkomati promise of peace for Mozambique has been betrayed. Mozambique has been open to Western capital under Mozambican terms, but needs peace first. Ironically, South Africa is now much less conducive to US investment because of the internal turmoil and serious deficits, which are related to its high military expenditure. In fact, 30 American corporations have abandoned South Africa and only 11 have entered since 1980. South Africa Foundation's John Chettle admits the US divestment campaign has removed US $6 billion from corporations in South Africa. That amount is not substantial, but Chettle also complains, "In one respect as least, the divestment forces have already won. They have prevented - discouraged, dissuaded - billions of dollars of nev/ US investment in South Africa." The cost for South Africa and it$ American allies in government and business - of maintaining apartheid is becoming too high. The Reagan Admimstration has not abandoned constructive engagement for the next four years. The Nkomati and Lusaka agreements appeared to signal a change to emphasis on talks. But neither has been implemented by South Africa, and Reagan still refuses to sanction the white regime in any way. Destabilization is still very much on the agenda, as war continues to rage throughout the region. However, the South African regime is weaker and divided, and internal opposition is stronger and more effective. The South African people, with Frontline support, will eradicate apartheid on their terms, not according to any American plan. Finally, as Crocker predicted, the US has damaged its diplomatic image and faces domestic polarisation as Americans refuse to support their government's alliance with apartheid. 31

32 Vol.16 No. 3 March 1985 Zimbabwe News' THE INTERNATIONAL From the French of E. Pottier, Music by P. Degeyter 1. Arise, ye pris'ners of starvation, Arise, ye wretched of the earth, For justice thunders condemnation A better world's in birth. No more tradition's chains shall bind us, Arise, ye slaves, no more in thrall! The earth shall rise on new foundations, We have been naught, we'shall be all. Chorus: tis the final conflict, Let each stand in his place! The international Shall be the human race! (Repeat) We want no condescending saviours To rule us from their judgment hall. We workers ask not for their favors, Let us consult for all! To make the thief disgorge his -booty, To free the spirit from its cell, We must ourselves decide our duty,. We must decide and do it well. Chorus, as above 3. By toil in shops and fields united, The party we of all who work. The earth belongs to us, the people, No room here for the shirk. How many on our flesh have fatiened, But if'the bloody birds of prey Shall vanish from the sky some -morning, The golden sunlight still will stay. I Chorus, as above

Algeria Ambassador S.M. Nkomo 5 Chemin des Vieillards Bouzareah ALGIERS Tel: 79 82 50 7985 13 798517 Belgium Ambassador S.J. Mahaka 21-22 Avenue des Arts B-1040 BRUSSELS Tel: (02) 230 85 35 (02) 230 85 51 (02) 230 85 67 Botswana High Commissioner A.M. Chidoda I.G.I. Building P.O. Box 1232 GABORONE Tel: 4495 Canada High Commissioner Comrade Chigwedere Suite 915 Place de Ville-Tower "B" 112 Kent Street OTTAWA-ONTARIO CANADA KIP 5P2 Tel., (613) 237-4388 (613) 237-4389 Telex: 053 - 4221 China Ambassador G. Chisese No. 62 Entrance 2 Office Building of Diplomatic Personnel San-Li-Tu BEIJIN Tel: 52 16 52 Ethiopia Ambassador T.J.B. Jokonya Contract DSD 000836 Higher 17 Kebele 19 House No. 007 Tel: 183476/7 Federal Republic of Germany Ambassador E.P. Mashaire Viktoriastrasse 28 S5300 Bonn 2 Tel: 0228 356071 72 Telex- 885 580 Zimba France Ambassador B.K. Jambga 5 Rue de Tilsitt Paris 75008 Te 763 48 31 Telex: ZIMPARIS 643505F ADDRESSES, TELEPHONE AND TELEX NUMBERS OF ZIMBABWE'S DIPLOMATIC MISSIONS German Democratic Republic Ambassador M. Mvenge 1080 Berlin G.D.R. Otto Grotewoh Strasse 3A/IV Tel: 2202056 India High Commissioner N. Makura Taj Palace Hotel Sadar Patel Marg NEW DEHLI 110021 Tel: 344900 Japan Ambassador N.H. Katedza 11-23 Minami Azabu 3 Chome Linota-ku, Tokyo 106 JAPAN Tel: 473 0266 473 0248 Kenya High Commissioner Chipamaunga 6th Floor Minet ICDC House P.O. Box 30806 NAIROBI Tel: 720692 720596 Mozambique Ambassador J.P. Mvundura Caixa Postal 743 MAPUTO Tel: 23 28 2 Malawi High Commissioner Kajese Capital Hotel LILONGWE Tel: 730 444 Romania Ambassador N. Goche 52 Galati Street Bucharest ROMANIA Tel: 11 18 27 11 3455 11 36 78 Telex: 10637 ZWBUC Nigeria High Commissioner K.D. Dhliwayo Eko Holiday Inn, Epe Room First Floor Victoria Island LAGOS Tel: 615000 Ext 8047 Sweden Ambassador S.E. Zhou Surbrunnsgatan 6 P.O. Box 19096 10432 STOCKHOLM Tel: 08 15 12 70 Senegal Ambassador P. Bag 2762 KM 6 Route De Ouakam DAKAR Tel: 23 03 25 Telex: ZIMDAK 3231 SG United Kingdom High Commissioner H. Murerwa Zimbabwe House 429 Strand LONDON - WCZR OSA Tel: 01 836 7755 Telex: 262014 262115 Tanzania High Commissioner T.M. Mapuranga CMC Youth League Building Morogoro Road DAR-ES-SALAAM Tel: 30455 32595 United States of America Ambassador Garwe 2852 McGill Terrace N.W. WASHINGTON D.C. 20008 Tel: (202) 332 - 7100 Telex: 248402 United Nations Permanent Representative E. Mashingaidze 19 East 47th Street NEW YORK 10017 Tel: (212) 980 5084 (212) 980 9511 Telex: 225992 Zambia High Commissioner K.E. Nyathi 4th Floor, Ulendo House Cairo Road P.O. Box 33491 LUSAKA Tel: 219025 219026 Yugoslavia Ambassador K.G.C.D. Manyika No, 4 Topeiderski Venac Street Dedinje BELGRADE Tel: 661-466 661-543 661-748 U.S.S.R. Ambassador Comrade Ndanga

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