Volume 5, Issue 1 February 2012

The “Asian Frame”, Football and the Sport Media DANIEL KILVINGTON, University of Sunderland

ABSTRACT This article investigates the British-Asian exclusion within English professional football. Currently, there are only five British-Asian professionals despite there being a population of over 3.6 million. Although the barriers facing British-Asian players are considered duplicitous (Burdsey, 2007a; McGuire et al. 2001; Kilvington and Saeed, 2011), this research will tackle one alleged barrier in detail with the “Asian frame”. The research will critically analyse the stereotype of South Asian, and now British-Asian, physical inferiority, an idea that emerged during colonial times. This work will (a) analyse the concept of “race” (b) link these ideas to colonial times (c) highlight the relationship between colonially formed stereotypes and sport (d) examine to what extent these archaic stereotypes are still evident within the sport media and football, and finally (e) propose how to challenge such stereotypes. Despite “race” being a social concept (Miles, 1989) and having no scientific legitimacy (Montagu, 1964; 1972), the belief that some “races” are biologically suited to certain sports is a belief that many still behold (Goldberg, 1990; Kane, 1971). Due to the paucity of British-Asian football players their biological make-up, or “frame”, has been analysed (Bains and Johal, 1998; Burdsey, 2007a; Johal, 2001). This research aims to comprehend whether colonial stereotypes are still embraced by sports journalists, elite footballing figures and British- Asian players themselves.

KEYWORDS Football, “race”, colonialism, racism, British-Asian

Introduction The exclusion of British-Asians (for a discussion on this hybrid term, see Saeed et al. 1999) in football was first highlighted following Bains and Patel’s (1996) ironically titled Asians Can’t Play Football report. However, over 15 years have passed since this problem was first highlighted and limited progress has been made. Because so few British-Asian footballers have progressed to the top level, it has reified a number of problematic common sense rationales that have been used to explain this under representation (Burdsey, 2007a). Some have suggested that cultural differences such as an educational emphasis or religious duties result in football being an unimportant subculture (Bains, 1995: 6), while other arguments indicate that perceptions of the Asian physicality is to blame (Bains and Johal, 1998: 47). This research will examine

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Volume 5, Issue 1 February 2012 the “Asian frame” and will therefore utilise a sociological concept of “race”, and thus in turn, the work will not adopt essentialist frameworks. We shall link ideas of “race” within a colonial context when examining the emergence of the “small and slight” South Asian stereotype (Fleming, 2001: 114). This perceived barrier will then be scrutinised from a media and social standpoint. Following a brief methodological discussion, empirical data will present media analysis and the thoughts of those within footballing institutions. Finally, after considering the extent to which these stereotypes are still internalised, the analysis will discuss how to combat such scientifically invalid stereotypes (Montagu, 1964; 1972; Pilkington, 2003).

“Race” The concept of “race” is one of the most difficult theoretical terms to explain and fully understand. Rex articulates that ‘race and racism challenges the conscience of the sociologist in the same way as the problem of nuclear weapons challenges that of the nuclear physicist’ (2009: 174). “Race” has been examined and critiqued by elite thinkers from a vast range of disciplines including social science, biology, sociology and socio-biology. Although the concept has been rigorously analysed for centuries, we still cannot provide a single definition of what “race” really is. For Malik (1996: 1-2), ‘everyone knows what a race is but no one can quite define it’. One might wonder why “race” is still used in everyday discourse despite the fact that it possesses multiple and highly contested meanings. Although Montagu (1974: 62) notes that “race” should be dropped from vocabulary because of its unjustifiable generalisations, this would prove almost impossible as it has become entwined within elements of biology, culture, religion, politics and nation. What has been agreed is that “race” attempts to draw ‘boundaries between people’ (Pilkington, 2003: 11). Because “race” is a complex concept, one needs to consider whether human differences, or “boundaries”, should be marked in a social, scientific or natural way. Within this field of study it is imperative to always consider context. For most of modern history, “race” was believed to be a natural phenomenon reinforced under the social- Darwinist movement (Malik, 1996). During this time, ‘the supposed naturality of race ... was barely ever questioned’ (Winant, 2009: 678). With the advancement in science though, “race” within a scientific discourse flourished. However, following the demise of Nazism post 1945, scientific discourses of “race” were deemed invalid (Malik, 1996; Montagu, 1964; 1972). We are now living in an age where “race”, despite all its complexities, is believed to be a social construction (Miles, 1989; Omi and Winant, 1994). This brief summary articulates the different positions “race” has embraced in its history. Nevertheless, although “race” is considered to be a social invention, it is the ideological connotations attached to “constructed” difference that is problematic (Montagu, 1974). Cashmore suggests ‘physical differences catch people’s attention so readily that they are less quick to appreciate that the validity of “race” as a concept … [Thus] the main issue is not what a “race” is but the way it

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Volume 5, Issue 1 February 2012 is used’ (1996: 294). Skin pigmentation has been used to differentiate between groups but the ideological connotations that accompany this difference is the problem. We live in a binarised world where complex socio-cultural phenomena are commonly articulated in terms of good/bad, civilised/uncivilised and superior/inferior. In turn, individuals are subsumed within groups and such groups become homogenous. Observe the stereotype of the extremist Muslim (Poole and Richardson, 2006);the hyper-sexual black man (Hoberman, 1997; Solomos and Back, 1996); and the contemporary hyper-masculine Asian rioter (Anwar, 1998; Alexander, 2001; Goodey, 2001). Phenotypical features including skin colour as well as religious attire work to differentiate between individuals and thus construct minority groups. It is through this process that our identities are constructed. Our identities are formed not because of who we are, but who we are not (Cottle, 2006). Moreover, this notion leads to what Said (1985: 43) calls ‘Orientalism’ whereby the civilised West, “us”, is contrasted against the strange East, “them”. It is not the physical differences of “Others” that causes tensions, but it is the ideological connotations that accompany difference which proves troubling. For some, the theoretical concept of “race” is ‘fundamentally flawed’ (Fleming, 2001: 115) as it does not physically exist (Miles, 1989; Malik, 1996; Mason, 2000). However, despite this concept being scientifically abandoned by the mid twentieth century, “race” science has by no means been completely “destroyed”, especially within a sporting context (Carrington and McDonald, 2001: 5). For some, the concept of “race” still holds great power as it has the ability to single out individuals and groups in a meaningful and problematic fashion; “race” still matters (Cashmore and Troyna, 1990; Mason, 2000; Alexander and Knowles, 2005; Winant, 2009). Historically, for South Asian peoples, ideas concerning racial inferiority based on a sporting context popularly began to emerge during the British colonial rule in the seventeenth century.

Colonisation and the process of racialisation During the European explorations of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, theories concerning racial difference began to emerge within Western societies. However, exploration quickly turned to conquest as the “superior” British “race” did not perceive non-white “Others” as equals, but as inferior people. The colonisers had reached the conclusion of self superiority ‘by virtue of their “civilisation” and achievements’ (Miles, 1989: 24). Non-white “Others” became racialised as European ethnologists ‘sought to produce a portrait of the human organism that included a full inventory of its physical capacities’ (Hoberman, 1997: 103-4). Indians were considered to lack the perceived “racial” qualities of a “healthy race” while Bengalis were thought to be ‘weak and effeminate people’ (Dimeo, 2001: 61). Central to the British coloniser’s mission was ‘moralisation’ and ‘religious indoctrination’ of Indian peoples (Burdsey, 2006: 481). Sport was embedded within these processes and ‘beliefs about

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Volume 5, Issue 1 February 2012 physicality and representations of the body became primary agents in colonial constructions of the Indian “Other” ’ (Ibid.). However, the Bengalis responded to this stereotype in 1911 in a sporting contest which saw the Bengali Indian football team Mohun Bagan defeat the British military’s East Yorkshire regiment in the final of the Shield competition in front of an estimated crowd of between 60,000 to 100,000 (Dimeo and Mills, 2001; Johal, 2001; Burdsey, 2007a). Following Mohun Bagan’s victory, the Nayak, a local Bengali newspaper, wrote:

Indians can hold their own against Englishmen in every walk of art and science... It fills every Indian with joy and pride to know that rice-eating, malaria-ridden, barefooted Bengalis have got the better of beef-eating, Herculean, booted John Bull in the peculiarly of English sport. (cited in Dimeo, 2001: 68).

This report indicates that although Bengali Indians are at a supposed disadvantage (culturally and economically in terms of food as well as sports equipment) they can still match Englishmen biologically. Thus, the Shield competition allowed Bengalis to ‘find a voice on the football field, and the voice echoed and re-echoed all over India’ (Ibid.: 69). In short, this victory was not just a victory for Mohun Bagan’s players; it was a victory for all Bengalis. Sport can offer individuals and groups a platform to challenge dominant and problematic stereotypes. Muhammad Ali fought opponents inside the ring but also outside by tackling negative stereotypes. Within football, Back et al. suggest that stereotypical perceptions of black players’ skill and attributes have been ‘exploded by the variety of black players in the professional game’ (2001: 34). Hence, visibility and role models can combat stereotypes through success. If we look at the significance of Mohun Bagan’s triumph, this ‘victory was a moment of nationalist resistance when the ideological underpinnings of colonialism, the belief innate British superiority and in Indian physical frailty, were dramatically and publically undone’ (Dimeo, 2001: 69). First, this success highlights the fact that sport can be used as a tool to challenge certain attitudes, with the help of media coverage. Second, the example highlights that football is not a new cultural practice within the South Asian and British-Asian diaspora. During the migratory flows to Britain in the 1960s football travelled with them and did not ‘meet them at the gates’. Moreover, upon migrant arrival, South Asian founded teams were established such as Guru Nanak FC (in Gravesend) and Coventry Sporting FC (Burdsey, 2006: 483). Yet, there is still the belief that British-Asians are still disinterested by football (Kilvington and Saeed, 2011). For Kapadia, ‘football in India has a continuous history that stretches back to the nineteenth century. Many clubs can trace their origins back to the 1880s and competitions still exist that have been contested ever since that period’ (2001: 17). What this illustrates is that football is not alien to Britain’s Asian population. Nevertheless, the fact remains that British-Asians are excluded from English professional football. This article will attempt to uncover whether biological stereotypes, which emerged during colonial times, have hindered the British-Asian progression in the game by examining the connection between sport and “race”.

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Sport and “race” It has been suggested that biological difference will inevitably be questioned in cases where one “race” massively outperforms another in a sport (Goldberg, 1990). The belief that some “races” or ethnic groups possess intrinsic abilities for certain physiological activities is one that still permeates the consciousness of many (Cashmore, 2005; Hoberman, 1997). One might consider that physicality, rather than culture, or nature rather than nurture, could be the reason behind the black domination of the 100-metre dash or the Kenyan success in long distance running (Kane, 1971; Goldberg, 1990). Problematically, ‘stereotypes of the “natural” black athlete have been used to explain the apparent over representation of black people in sports’ (Boyle and Haynes, 2000: 112). This idea has similarly been applied to South Asians because of their healthy participation and successes in stick sports, such as cricket and hockey (Burdsey, 2007a). However, if we look at the Indian cricketing success objectively thus critiquing essentialist arguments, Rodrigues (2001: 119) confirms that cricket is the number one sport for boys in India after quizzing the social habits of over 7,500 children. When we consider that India has a population of over one billion people, coupled with the fact that cricket is the number one sport, the facet of nurture over nature may seem more probable than the belief of inborn “natural ability”. Yet, in spite of “race” science being “on the ropes” in most arenas, within sport, this problematic stereotype is still commonly embraced as over half the respondents to a 1991 poll agreed that ‘blacks have more natural athletic ability’ (Hoberman, 1997: 50). Despite evidence in support of the nurture theory, this suggests that some still subscribe to the notion that “races” differ scientifically and biologically. For Fleming, ‘it is pseudo-science (and even anti-science) that provides the unsatisfactory explanations for the stereotypes that exist’ (2001: 117). However, because South Asians have been tagged as “weaker” in comparison to the “white norm”, this has attempted to justify their relative absence from some contact sports. Ideas concerning physical incapability become almost common-sense rationales. In sum, the idea of “race” and difference becomes central to the explanation of why certain groups have under or over achieved in certain sports. Again, as Cashmore articulates, it is external features that are used to explain sports performance which in turn fails to “appreciate” the ‘validity of “race” as a concept’ (1996: 294). Instead of focussing on “racisms” or a lack of opportunities, South Asian or British- Asian genetics have been scrutinised in order to explain their success within stick sports and their exclusion from football and rugby. South Asians are perceived to have a “natural ability” for ‘cricket and racquet sports, because they possessed the wile to become successful spin bowlers, whilst they were also “wristy” and able to rely on timing, agility and placement, rather than strength, when batting or placing racquet shots’ (Malcolm, 1997: 267). One could note that the “Asian frame” is therefore more suited to stick sports rather than contact sports. However, if we were to subscribe to this simplistic and flawed notion then we would be accepting the scientific concept of “race”.

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The sport media is not as overt as nineteenth century journalists with regards to biological classifications of “race” (Farrington et al. 2012). Society has advanced and so too has the media. In modern times it is unlikely that we will read a report similar to G.W. Steevens’, a nineteenth century journalist, which suggested the Bengalis thighs are “like a woman’s” and their leg is “the leg of a slave’ (Burdsey, 2007a: 22). Not only would this be considered overtly racist now, but it would also be deemed sexist. The Press Complaints Commission (PCC) sets out guidelines for the reporting of “race” in its Code of Practice. The press must avoid ‘prejudicial’ reference to an individual’s “race”, colour, among other categories, and reports must suppress these details unless ‘genuinely relevant to the story’ (Farrington et al. 2012). Nevertheless, for Brookes, the ‘natural ability’ stereotype attached to Afro-Caribbeans has had ‘remarkable resilience in media discourse about sport, either explicitly in debates over black success or failure in particular sports, or implicitly in terms of the ways in which black athletes are stereotypically represented’ (2002: 109). “Race” and “racisms” never stay dormant, but they evolve to adapt within any given socio-political climate. The empirical work will examine the extent to which these colonially rooted stereotypes still exist within the media and football world. However, before we begin to discuss these findings in relation to the “Asian frame”, it is important to provide a methodology in order to, first, help us understand why and how the research was conducted and, second, show how conclusions were formulated.

Methodology The empirical work the article is grounded upon is part of my PhD thesis which examines the barriers facing British-Asian football players in English professional football while also offering policy recommendations in a bid to combat this exclusion. Denscombe labels this practice ‘action research’ as the investigation aims to ‘make improvements to that environment’ (2002: 26). The work includes the thoughts of 57 key individuals within the field, and using purposive sampling, semi-structured interviews have been conducted with two FA members, five football academies, five centres of excellences, two professional British-Asian players, 12 semi-professional British-Asian players, two professional clubs, nine British-Asian founded grass roots level organisations, three anti-racist organisations and three sports journalists. Aside from these interviews, British-Asian representations have been explored within a sport media discourse. In particular, online material and newspapers were examined. This research was undertaken to gauge how the British-Asian identity is popularly represented within the modern media, and to comprehend to what extent colonial ideas still remain. Prior to the study, other work suggested that barriers were duplicitous (Bains and Patel, 1996; Bains and Johal, 1998; Burdsey, 2007a; Johal, 2001; McGuire et al. 2001). Nevertheless, despite these investigations, grounded theory was utilised which allows the researcher to generate a theory from the data meaning that hypotheses and concepts not only derive from

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Volume 5, Issue 1 February 2012 the research, but are ‘systematically worked out in relation to the data during the course of the research’ (Denscombe, 2003: 111). In sum, during the interview process, the alleged physical incapability of the British-Asian identities was often cited. Consequently, concepts including “race”, racism and colonialism therefore need to be examined while fields of study such as sociology, media and culture and socio-biology need to be considered. Moreover, the research highlighted 34 distinct barriers which include the lack of grass roots teams in predominantly British-Asian populated environments, the failure of the scouting system, the lack of role models and the media’s misrepresentation of British-Asian and Anglo-Asian players (Farrington et al. 2012; Kilvington and Saeed, 2011). For Denscombe, social research rarely covers all instances being investigated and instead, ‘research tends to focus on a reduced number of instances’ (2002: 143). For this reason, this article has chosen one particular barrier, the “Asian frame”, rather than providing a critical analysis of all. When researching and discussing contentious and even sensitive subjects such as “race” and racism, one cannot escape the fact that researchers’ personal identity might affect the outcome. In other words, ‘people respond differently depending on how they perceive the person asking the questions’ (Denscombe, 2003: 169). I could define myself as a mid- twenties, white male, born into a working or middle-class family, who grew up in a predominantly white area of Bradford. In turn, my ethnicity, age, appearance and class might be considered a barrier within this process. Therefore, when the researcher is in the field it is important to attempt to “blend in”, to dress and conduct oneself appropriately. The notion of “whiteness” is an area that can impact upon all social research of this nature and thus needs due consideration (Dyer, 1997; Hylton, 2009). Nevertheless, it is not possible to offer a full methodological account of the entire research process due to the limited space available, but an overview of why and how individuals and groups were targeted has been presented, the numbers of those interviewed is stated, a rationale behind why this article chose to examine the “Asian frame” has been provided and, finally, a brief account of the potential limitations of this research process has been specified. The following analysis will attempt to comprehend whether colonial stereotypes are still embraced by media writers and footballing figures in the postcolonial age.

The “Asian Frame” and football Although South Asians, particularly Bengalis, were once considered weak and effeminate peoples, these stereotypes would not appear within the sport media today (not overtly in any case). Despite the primary focus of this chapter being sports, it is also relevant to refer to wider constructions of “Asianness” in the news media. The news and sport media are not separate entities, and such constructions of the Asian “Other” in these spheres will mirror each other. Moreover, these spheres are not detached realms as both are powerful and may utilise negative stereotypical representations. Following South Asian migration into Britain during the early 1960s, the media stereotyped South Asians as being ‘hyper-feminized’ and

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Volume 5, Issue 1 February 2012 victims (Alexander, 2000: 16). This media representation was not a new one, but it was colonially influenced. Consequently, if this representation still permeates the consciousness of modern day society, and specifically, footballing gatekeepers, one could articulate this as a reason why British-Asians have not prospered in professional football (Balibar, 2003). A variety of authors have noted that the racism experienced in colonised lands was echoed in the lived experiences of BEM groups in the UK (Anwar; 1986; Fryer, 1984). For example, such peoples were colonised because of an alleged inferiority. However, in critique of the “postcolonial” age, migratory groups now residing in Britain still adopt these inferior or lower positions (Anwar, 1998; Burdsey, 2007a; Fryer, 1984). In colonial times South Asians were considered physically inept and one could suggest that this belief may still permeate the consciousness of some today. For example, former Leicester City manager Dave Bassett commented that ‘The Asian build is not that of a footballer [...] It may well be that Asian ingredients in food, or the nutrition they take, [is] not ideal for building up a physical frame’ (BBC TV, 1995 cited in Fleming, 2001: 114). Despite “race” being a mere social concept, Bassett uses the external difference of skin colour to explain the under representation of British-Asians in football. However, it is the connotations attached to this difference that is problematic (Cashmore, 1996). His comments may be understood as meaning: if one looks Asian, they will eat a certain sort of food which results in “them” being physically inferior. In other words, this view adheres to the world view of ‘us’ and ‘them’ (Said, 1985: 43). Bassett’s comments could be considered problematic on various levels. First, it homogenises all Asians as a single entity whereas in reality, it would be more accurate to view Asians in the plural. There are divisions amongst Asian peoples that include culture, religion, “homeland” (before migration) and language. Thus, it would be incorrect to place Anglo- Asians, for instance, who have one white British and one Asian parent, within the “Asian category”. Professional Anglo-Asian football players such as Michael Chopra (Ipswich Town) and Anwar Uddin (Barnet FC) could therefore be identified as being white, British or English as opposed to just being Asian. This said, despite these players being of dual ethnicity, the sport media have incorrectly labelled these players as just “Asian” (Farrington et al. 2012). Puwar notes that racialised bodies, in this case Anglo-Asians, are seen as ‘visible carriers of their ethnicities’ and are therefore ‘marked and bounded by their ethnic identities’ meaning that they are considered and permitted ‘to speak on behalf of British- Asian footballers’ (2005: 64-5). One professional Anglo-Asian player said: ‘I’m an old fashioned centre half and my game’s all about being aggressive [...] Is that because I’m half white? I don’t know, but everyone calls me an Asian player, and if I am an Asian player, that goes against the stereotype’ (Interview, 7/4/2011). Hence, when we consider how broad the term “Asian” really is, this further problematises the “Asian frame” argument. Yet, the Asian physicality, and particularly its correlation with the “Asian diet”, has been scrutinised within the sport media. To illustrate this, The Sunday Mercury published a story examining Zesh Rehman’s, former Fulham FC defender, eating habits. Rehman said:

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The stereotype of Asian players still exists. Not good enough, not strong enough and wrong diet. When I was younger my mum used to make a lot of curries and stuff like that. But I told her I needed to take in more carbohydrates. So she started making me curries without all the fat and oil. It helped a lot because I enjoy my curries and didn’t want to miss out on them altogether. (Bassey, 2005)

Rehman discusses the barriers facing British-Asian players, and specifically, the diet. From this comment one could connote that the diet, possibly a synonym for the “Asian frame”, could be a legitimate obstacle and that modifying it may improve one’s chances of success. However, within this story Rehman has become racialised. In turn, his “Otherness”, meaning his “race”, ethnicity and culture become central to the story. If the sport media were discussing a young, promising white British player, it would be highly unlikely that their food habits would be questioned. For Rehman, his “Other” identity marks him out as an “outsider” within. Bassett’s comments were therefore not in isolation as Rehman has similarly referred to the idea that physicality and diet may be an issue. Nonetheless, there is one clear difference between their comments as Rehman explicitly notes that “diet” is a “stereotype” while Bassett appears to have accepted this idea. One could consider that if institutional figures, or primary definers, such as Bassett, are given the platform to articulate unfounded theories on British-Asian exclusion, it may reify such stereotypes. If these ideas concerning Asian physicality still exist within sport media discourses, and within the institutional sphere of football, it may prevent British-Asian inclusion. For one British-Pakistani footballer, the consequences of publishing these statements are very problematic: ‘Whoever makes these statements it ends up filtering to the scouts, coaches and managers which does not help matters’ (Interview, 28/2/2008). As a result, these figures may not visit predominantly British-Asian populated areas such as Bradford and Leicester for new talent. Consequently, these colonial stereotypes might therefore be a barrier for British-Asians as they may still be embraced by some gatekeepers. Bassett’s views on the British-Asian exclusion are not alone, as many figures within the game today may still embrace such stereotypes. However, it would be difficult to prove whether Bassett and other elite figures adhere to this stereotype because of the media’s dominant representation of the “hyper-feminised” Asian rather than their personal experiences within the game (Alexander, 2000; Goodey, 2001; Burdsey, 2004). As Alexander notes, the routine mediated representation of Asian communities in Britain, prior to the Islamophobic and pre- 9/11 period, was that of ‘unthreatening, law abiding and unproblematic’ behaviour (2000: 15). Conversely, aside from media reports, if scouts, coaches and managers have only ever encountered one or two British-Asian players and they struggled physically, they may generalise thus adopting a common-sense approach. Bassett’s argument indicates that football is not a sport for Asians. As a result, one could argue that comments such as this may not only have an impact upon the decision makers within football, but it may also affect the mindset of young aspiring British-Asian footballers. Bains and Patel’s (1996) research

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Volume 5, Issue 1 February 2012 highlighted that views concerning physicality were not uncommon as they found that 69 per cent of professional club officials believed that Asian players were physically inferior compared with those from other groups. Bains and Johal rightly question that given clubs’ ‘lack of contact with Asian people generally, and footballers specifically, on what basis were they formulating such opinion?’ (1998: 47). In a similar vein, one white-British scout co- ordinator commented that:

They don’t like physical contact; I think that’s their problem. Why are they good at cricket? Why are they absolutely exceptional at squash? Why do they not participate in any other sports where there is physical contact? Rugby? Football? They do participate but they don’t participate to the highest level ... it’s just talent wise, physical contact and an understanding of the game. (Interview, 2/6/2011)

This scout generalised by suggesting ‘they don’t like physical contact’ on the basis that very few have reached elite level in contact sports while they are ‘absolutely exceptional’ in stick sports, due to successes. This is a simplistic and essentialist view that embraces a nature over nurture standpoint. Empirical falsification examples include Ikram Butt, the first British- Asian to be capped by the senior England international men’s rugby league team in 1995; boxer Amir Khan, who is the current WBA light-welterweight champion and the French- Asian former Lyon and French international footballer, Vikash Dhorasoo. In sum, this scout may refrain from targeting predominantly British-Asian locations for players and consequently, this will maintain the “racial” status quo within football. Conversely, this stereotype has been internalised by some South Asians. Vijay Amritraj, a former Indian tennis player turned Hollywood star, said: ‘As a race, we are also handsomely endowed with hand-to-eye co-ordination, which is why so many of our youngsters excel naturally at ball sports like cricket, squash and tennis’ (Amritraj and Evans, 1990: 116 cited in Fleming, 2001: 116). If such unfounded myths are being embraced by those who are being stereotyped, this may make it more difficult to eradicate such ideas. Two British-Asian coaches noted their views on biological difference:

I think that British-Asians in comparison are smaller. If you look at our team physically, the other teams are always bigger. That could come down to the diet, the genes, I don’t know why that is but generally the other teams are bigger [...] There is that stereotype but we’ve got to make ourselves stronger and faster than the other players we’re up against. (Interview, 6/7/2011)

Looking at the sub continental Asian person they’re pretty much shorter, have a lot more slow-twitch fibres, they come from a sporting background that has played at a slow pace, and also the diet is not the greatest. So, I do agree with it but things are changing. The Asian community is now starting to eat a lot more healthily; they are a lot more active. (Interview, 20/4/2011)

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For these coaches, Asian peoples are ‘smaller’ and ‘shorter’ perhaps because of ‘diet’ or ‘genes’. British-Asians within the footballing system at an institutional level may also choose not to target British-Asian environments because of their belief in Asian physical incapability’s. We must remember that there is little evidence to suggest that “racial” differences determine successes or failures in particular sports (Coyle, 2010). Some studies have identified that fast and slow-twitch muscle fibres, melanin levels and bone density are factors for successes in sports, but they have received limited acknowledgement (Kane, 1971; Goldberg S, 1990). The continuation and internalisation of sporting stereotypes not only preserves these beliefs, but in this case, it may exacerbate the British-Asian exclusion. Moreover, one could consider that it is the perceptions of this stereotype that is the barrier. Out of the 57 interviews conducted, the “Asian frame” was commented on in 34. Twenty- three interviews saw no mention of Asian physicality simply because this issue was not directly relevant to the purpose of the interview. The results were codified into categories of ‘yes’, ‘no’ and ‘maybe’ with regards to whether the “Asian frame” was a genuine barrier. Exactly 50 per cent noted that there was no truth in this stereotype, 30 per cent insisted that it was a barrier while the remaining 20 per cent were undecided. In sum, despite some research participants embracing the stereotype of Asian physical inferiority, half outright disagreed with this notion.

Some people are saying that Asian kids haven’t got the build for it. Rubbish! Absolute rubbish! If you look at the whole spectrum of Asians you can find what you want. I don’t buy into the physical attributes argument. It’s easy to pick on the physical attributes. (Interview with British-Indian grass roots level coach, 6/4/2011)

I would whole heartedly discourage anybody saying that [Asians are weaker] because unless we, sort of, open the body up of a young Asian boy, if you like, how are we going to know that their genetics are the problem [...] It’s absolute crap. It tells me that there’s still stereotypical descriptions of, you know, Asians can’t play football, blacks can’t swim, the Chinese can’t wrestle, or whatever [...] Asians not being strong enough, its bull shit, absolute bull shit. (Interview with white British Director of Youth at Centre of Excellence, 6/6/2011)

In this example, both gatekeepers, one from the professional and one from the amateur game, argue that physicality is not a genuine obstacle for British-Asian players. The former comment indicates that the physicality argument is ‘rubbish’ and notes that it is the ‘easy’ option to draw on. The latter interview states that the idea is merely an unjustifiable stereotype. Hence, one could articulate that British-Asian players would be judged fairly under these gatekeepers’ eyes whereas those figures who have internalised such stereotypes may observe such players unfairly. Despite Michael Chopra performing at a high level of the professional game for almost a decade, his physicality has been questioned within the sport media. The Journal ran a story

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Volume 5, Issue 1 February 2012 with the headline ‘Chopra is sent on toughen-up duty’ before his 2003 loan move to Watford FC. Within the article Sir Bobby Robson commented that: ‘He will be kicked and he will be roughed up. He will have to learn about the physical side of the game. He is not the biggest of players and he has to learn to deal with that’ (Edward, 2003). The tradition of sending out young players on loan to gain experience or to “toughen-up” is certainly not uncommon. The Lewis report pays ‘tribute to the growing success of the loan system’, adding that it should be ‘encouraged’ (2007: 17). For Chopra, it appears that he needed to improve on the physical aspects of his game to advance further. Other articles have seen Chopra labelled as a ‘fantastic little striker’ (Turnbull, 2003) while The Sunday Telegraph noted that Chopra ‘is more of a predator, less an all-round centre-forward’ because of his ‘slight of build’ (Barclay, 2003). However, because the number of British-Asian players are so scarce, Chopra’s “frame” might be seen to be representative of all. McIntyre (1997) suggests that non-white sports stars often speak for all within their racial group. Examples of this trend can be witnessed with media reports of Amir Khan (Burdsey, 2007b) and Lewis Hamilton (Carrington, 2010; Farrington et al. 2012). Problematically, if Chopra is presented as a role model and being representative of the British-Asian community, it would be important that these reports would distance themselves from colonially created stereotypes. Yet, reports on Chopra numerously commented on his physical stature, and because he is one of a select few professionals with an Asian background, this may help retain such colonial stereotypes. In recent times we have witnessed a major shift in the mediated representation of young British-Asian males. There has been a re-positioning concerning British-Asian physicality and masculinity as Bangladeshis and Pakistanis, in particular, have shifted from being ‘victims of racist violence to being viewed as hyper-masculine and prone to criminality and wanton disorder’ (Burdsey, 2007a: 27). The 2001 Northern riots which took place across Oldham, Burnley and Bradford suggest that British-Asian communities are no longer passive receivers of racial discrimination and violence. Second and third generation Asian immigrants are ‘unwilling to accept the second-class status foisted on their elders’ (Kundnani, 2001). Hence, the British-Asian male youth are attempting to resist the stereotypical connotations of “Asianness” and what it means to be young, male and of South Asian descent in modern day Britain (Burdsey, 2004: 298). For Brake ‘the stereotype of the passive, uncomplaining Asian withdrawing into his or her tight-knit community has been replaced by militancy’ (1985: 142 cited in Goodey, 2001: 433). In other words, one negative stereotype seems to be replacing another. British-born Asians are now tackling racial discrimination and are actively challenging the stereotypes that have plagued their forefathers. However, it is still too early to know whether this polar opposite shift from hyper-femininity to hyper-masculinity may overturn the stereotypical notions that Asian peoples are physically lacking. One could suggest that the traditional South Asian or British-Asian stereotype of being “weaker” has perhaps become outdated. If the media continue to promote “Asianness” in a hyper-masculine manner, it may only be a matter of time before players, managers, coaches or scouts begin to alter their

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Volume 5, Issue 1 February 2012 perceptions. Although some of the British-Asian participants had embraced the “physical inferiority” stereotype, the next generation of British-Asians may not internalise this ideology as they are now growing up in a society whereby the dominant representation of “Asianness” is associated with ‘violence and a highly visible hyper-masculinity’ (Alexander, 2000: 16). On the flip side though, one also has to acknowledge that the British-Asian hyper-masculine representation, which has been fuelled by rioting and acts of religious extremism, may in fact have an adverse affect. It may ‘increase existing racial antagonisms and inequalities’ (Burdsey, 2007a: 27) thus exacerbating the notion that ethnic minorities, or in this case British-Asians, cannot “fit in” to the Western “way of life”. Although British-Asians might now be presented as physically able, they may simultaneously be aligned as culturally incapable of integrating within the white dominated football institution. It appears to be one step forward, two steps back. Aside from analysing newspapers, this research also examined a BBC online forum entitled, ‘Breaking down barriers for British Asians’ which opened a lively discussion concerning the under representation of British-Asian football players (Fletcher, 6 May 2010). Out of 58 comments that were posted whilst the forum was live, only one participant suggested that biology was a barrier noting that: ‘An average British Asian is at a physical disadvantage’ (Ibid.). These results may show that the hyper-masculine stereotype has permeated the consciousness of contemporary media consumers. On the other hand, they may have been compromised as participants could have been hesitant to note biological factors as it might be construed as racist. Nevertheless, the consensus was that popular discourse does not register physicality as a significant barrier for British-Asian communities. This forum may indicate that times may be changing and colonial stereotypes are receding. Conversely, empirical research suggested that many within football still adhere to the stereotype on some level. Therefore, the research aimed to understand how such stereotypes can be challenged. As a result, 22 of the 57 interviewees suggested that role models would play a vital role in combating Asian physicality stereotypes.

How to dispel the myth? How do you challenge stereotypes? By letting your feet do the talking [...] That’s the best way to do it; just let your feet do the talking. (Interview with British- Asian coach, 3/6/2011)

Johal notes that ‘the myths of South Asian physical inferiority [...] have resulted in a defensive closing of gates by their keepers’ (2001: 157). These misconceptions have deterred institutional figures from visiting highly populated British-Asian areas when searching for the next “Asian soccer star”. Similarly, black British players have had to combat problematic stereotypes. However, ‘unlike their Afro-Caribbean counterparts, there was no evidence of Asian role models’ (Bains and Johal, 1998: 51), meaning that ‘British Asians have been less

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Volume 5, Issue 1 February 2012 successful in combating dominant imagery’ (Burdsey, 2007a: 26), in other words, biological stereotypes. It may need just one British-Asian pioneer to pave the way for a generation. Authors including Burdsey (2007a), Bains and Patel (1996) and McGuire et al. (2001) have offered explanations on how British-Asians might overcome the duplicitous barriers. However, in relation to the “Asian frame” particularly, the qualitative findings achieved throughout this research indicates that a role model is required to contest dominant perceptions of Asian physicality. Because British-Asians have been a minority within the game for decades, this exclusion may have affected young Asians’ outlook on football as Chris Kamara, former Bradford City manager, said: ‘We have Asian players on trial, but they seem to think they’ve no chance even before they’ve kicked a ball’ (Back et al. 2001: 179). British-Asian trailblazers may be the missing link, and once this is achieved it may kick start the British-Asian explosion into football. British boxer Amir Khan has been described as a ‘pinnacle definer’ of British multiculturalism and has arguably become a key figurehead for young British-Asians (Sardar, 2006). He has gained the support of white Britons indicating that he has achieved a somewhat trans-racial popularity and identity:

Every component of Amir Khan’s compound identity is demonstrated in his boxing. As a Muslim, he prays before each bout and again on entering the ring. He is at home in his religious identity despite all the stereotypes and suspicions of Muslims... Khan represents Britain. His parents and his supporters wave the Union flag. But he also acknowledges his Pakistani heritage (Ibid.).

Khan bridges the gap between Britons, Pakistanis and Muslims. As a result, the young boxer has become a ‘hero for all Britain, in all of its diversity’ (Ibid.). Although we are living in a socio-political climate of Islamophobia, Khan has achieved a multi-ethnic popularity which perhaps suggests that attitudes within Britain are positively changing within the critique of multiculturalism. Khan has become a British-Asian boxing star but there is no one of similar status within top flight professional football. Attitudes in football may change once it finds itself an “Amir Khan”. Until then, hindering stereotypes concerning the “Asian frame” are likely to remain.

Conclusion This article has analysed the “Asian frame” and its significance within the media and football world. The discussion has highlighted that the media have historically represented South Asians and British-Asians as being hyper-feminised and lacking masculinity. Due to social advancement and heightened political correctness, explicit or even implicit references to physical differences are rarely witnessed within the contemporary mediated public sphere. Nevertheless, this work has shown that examples can still be observed. However, although the concept of “race” has distanced itself from crude biological connotations, they still appear

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Volume 5, Issue 1 February 2012 to exist within popular discourse to some degree. Physical inferiority still permeates the consciousness of some within the institutional sphere of football. However, when adopting a sociological framework of “race”, the “Asian frame” cannot be considered a legitimate barrier. Yet, it is the perceptions of this stereotype that acts as an obstacle. In sum, if these stereotypes are truly going to be tackled, a role model is needed to be the vehicle to dispel such myths.

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