Transmediterranean Political Socialisation: The Hirak Movement, the and as a Political Imaginary

Christoph H. Schwarz. Sociologist, Associated Researcher at the University of Marburg (Germany) and at the University of Strasbourg ()

In 2017, after the death of Mohsen Fikri, a Rifian fishmonger from , a protest -mo vement began to emerge both inside and outside , the Hirak, which well illustrates the complex socioeconomic and political entanglements produced by the migration processes in the Mediterranean basin. The Hirak calls for greater economic and social investment in the region by the Moroccan government, as well as the freeing of political prisoners of the cause and the inclusion of collective memory of the region in the history of Morocco. Most European emigration comes from the Rif, so in recent years the mobilization of the diaspora in numerous European countries has been very significant. The Hirak movement is a very interesting case of transnational European citizenship, as the activists and sympathizers do not see a conflict between their European citizenship and their Rifian or Moroccan identity.

Introduction In comparison to the Arab Spring protest in 2011, the Hirak managed to mobilize the In 2017, Morocco witnessed the biggest social Moroccan diaspora in Europe to a much greater protests since the so-called “Arab Spring”. degree, particularly those of Rifi origin, not Unlike then, the focal points now lie in the least because the Rif is the Moroccan region marginalized rural periphery, especially in the with the highest quota of migration to Europe. Rif, the Mediterranean coastal region in the The Hirak movement is a relevant case in North, which also shows the highest rate of point for Mediterranean studies, both regard- migration to Europe. Here, a massive protest ing questions of spatiality and temporality. movement, the Hirak, formed after the death On the one hand, it illustrates the complex of 31-year-old Mohsen Fikri, a poor fishmonger socioeconomic and political entanglements that in the port city Al Hoceima, in October 2016. migration processes across the Mediterranean

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produce. On the other, it points to the long- activate the garbage compactor and Fikri was lasting material and political effects of Spanish crushed. To many, his death epitomizes the and French colonial rule, and the processes of socioeconomic precariousness of the younger collective memory and historical imaginaries generations and the rampant corruption and they entail. Furthermore, it provides a highly abuse of authority in Morocco in general, and interesting case that allows for an analysis of in the Rif in particular. the role of transnational migration in politi- Accordingly, the manifesto that the Hirak cal socialization, and the political relevance of movement discussed and expanded upon in the concomitant overlay of different national, open assemblies and presented to the Moroccan regional and local identities and identifications. public contains first and foremost very detailed It is thus a productive empirical point of de- socioeconomic demands such as governmental parture for a more general dialog between area investments in the structures of the local fish- studies and the disciplines that allows reflection ing industry. The Hirak also insists that the on predominant concepts of political socializa- banks in the Rif invest the vast remittances tion and their methodological nationalism. they receive from the diaspora in local de- velopment, and not in prestigious projects in To many, Fikri’s death epitomizes the the Moroccan cities of Casablanca or Rabat. socioeconomic precariousness of the Furthermore, the movement campaigns for the younger generations and the rampant establishment of a hospital with an oncology corruption and abuse of authority in center – a demand that points to colonial his- Morocco in general, and in the Rif in tory. The cancer rate in the Rif – the highest in particular the country – is most likely a result of remnants of mustard gas that the Spanish army deployed Based on life stories with activists, partici- massively in the war against the Rif Republic pant observation and informal talks, this article (1921-1926), proclaimed by the charismatic Ab- looks into the political socialization of Hirak delkrim al-Khattabi who had managed to unite support activists, particularly in relation to the Rif people. The guerilla army that he had questions of collective memory and migration. recruited from the villages of the region had inflicted serious losses on the colonial troops and driven them back to the enclave of . The Hirak Movement and Collective In response, the Spanish army released around Memory 500 tons of mustard gas over the region, and it is believed that groundwater is still contaminated The movement that became known as the in many areas. Historians consider the Hirak (People’s Movement or Rif Movement) to be the first aero chemical war in history, and formed after the death of 31-year-old Mohsen probably the first time ever poison gas missions Fikri, a poor fishmonger in the port city Al Ho- were carried out against a civilian population: ceima, in October 2016. Fikri had bought a load markets, fields and villages were targeted in at- of swordfish, which the police, who apparently tacks, during which the mustard gas cartridges wanted to extort bribes, confiscated, arguing were mostly dropped from planes (Kunz and it had been fished illegally. When they threw Müller, 1990; Balfour, 2002). the load into a garbage truck, Fikri jumped in Only with the use of toxic gas, and with after it in an attempt to save his goods. One the military support of France, which had of the police officers allegedly gave order to occupied most of Morocco, and the troops of

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Sultan Yousef, who aimed to regain control portrait and the flag of the Rif Republic are over the Rif, could the Spaniards secure their omnipresent in the protests, and they give the rule over the region for another two decades. movement a strong dimension of historical In 1956, the year of Moroccan independence, memory. finally handed the Rif over to the newly Against the historical background of dec- appointed King Mohammed v. In reaction, ades of confrontation with the central author- Abdelkrim Al-Khatabi, who had been exiled ity, it is not surprising that the makhzen – the since his defeat in 1926, addressed the newly ’s network of patronage and control1 appointed government with the question: “Are – and government-related media soon defamed you a government or a gang?” the movement as foreign-controlled and violent separatists. However, the Hirak is far A public statement by professors of social from demanding independence but precisely sciences and university members in June calls on the government in Rabat to end the 2017 made it clear that the problems the marginalization of the periphery, to assume movement scandalizes affect the whole its responsibility, to invest in the region and country and could be raised in a similar to improve the socioeconomic situation there. way by citizens in many places in Morocco With this approach, the Hirak movement had garnered support for its demands well beyond Shortly after independence, in 1958, an the Rif. A public statement by professors of social uprising broke out in the Rif, which King Mo- sciences and university members in June 2017 hamed v brutally suppressed with the army. His made it clear that the problems the movement son, then Crown Prince Hassan, led the military scandalizes affect the whole country and could action. In 1984, another uprising developed be raised in a similar way by citizens in many after social protests, and once again, Hassan places in Morocco (Tel Quel, 2017). Accordingly, ii, now himself incumbent of the Moroccan the solidarity marches that year in Casablanca throne, let the tanks roll up and insulted the and Rabat, with tens of thousands participants, demonstrators on television as “vermin”. His were the biggest demonstrations since 2011, son, Mohamed vi, in turn made attempts to rec- and much like then they united very different oncile the relations between the central power political factions, from leftists to democrats and and the Rif. However, to Hirak activists this is Islamists. They thus proved that, unlike in 1959 an unfinished reconciliation at best, since the or 1984, the Rif is not protesting alone this time, monarchy’s initiatives only benefitted a small and that the massive repression and intimidation local elite (Suárez Collado, 2017b, 2018). with which the government overruns the Hirak “Are you a government or a gang?” Sixty movement does not go unobserved. years after independence, Abdelkrim’s pro- The movement managed to uphold its vocative question has once again been echo- protests throughout 2017, despite massive ing against the Moroccan government, in the repression by the central government and the slogans of the Hirak movement. Abdelkrim’s detention of many activists, among them its

1. “Makhzen, for most , is an apparatus of state violence and domination, and at the same time a system of representation of traditional royal power. Makhzen is also a system of conflict resolution controlled by the king, who dominates all fields of the social universe. It evokes fear, awe and respect in the Moroccan political culture and refers to a patrimonial institution that has managed to adapt to the realities of modern Moroccan politics. A clear conception of Makhzen is still elusive and, to grasp its meaning, a cursory look at its origins and historical development seems necessary at this point” (Daadaoui, 2016: 41-42).

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most prominent voice, Nasser Zafzafi. In sum- and the nation state that largely excluded the mer 2018, members of the Hirak leadership experience of migration, transnational biogra- were sentenced to prison terms up to 20 years. phies, and the hybridity of identities, resulting The lawyers appealed but the verdict was in a prevalence of methodological nationalism confirmed by the Moroccan courts in spring (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 2008). This is not 2019. Many Moroccans consider this a return only problematic with regard to the transfer- to the “Years of Lead”, as the phase of violent ability of the methods and basic assumptions repression of dissent under the former King of political socialization research to societies Hassan ii was termed. of the Global South, such as North Africa and West Asia (NAWA), but also for the findings on the Global North itself, even more so against Transnational Mobilization the background of the refugee movements to Europe since 2011, and the general history In comparison to the “Arab Spring” protest of migration to Europe from this region. In in 2011, the Hirak managed to mobilize the area studies, space is usually conceptualized as Moroccan diaspora in Europe to a much greater relational, dynamic and de-territorial (Massey, degree, particularly those of Rifi origin (Du- 2005; Schwedler, 2013). This engagement with mont, 2016; Schwarz, 2018). The Rif is the space also holds questions with regard to tem- Moroccan region with the highest quota of porality. Long-held assumptions of political so- migration to Europe, and already in parallel cialization research, such as when the process of to the first Hirak mobilizations, a Mohsen political socialization comes to an end, and how Fikri Committee in Brussels had called for a political values are passed on from generation protest vigil in early November 2016. Shortly to generation, are often turned upside down by after that, Hirak support committees started mobility between geopolitical spaces and the to mushroom in many cities with a significant experience of different political institutions Moroccan diaspora across Europe, i.e. in France, and cultures. For example, Wong and Tseng , the , Spain and Germany. (2007) for the USA show how immigrants’ The activists, mostly of Rifi origin, build their children often “re-socialize” their parents networks on social media platforms, but com- politically. Other scholars even conceptualize mittees also frequently visit each other person- migration as a further, independent (political) ally, for demonstrations and protests in front of socialization process (Paul, 2013; Pachi et al., Moroccan embassies and consulates, as well as 2017). Regarding identity, sense of belonging in front of the European Parliament in Brussels and citizenship, spatial imaginaries from dif- and Strasbourg. They thus offer a particularly ferent epochs are highly important in forming promising point of departure to reflect on cer- a reservoir of identity reference points that can tain problems regarding the conceptualization be reactivated again and again in new configu- of political socialization. rations, especially when a hegemonic structure is shaken (Hirschhausen, 2017).

Political Socialization, Spatiality and Temporality Identities and Identifications

Most political socialization research has so In European nation states, the preeminent far relied on an understanding of citizenship concern of public discourse regarding ques-

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tions of migration revolved around questions daughters, were having the same debate. It of “integration” of the newcomers and suspi- was incredible, amazing, and was not only with cions regarding their “loyalty” to the respec- the Moroccan population, but also […]. tive countries of arrival. In consequence, mi- It was incredible to see how the justifications grants’ political activism that aims at changes of the fathers and mothers were the same, in their – or their families’ – countries of whether Moroccans, Colombians or Domini- origin – sometimes referred to as homeland cans. In the end, our parents were afraid of politics – has often been met with suspicion the unknown and the unknown is the culture by the public, and remained understudied in of the host country; that was the fear. [...] The academia (Beaugrand and Geisser, 2016; Suárez fear was also that we might lose our origin, in Collado, 2017a). other words, what for them was their origin, which is ours: loss of language, loss of identity, The justifications of the fathers and loss. They weren’t ready or no one had prepared mothers were the same, whether them to understand that this identity is always Moroccans, Colombians or Dominicans. under construction […]. So, they forbade ev- In the end, our parents were afraid of the erything because of their origin, such as what unknown and the unknown is the culture are you doing? Hating your origin and also of the host country; that was the fear rejecting it, recklessly. The association helped us with this, to learn again that it’s wonderful Some activists, like Fatima2 (42 years old) to be of Moroccan origin. Now, at the age of 42, from Madrid, indeed report certain fears of I’m really proud to be a native of Madrid and her parents regarding a loss of their cultural Amazigh. When it suits I can say I’m from the identity and alienation from their children. Rif and, when it suits, that I am from Madrid.” She had migrated to Spain with her mother Whereas Fatima’s parents were always and her siblings at the age of 1, in order to very proud and conscious of their Rifi origin, join her father. In her youth, Fatima had very to others the Hirak protests mark a key event actively and consciously discussed and negoti- to “discover” or “re-discover” their Rifian or ated her identity with her peers and engaged Amazigh identity. Again, this does not neces- in conflict with her parents. At the age of 16, sarily create tensions over identification with she had founded an association with other the country of arrival. Take the case of Lahcen teens of Moroccan origin, which would soon (37 years old), a member of a Hirak support also include young people of Latin American committee in the Frankfurt region. He had origin, in order to reflect upon their situation migrated to Germany at the age of 6, in the as immigrants’ children in Spanish society. course of family reunification. In an interview Together they even organized intergenerational in May 2018, he stated that he had never been workshops to discuss their situation with their to a demonstration before. His parents are parents: “There was an intergenerational ac- both from the Rif, and they had participated tivity where we had a debate […] about how in demonstrations in support of the Palestinian we, the sons and daughters, felt and how they cause before, but he was always uninterested. felt. But we fathers and mothers, sons and However, in 2017, he occasionally joined one of

2. All the names of interviewees were pseudonymized in order to protect their identiy and the identiy of the other persons they talk about.

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the local protests in Frankfurt against the im- (“because I grew up here and I am actually very prisonment of the Hirak activists. Immediately free in my head”). after that, he very avidly started to research the More radical Rifian diaspora activists would history of the region online, through Wikipedia surely not subscribe to such a position regarding and Facebook. He does not speak , only the relation to Morocco. In fact, there is a rift and German, and as many of the posts within the Hirak support movement between, on Facebook were in Arabic, he had to ask his on the one hand, a faction that confines itself wife for help, who is also from the Rif. to the mostly socioeconomic demands of the Lahcen declares: “I didn’t know anything, Hirak itself and aims at alliances with Moroc- and then you actually notice, well, okay, that’s cans of non-Rifi origin and, on the other, a actually my identity. That’s us. And there it “republican” faction that campaigns for long- started, we searched Wikipedia, YouTube, term independence from the Rif, arguing for a searched for videos, looked at history, okay, what national right of self-determination. happened back then? I mean I already knew the history of Abdelkrim, but nothing before There is a rift within the Hirak support and nothing after. Then I looked at Wikipedia, movement between, on the one hand, a the story went back a long way, almost to the faction that confines itself to the mostly Phoenicians. Okay, where do we come from, socioeconomic demands of the Hirak itself who are we? So my interest grew, okay, this is and aims at alliances with Moroccans who we actually are, and why are they treating of non-Rifi origin and, on the other, a us like that? The Alawites or the rulers who are “republican” faction that campaigns for in power now, or the Arabs who are in power long-term independence from the Rif now. And when you look more into it, you just find this injustice towards us, and that is us. However, despite the often acerbic division Why do they treat us like that? And because between these two factions, despite the strong I grew up here and am actually very free in references to collective memory of colonial my head, it doesn’t fit into my head that they violence, and despite the often marginalized are like that. And when I realize that we are position of Moroccan migrants in European ready to let them rule us, but not like that. We societies, both factions share a highly positive are also the people, we also belong to Morocco, reference to the European project. One activist why should we call ourselves Moroccans and residing in Germany even stated that the actual our history is not part of Moroccan history?” key reason for division and conflict within the What is noteworthy in this passage about a Hirak support movement in the diaspora was process of active search for his Rifian identity, not so much the question of independence, is the relatedness, or in fact entanglement, of but whether people had been politically active different identifications that to Lahcen are with associations or political parties in Morocco, no contradiction. He strongly identifies with or whether they had started to engage as a Amazigh or Rifian identity, but that does not member of the diaspora in Europe. The latter, mean he demands independence for the region. he argued, had more integrity and credibility Instead, he insists on including the history of because they were not tainted with “Moroc- the Rif as part of Moroccan history. Further- can politics”, which he described as essentially more, he emphasizes that one reason why he corrupt and coopted by the makhzen. In many considers the treatment of the Imazighen as interviews, Europe was described as the spatial unjust is his political socialization in Germany epitome of dignity, equality and social justice,

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and as such compared to the Moroccan regime progress with the aim of assimilating it, as and the conditions of politics in Morocco. This an example to follow […]. That’s why the reference to political freedom in a European Mediterranean is defended, because it has a country also came up frequently in public state- component of tolerance. And the people of ments. At a protest organized by activists from the Rif, if we want to make progress, have to France and Germany in Frankfurt am Main, in feed off tolerance. A social movement without February 2018, on the occasion of the visit of these principles, tolerance, democracy, pacifism, the Moroccan diaspora minister, many speeches cannot go far […]. That’s why we defend this explicitly contrasted the political realities of space, because the Rif is part of North Africa. Europe and Morocco. Only here he had learned North Africa is a place of meeting of centuries- how institutions can function under the rule of old civilizations and, when we stand up for law, one of the speakers emphasized. Another our memory, we do not only mean the part speaker addressed the makhzen and shouted: related to the Republic of the Rif but, also, the “We live here now, you can’t hurt us!” centuries-old memory of the Mediterranean.” That political imaginary comes, of course, Many speeches explicitly contrasted the with very concrete criticisms. Abdul stressed: political realities of Europe and Morocco. “Europe still owes a historical debt to the Rif Only here he had learned how institutions and the best way of making it good is to invest can function under the rule of law, one of in strengthening democracy and local develop- the speakers emphasized ment. The Hirak is offering this opportunity to Europe and to Morocco, simply demanding Such an imaginary of Europe, i.e. the activ- that the Moroccan regime complies with the ists’ “European Mental Space” (Schütze and international agreements signed on this issue.” Schröder-Wildhagen, 2014), is of particular While many interviewees emphasize that in interest in a time of an existential crisis of the Europe they feel much more at ease with the European project and the rise of right-wing pop- exercise of Amazigh and Rifian culture, they ulism and EU-scepticism. Some of the activists likewise understand their engagement as genu- have family members in other European coun- inely European, in fact, as an exercise of their tries who they have been visiting on a regular European citizenship, despite – or precisely basis. Now, in the framework of their activism, because – of their vocal criticism regarding the they travel across Europe even more frequently EU’s cooperation with Morocco. Ibrahim (62) in order to meet with other Hirak supporters grew up in Meknès, where he had been an ac- for protests, discussion and coordination. Within tivist in leftist student groups within the Union the transnational diasporic networks they thus Nationale des Étudiants du Maroc (UNEM). He create, they exchange experiences of migration came to Strasbourg to study in the 1980s, took to the respective countries, and learn about the on French citizenship, and describes himself as living conditions and the culture there, as well a convinced European. He sends his little son as about the conditions of the Rifian diaspora. to a German school, and learns German with Abdul (32 years old), an activist in Madrid, him. In an informal talk, he recounted that reflected upon the issue as follows: “When every time he receives visitors from Morocco, we talk about the Mediterranean, we usually he takes them to the Jardin des deux Rives, a identify it with Europe. We don’t understand park on both the French and the German bank Europe as a geographical area, but as a space of the river Rhine: “We walk over the bridge of ideas, enlightenment, development and across the Rhine and, on the other side, I ask

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my visitors: ‘Did you notice? We are now in visited Morocco, specifically to learn about Germany.’ They are usually surprised that we to the situation in the Rif, also with regard just crossed a border between nation states, just to their constituency in the Netherlands, as like that. Just imagine, France and Germany Piri emphasizes. They first attended the trial had waged war against each other so ferociously of Nasser Zafzafi in Casablanca, and met the over centuries. I think the Maghreb states could team of the prisoners’ lawyers, who informed learn so much from this, especially Morocco them of the irregular procedures in the trial. and .” Then, Moroccan authorities would not allow On another occasion, I met Ibrahim at a them to continue their trip to Al Hoceima, as protest in the center of Strasbourg. He told me they had announced it. Piri wants the European that just some moments ago he had been ap- Parliament to take a clear position and address proached by a man who seemed annoyed with the situation of the Hirak detainees as political their protest, and who had provocatively asked prisoners and put the human rights situation why they did not protest “in their own coun- in Morocco at the top of its agenda. try.” Ibrahim supposed that he was a member of the right-wing Rassemblement National. Strasbourg and Brussels are hotspots of “I responded: ‘This is my own country. I am Hirak support mobilizations because French now, and I am protesting because, as a Hirak solidarity committees have French citizen, I am outraged by the human mobilized protest rallies not only in front rights violations that take place on the other of Moroccan embassies and consulates side of the Mediterranean.’” throughout Europe but also in front of the Strasbourg and Brussels are hotspots of European institutions Hirak support mobilizations because Hirak solidarity committees have mobilized protest On several occasions, Piri and other MEPs rallies not only in front of Moroccan embassies invited Zafzafi’s parents who spoke at a meeting and consulates throughout Europe but also in at the European Parliament in Strasbourg and front of the European institutions. The EU reported on the situation of the prisoners. In is Morocco’s most important trading partner, addition, Hirak supporters have, with relative accounting for almost 60% of its trade in success, campaigned for a nomination of Nasser 2017, with both sides currently negotiating Zafzafi for the Sakharov Prize of the European a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area Parliament, where he achieved second place. (DCFTA). At the European Parliament, the Recently, activists managed to get the MEPs activists have gained the support of several that are sympathetic to the Hirak’s cause and MEPs, among them Kati Piri, member of the show solidarity with its prisoners to form their Dutch labour party and of the EU Committee own parliamentary group, the Friends of the on Foreign Affairs. “In the Netherlands, we Rif. Currently, activists and MEPs are mobiliz- have a community of about 400,000 Dutch ing for a nomination of Zafzafi for the Vaclav- Moroccans, of which the vast majority come Havel-Prize of the European Council. These from the Rif,” Piri stated in an interview in new networks and their dynamic interplay Strasbourg in May 2018. Members of her party between diaspora activists, European repre- who have their origins in the region approached sentatives, and the protests on the ground in her about the human rights situation there. Morocco could be of importance in determin- In April that year, Piri and the former Dutch ing to what extent current and future protests Minister of Development, Lilianne Ploumen, will bring about change in the country.

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Conclusion References

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