BULLETIN

David Kushner

EGYPT AS SEEN BY THE ARAB COMMUNITY OF PALESTINE IN THE LATE OTTOMAN PERIOD*

David Kushner is Professor of History in the Department of Middle East History at the University of Haifa. He specializes in Turkish history and the history of Palestine under the Ottomans. He served as Director of the Israeli Academic Center in Cairo in 2001–2003.

My purpose in the following pages always traded with Palestine and centralized regime, his army, and is to examine the responses within via Palestine with more distant his wealth, wished to revive the the Arab community of Palestine regions. Emigrants from Egypt Mamluk sultanate and to expand to events connected with Egypt had settled from time to time in the borders of his realm to incor- from the late eighteenth century Palestine, and residents of the lat- porate that sultanate’s historical until the end of the Ottoman peri- ter frequently went to Egypt to do possessions, including Palestine od. Given the scarcity of local pub- business, to escape periods of and Syria. He found a Palestinian lications such as journalistic drought or famine, or to study. For ally in Dahir al-Umar, the Bedouin reports or memoirs throughout centuries, the centers of Islamic chieftain of the Galilee, who, of most of the period under discus- learning in Egypt, most promi- course, had some ambitions of his sion, it is difficult to reconstruct nently the al-Azhar Academy, had own for the extension of his power. these responses systematically or attracted students and scholars Combining forces with the Egypt- to gain a precise picture of them. from Palestine and from all around ian army, commanded by Ali Bey’s Moreover, Palestine at the time the Arab world. This feeling of Mamluk ally, Muhammad Abu al- lacked an autonomous local gov- closeness, as it were, to Egypt must Dhahab, the rebels mounted a ernment that might have ex- have increased toward the end of campaign of conquest that was pressed itself on these matters. But the eighteenth century, owing to a crowned by the fall of Damascus in contemporary books and docu- wave of incursions from Egypt 1771. Apart from some isolated ments, chronicles, and consular into Palestine and to some dramat- pockets of resistance – in Nablus, and journalistic reports can help ic changes that took place within under the leadership of Mustafa us formulate at least a general Egypt itself. Tukan, and in Jaffa – they met with impression of popular attitudes The first Egyptian incursion into no real obstacles, and these pock- towards Egypt as they developed Palestine in the modern period ets, too, were later eliminated, after over the course of the period. was that of the Mamluk leader Ali Ali Bey’s flight from Egypt. In this It may be assumed that the Bey al-Kabir, whose reign, accord- instance, we are still not speaking inhabitants of Palestine were never ing to Daniel Crecelius, signals the strictly of an Egyptian invasion, without some kind of awareness of onset of a renewed Egyptian inter- since Ali Bey had a local collabora- what was going on with their est in Palestine.1 It would seem that tor in Dahir. Nevertheless, the neighbor to the south. Egypt had Ali Bey, backed by the power of his resounding manifestations of

28

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Attempts by the French to enter into discussions with the local notables only increased this unease. Local inhabitants respond- ed to the call of the Ottoman authorities to gird themselves for battle with the French, though they apparently did not take part in the actual fighting, nor did they partic- ipate later on in the defense of Acre. As Manna explains, though the Arabs did make contributions of food and money to the war effort , neither their solidarity with the inhabitants of Egypt under French occupation nor their loyalty to the sultan apparently was strong enough to induce thou- French troops besieging the walls of Acre (contemporary drawing). sands of youths to join in a battle being fought far from their homes.3 As with other populations in the Egyptian military might played a Even before Napoleon’s arrival in region as a whole, the principal large part in their triumphs and Palestine, according to a study by effect of the short-lived Napoleon- greatly impressed the local popu- Adel Manna, the French invasion ic invasion was the shock of con- lation, especially when compared of Egypt had aroused the appre- quest by a European force, an to the setbacks suffered at the same hensions of the governing autho- event that was to have long-range time by the Ottomans in their diffi- rities and the local Muslim implications for the relations cult war against the Russians. Abu leadership, which assumed that between the inhabitants of the al-Dhahab’s subsequent victorious the French, like the Crusaders Islamic Orient and Europe. campaign at the head of a large of yesteryear, would next set The Egyptian conquest of Pales- Egyptian army in 1775, during their sights on the holy places.2 tine in 1831–2, like that of Ali Bey, which he savaged the inhabitants of Jaffa, was brought to an end only by his unexpected demise. He was ostensibly acting in the name of the Ottoman sultan, but it was the Mamluk army that forced the surrender of Dahir, once again giv- ing proof of the relative might of Egypt. The Napoleonic invasion of Egypt (1798) and then of Palestine (1799) differed from its predeces- sors in that it involved the incur- sion of a foreign, European force into a territory that for centuries had been an Islamic domain. One consequence was an increase in the tension between Palestine’s Mus- lim and European populations. Muhammad Ali in his army’s camp.

29 BULLETIN was an expression of Muhammad consolidating the various districts Ali Pasha’s powerful interest in of Palestine into a more centralized northward expansion, for both administration. A striking example political and economic purposes. of this sympathetic local response Years before the invasion, he had may be seen in the actions taken by begun meddling in the affairs of representatives of the feudal clans Palestine and Syria to an extent in the Nablus area. As’ad Bey that aroused the suspicion of Tukan journeyed to greet the the Ottoman government. Like Egyptian army near al-Arish, and Napoleon, Muhammad Ali tried to four other notables, Husayn Abd win the hearts of the local popula- al-Hadi, Kasim al-Ahmad and his tion, among other things by subsi- son, and Abdallah al-Jarrar, ar- dizing the renovation of King rived at the Egyptian camp in Acre David’s Tomb in Jerusalem. In this to declare their fealty. Members of he succeeded much better than other clans, too, expressed their Napoleon, leading many Palestin- allegiance to the new regime.4 ian notables to display support for They hoped, under the protection this ambitious Egyptian ruler. of Egyptian governance, to recon- Ibrahim Pasha. Their endorsement was spurred in stitute and perhaps even expand part by the harsh measures taken their traditional autonomy, so son Ibrahim Pasha, who was both by the Ottoman authorities under badly impaired by the Ottomans. the commander-in-chief and the the rule of Abdullah Pasha, the They also had great faith in the civil governor general of the area. Governor of Acre, in the years might of the Egyptian army. As it became entrenched, however, leading up to the Egyptian According to Manna, Jerusalem’s resistance to the Egyptian occu- invasion, with the intention of leading families, particularly those pation proliferated throughout of the ‘ulama, exhibited a Palestine, even among many of rather chillier response, those who initially had accepted it partly because they were willingly. The grounds for this more integrated into the resistance included the rigidly cen- Ottoman administration tralized regime imposed by the and less vulnerable to Egyptians, contrary to their own its encroachments.5 The promises and the expectations they monk Neophitos, how- had aroused. They increased the ever, relates that mem- tax burden, imposed mandatory bers of all of Jerusalem’s conscription, and attempted to dis- religious communities arm the population, measures that responded with glee to could only turn the local clans the conquest of Acre. Of against them. The effectively equal course, the non-Muslims, status granted to non-Muslims and given Muhammad Ali’s Europeans, and various other reg- tolerant attitude towards ulations that threatened the tradi- them and towards Euro- tional order, served to alienate the peans, had reasons of more conservative elements in the their own to rejoice, population. An important factor which they did not at- was the loss in position suffered by tempt to conceal.6 several notable families as a result Egyptian rule in Pales- of the regime’s ultimate granting tine (and Syria) was to of superior status to members of last for almost a decade the Abd al-Hadi clan. It comes as Egyptian soldiers in the army of Muhammad Ali. under Muhammad Ali’s no surprise that when a rebellion

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and security that characterized the old Ottoman era.8 This was Ibrahim’s regime also left their especially true of the two decades mark. Philippe Baldensperger, a immediately following the end of Frenchman who lived in Palestine the Egyptian regime, which were a during the second half of the nine- time of widespread anarchy in teenth century, wrote that the Palestine’s hilly regions. The peasants continued long after the Ottoman government tried to end of the occupation to refer to impose its authority and apply the Ibrahim as “the hero” or “the great Tanzimat reforms, but it was large- man.”7 Ironically, even though the ly unsuccessful. Finn relates that he resistance displayed toward the heard rumors from Arab notables Egyptians was elicited, at least in 1854 – during the particularly partly, by several of the reforms difficult period of the Crimean War enacted by the regime, the coun- – that 20,000 Egyptian soldiers try’s inhabitants remembered them were on their way to Palestine in as expressions of progress and order to restore security there.9 even began to acknowledge the These rumors, vigorously denied basically just, egalitarian approach by the authorities, perhaps reflect- that characterized the Egyptian ed the secret wishes of the popu- Roohi Bey Abd al-Hadi, one administration. The British consul lace, expressing their faith in the of the notables of Nablus in James Finn cites an adage that they power of the Egyptians to impose the early twentieth century. invoked in this regard, to the effect order and security where the that “tyranny with equality is Ottomans had failed. According to righteousness to its subjects.” As an 1858 report cited by Ale Carmel, (known as the “Peasant Revolt”) he saw it, the population preferred the local inhabitants viewed the finally broke out in 1834, it was the this approach to the malicious reign of Ibrahim Pasha as one that families that felt they had been neglect and malevolent cruelty of had brought them calm, order, and harmed most by the Egyptian regime who took the lead. That rebellion swept through broad areas of Palestine and included not only peasants but also many city- dwellers, in Jerusalem and else- where. It was firmly quashed by Ibrahim’s army, which enjoyed clear military superiority. The Egyptian occupation was brought to an end by the Ottomans and the European powers, but the decade of its existence would not soon be forgotten by the inhabi- tants of Palestine. The conquering Egyptian army was the largest that had been seen in Palestine for centuries. The might of this mo- dern military force, which, unlike Napoleon’s army, succeeded in taking Acre and routing the Ottomans in several battles, left an indelible impression. The order Nablus, a center of the 1834 rebellion.

31 BULLETIN security.10 It could be that the dam- were made; and there were even age caused by the Egyptian regime outbreaks of local fighting. Reports to the power of several of the more and rumors of what was going on powerful clans was now seen in a in Egypt had a great deal of impact different light. The Egyptian gov- upon the situation. Reports of ernment had actually placated British victories encouraged the some of them in its final years, Christians, while reports of Egypt- while the Ottoman government ian victories intensified their fears. later inflicted upon them some The authorities, which, true to harsh strictures of its own. form, were aware of the dangers These attitudes persisted in the that might follow from attacks years to come, after the Ottomans upon non-Muslims, gave orders to had finally succeeded in imposing stifle any incidents of violence their centralized regime upon before they could spread and acted Palestine and restoring law and firmly to preserve order and calm. order. From another report cited Ahmed Urabi Censorship was imposed upon by Carmel, this one from 1874, it reports coming in from abroad, the would appear that the populace the city’s bombardment and the army was sent into sensitive areas, continued to attribute any extraor- occupation of Egypt by Britain. By and there were pre-emptive dinary occurrence – even rainfall various ways and means, reports arrests.13 An Egyptian emissary in after a drought – to Ibrahim’s gov- of these events reached Palestine Jaffa was arrested by the governor ernment, again demonstrating the quickly. Their most direct effect – for disseminating reports of Egypt- profound mark left by the Egypt- echoing to some extent the period ian victories, though demands by ian regime.11 According to consular of the Napoleonic invasion – was local inhabitants led to his re- reports, there was a good deal of to bring about a rise in tension lease.14 Actually, the non-Muslim dissatisfaction with the Ottoman between Muslims and non-Mus- population came to no serious regime for its being, among other lims and to strike fear into the harm. Not only were the preven- things, heavy-handed, negligent, hearts of the Christian and foreign tive steps taken by the authorities unable to maintain order, and communities. Intercommunal rela- generally effective, but the Muslim slow to allow the participation of tions had been rather strained population’s own awareness of the local people in the administrative throughout the nineteenth century, potential consequences of inter- bodies. All this led many to pine on account, among other things, of communal strife also helped pre- for the Egyptian regime, which, the intervention of the Christian serve law and order, thus sparing notwithstanding the many harsh powers in the country’s affairs and Palestine the kind of grave deterio- memories it had left in its wake, the new rights granted to non- ration in inter-communal relations was viewed with respect and Muslims under the Tanzimat re- which occurred elsewhere. admiration, to no small extent forms. Particularly difficult times The following years brought no because of the reforms it had insti- ensued when the Ottoman Empire recurrence of the type of dramatic tuted. The British consul in Beirut had to fight off Christian enemies events that had occurred during reported in 1878 that many people from without. The conscription of the period of the Urabi rebellion in Syria hoped for their country’s local men into the army – while and the British occupation of annexation to Egypt, a hope en- non-Muslims remained exempt – Egypt. The Mahdi rebellion in couraged by Egyptian agents.12 contributed to the increased hostil- Sudan did elicit some excitement The events surrounding the ity. With the outbreak of the Urabi in Palestine. Here, too, was a revolt Urabi rebellion in Egypt and its rebellion, violent incidents occur- against foreign influence, in which suppression by the European pow- red in several places, particularly Muslims could point to victories ers caused a considerable stir in in the cities that had mixed popu- in the struggle against the non- Palestine. Agitation peaked in the lations; threats and insults were believers. However, despite the summer of 1882 with the outbreak bandied (especially against Pro- sympathy displayed by the local of riots in Alexandria, which led to testants); anti-Christian speeches population towards the rebels,

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the effect of these events was limit- in Syrian and Palestinian affairs being preached in secret by mis- ed in comparison to that of the included sending agents into these sionaries from Egypt.18 earlier ones. The Mahdi seems not provinces to promote Egypt’s to have aroused the kind of out- interests (and his own).17 The khe- It would appear, then, that burst of enthusiasm that Urabi dive had certain designs on the growing disillusion with the did, and some viewed him as no caliphate, which, according to Ottoman government, coupled, more than a wonder worker or an Sylvia Haim, may have been con- perhaps, with a presentiment of its adventurer.15 We should also recall nected with the ideas disseminated approaching end, augmented sep- that Egypt itself participated in from the end of the nineteenth aratist ambitions in Palestine, the fight against him, so that it century by Abd al-Rahman though these remained subter- could hardly be seen purely as a al-Kawakibi about an Arab cali- ranean. They were also accompa- battle between Muslims and for- phate. Haim cites an extremely nied by a growing orientation eigners. interesting passage from a book towards Egypt as a possible source Egypt, meanwhile, continued to published by Marmaduke Pick- of salvation. The Ottoman govern- enjoy a positive reputation, which thall in 1914: ment, of course, was aware of what actually grew stronger with time. was going on and took counter- One reason for this seems to have In the years 1894–1896, I was in measures, including stepped-up been its economic development. Syria “living native,” as the censorship and restrictions on The British consul in Jerusalem English call it. I can remember travel to Egypt and on the activi- noted in 1897 that the local popula- hearing Muslim Arabs talking ties of Egyptian companies in tion viewed Egypt’s economic more than once of what would Palestine. Ali Ekrem Bey, governor prosperity as a model to be happen on the down fall of the of Jerusalem at the end of the admired.16 Egypt was also respect- Turks. They looked to Egypt, Hamidian period (1906–1908), ed for its relatively efficacious gov- remembering the conquests of reported at length to his superiors ernment and the degree of Mehmet Ali, and the gospel of on Egyptian visitors in Palestine autonomy it enjoyed even under an Arab empire under the Lord and his surveillance of them. Some British rule. Furthermore, there of Egypt which Ibrahim Pasha Egyptian operations were exposed was a fair amount of political free- preached in Palestine and Syria. when he pressed for an investiga- dom in Egypt during this period, That gospel, I gathered, was still tion into the activities of the and it became the center of a rea- sonably free Arabic press, unthink- able in regions that were subject to Sultan Abdulhamid II’s autocratic rule. Egyptian newspapers did reach Palestine, but their entry was often blocked by the sultan's cen- sors, which provoked much re- sentment. The contrast between the sultan’s authoritarian, central- ized regime and the relative free- dom of expression prevailing in Egypt could not be overlooked by the inhabitants of Palestine. Finally, Egypt’s reputation in Palestine may well have been enhanced by the special interest displayed by Khedive Abbas Hilmi II, who assumed office in 1892, in the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire. His involvement The first offices of the Al-Ahram newspaper in Cairo.

33 BULLETIN

have further bolstered Egypt’s sta- attractions, even at the price of a tus in Palestine and throughout the British protectorate. Arab provinces of the Empire. The collapse of the Ottoman Though many Arab thinkers in this Empire in the wake of World War period still did not relate to Egypt I and the establishment of the as part of the Arab world, it British mandate in Palestine were became, in practice, one of the to change the whole pattern of most important centers of the Arab relationships in the area and lead national movement and the seat of the Arab community in Palestine one of the most active Arab nation- in a quite different direction. As alist parties, Hizb al-Lamarkaziyya future events and developments (The Decentralization Party).20 would show, however, high Moreover, the idea of annexation regard for Egypt and its achieve- to Egypt – which, as we have seen, ments remained strong among was not new – gained currency in Palestinian Arabs. This must have Syria on the eve of World War I. It rested in no small measure upon also transpired that a group of Syr- the many years of contact and ian Muslims addressed an explicit experience that led them to see Khedive Abbas Hilmi II request to Lord Kitchener, the Egypt as a strong, progressive British Consul General in Egypt, neighbor, a brother upon whom for Britain to annex Syria to Egypt they could rely, and a model to be accountant of the Jerusalem wakf and grant it autonomy. Eliezer emulated. (religious foundation), whom he Tauber notes that annexation to suspended from his post. It turned Egypt was the ambition of a out that this accountant had number of “Syrian” nationalists, * This article is based on a lecture helped the khedive, among his though this notion stemmed more delivered at a workshop in memory other doings, to acquire land in from the desire for liberation from of Prof. David Ayalon, held at the Palestine, install light fixtures in the Ottomans than from identifica- Israel Academy of Sciences and the Dome of the Rock, and send tion with Egypt.21 The same atti- Humanities in Jerusalem. The laborers to refurbish King David’s tude was also widely held in papers presented there are to be Tomb – all without the authoriza- published in Hebrew by the Israel Palestine. In 1912, the French Con- Academy. tion of the Sultan. The governor sul General in Jerusalem wrote saw these Egyptian activities, that there were those who still which recalled those of Muham- looked back fondly upon Abdul- mad Ali so many decades before, hamid’s regime, but others were as a premeditated attempt to gain willing to entertain the idea of a control of the Muslim holy places.19 foreign or Arab government.22 He From the point of view of this also reports on the Mufti of Gaza, study, it is not unreasonable to Ahmad Arif, who was exiled to suppose that the accountant’s aid Ankara because of his expressed to the khedive went beyond mere wish for the annexation of Gaza to corruption and was an expression Egypt.23 The British Consul, too, of local support for Egypt and of a wrote early in 1913 that “all are desire to increase Egyptian influ- united in their desire for annexa- ence in the country. tion to Egypt.”24 It would appear In the period of the Young that of the possibilities for libera- Turks, Arab opposition to the tion from the Ottoman yoke Ottoman regime swelled tremen- that stood before the populace dously, and with it the desire to of Syria-Palestine, annexation to find an alternative. This seems to Egypt held out some significant

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1. Daniel Crecelius, “Egypt’s Reawak- 195 1067, Public Record Office ening Interest in Palestine during (PRO), London. the Regimes of Ali Bey al-Kabir 13. On the impact of the events in and Muhammad Bey Abu al- Egypt upon the public mood in Dhahab, 1760–1775,” in David Palestine see my article, “Intercom- Kushner (ed.), Palestine in the Late munal Strife in Palestine during Ottoman Period: Political, Social and the Late Ottoman Period,” Asian Economic Transformation, Jerusalem– and African Studies, 18 (1984), pp. Leiden 1986. 193–194. 2. Adel Manna, “The Sanjak of 14. Moore to Earl of Dufferin, 29 July Jerusalem between Two Invasions 1882, FO/195 1412 PRO. (1798–1831): Administration and 15. See Kushner, “Intercommunal Society,” Ph.D. Dissertation, The Strife” (above, note 13), p. 194, note Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 13. 1986 (Hebrew), pp. 3–4; idem, “The 16, Dickson to Curry, 27 August 1897, Sijill as Source for the Study of FO/195 1984, PRO. Palestine during the Ottoman 17. Sylvia F. Haim (ed.), Arab National- Period with Special Reference to ism: An Anthology, Berkeley–Los the French Invasion,” in Kushner, Angeles–London 1976, Introduc- Palestine (above, note 1), pp. 356– tion, pp. 28–29. 360. 18. Marmaduke Pickthall, The New 3. Manna, “Sanjak” (above, note 2), Age, London 1914, p. 9, quoted in p. 9. Haim, Arab Nationalism (above, 4. Mordechai Abir, “Local Leadership note 17), p. 28. and Early Reforms in Palestine, 19. David Kushner, I Was Governor of 1800–1834,” in Moshe Maoz (ed.), Jerusalem: The City and the District Studies on Palestine during the As Seen by Ali Ekrem Bey, 1906–1908, Ottoman Period, Jerusalem 1975, Jerusalem 1995, p. 137 (Hebrew). p. 302. 20. Neville J. Mandel, The Arabs and 5. Manna, “Sanjak” (above, note 2), Zionism before World War I, Berke- p. 46. ley–Los Angeles–London 1976, p. 6. Neophitos of Cyprus, Extracts from 154. Annals of Palestine 1821–1841 21. Eliezer Tauber, The Emergence of the (English transl. by Spyridon), Arab Movements, London 1993, pp. Jerusalem 1979, p. 15. 264-266. 7. Philippe James Baldensperger, The 22. Consul General to Minister of Immovable East: Studies of the People Foreign Affairs, 25 January 1912, and Customs of Palestine, London Correspondance Politique et Commer- 1913, p. 200. ciale, Palestine, 134, Archives de 8. James Finn, Stirring Times, or Ministere des Affaires Etrangères, Records from Jerusalem Consular Paris. Chronicles of 1853 to 1856, London 23. Ibid., 14 May 1912. 1878, I, p. 9. Finn translated the 24. McGregor to Lowther, 29 January adage from the Arabic. 1913, FO/195 2452, PRO. 9. Ibid, pp. 412–413, and II, p. 190. 10. Alex Carmel, Palästina Chronik, 1853 bis 1882, Ulm 1978, p. 57. 11. Ibid, p. 166. 12. Eldridge to Eliot, 28 December 1878, Foreign Office (FO) Series/

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