The Social Place of the Portuguese Punk Scene

Volume ! La revue des musiques populaires

14 : 1 | 2017 Varia

The Social Place of the Portuguese Punk Scene: an Itinerary of the Social Profiles of its Protagonists La position sociale de la scène punk portugaise : un itinéraire des profils sociaux de ses protagonistes

Paula Abreu, Augusto Santos Silva, Paula Guerra, Ana Oliveira and Tânia Moreira

Electronic version URL: https://journals.openedition.org/volume/5386 DOI: 10.4000/volume.5386 ISSN: 1950-568X

Publisher Association Mélanie Seteun

Printed version Date of publication: 13 December 2017 Number of pages: 103-126 ISBN: 978-2-913169-43-2 ISSN: 1634-5495

Electronic reference Paula Abreu, Augusto Santos Silva, Paula Guerra, Ana Oliveira and Tânia Moreira, “The Social Place of the Portuguese Punk Scene: an Itinerary of the Social Profles of its Protagonists”, Volume ! [Online], 14 : 1 | 2017, Online since 13 December 2020, connection on 29 July 2021. URL: http:// journals.openedition.org/volume/5386 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/volume.5386

L'auteur & les Éd. Mélanie Seteun 14 1 their class origin and present affiliation but also other rele other also but affiliation present and origin class their social condition of these protagonists, including not only in other countries. Here, we must obviously the consider other in and/or scenes musical Portugal with punk scenes and October 2014; second, allowing for comparisons with profiling of 214 individuals interviewedMay between 2012 incharacters the punk Portuguese scene through the social le the of portrait a establishing first, aims: particular two hav we article, this In culture. pop re-equated they which in way the and post-war emerging cultures youth interpreting scene. This approach has fundamental in deemed been mus the in role their clarify help will profiling social Their feel and say, do, they what influences involved actors social of positioning social the that principle sociological the on ba is It protagonists. its of profiles social the considering 1977 2014, and while between scene punk Portuguese the Abstract: & Tânia of Moreira (University Porto) Porto), Ana Oliveira (Dinâmia'CET-IUL) of (University Guerra Paula Porto), of (University Silva Santos Augusto Par Paula of (University Abreu Coimbra), Protagonists Profiles of Its Social of the Itinerary An Scene: Punk Portuguese Place of Social The Article This article will present a characterisation of a characterisation present will article This ading ading vant vant sed sed ical ical e e . .

territorial placement / socio-occupational groups / capital /educational /age /gender /class profiles social /punk, scenes /music Portugal Keywords: residence, educational capital, and gro socio-occupational o and origin of terms in placement—both territorial ageing, of process the and groups age relations, gender scene, punk th within functions and roles topics: following the explore article this Thus, age. and gender as such characteristics, professionnelles / /scolaire territorial socio- groupes localisation sociauxportraits / classe / / punk musicales /scènes :Portugal clés Mots socio-professionnels. groupes les ;et scolaire capital le à la foisportugais, en termes d’origine et de ; résidence terri le dans sujets des localisations les ; vieillissement les sexes des sujets au sein de la punk scène ; les relations entre explorer les suivants thèmes : les rôles et les fonctions article cet Ainsi, l’âge. et sexe le que telles pertinentes, caractéristi d’autres aussi mais affiliation, présente sa et clas de origine leur compris y protagonistes, ces de sociale condition la de compte tenir évidemment devons nous Ici, d’autre dans punk scènes des avec et/ou Portugal, au permettre des comparaisons avec d’autres scènes musicales part, d’autre 2014 ; octobre et 2012 mai entre interviewées personnes de 214 sociaux profils des définition la travers à dedes la principaux personnages scène punk portugaise :deux d’une objectifs particuliers établir part, un portrait avons nous article, cet Dans pop. culture la repensé ont ils dansémergé le contexte d’après-guerre et la façon dont fondamentale dans l’interprétation des cultures jeunes aya rôle dans la scène musicale. Cette approche a été jugée leur comprendre à aidera social profilage Leur sentent. ou social des acteurs sociaux influe surce qu’ils font, disent proposition sociologique selon laquelle le positionnement la sur basé est Il protagonistes. ses de sociaux profils des punk portugaise, entre Résumé : ; les différents groupes d’âge et le processus de de processus le et d’âge groupes différents les ; Cet article présente une caractérisation de la scène scène la de caractérisation une présente article Cet 1977 et 2014, tout en tenant compte compte tenant en tout 2014, et 1977 / sexe / âge / capital /capital âge / /sexe s pays. pays. s ques ques toire toire will will up. va va se se nt e f f

103 Article The Social Place of Portuguese Punk Scene We have two particular aims: first, eira Introduction: establishing a portrait of the leading charac- ters in the Portuguese punk scene through Understanding the social profiling of 214 individuals interviewed between May 2012 and October 2014, Music Scenes Also thus resorting to snowball sampling; second, allowing for comparisons with other musical from a Social Space scenes in Portugal and/or with punk scenes in other countries. Perspective The relationship between young people’s social origins and their social expe- This article will present a charac- rience, as well as the ways in which they terisation of the Portuguese punk scene establish their identities and lifestyles, have between 1977 and 2014, while considering been the focus of Cultural Studies ever since the social profiles of its protagonists. 1 It is the early days of the Birmingham Centre based on the sociological principle that the for Contemporary Cultural Studies. Two social positioning of social actors involved main research questions guided their initial influences what they do, say, and feel. Their works: how far did youth musical cultures social profiling will help understand their express the world of the working class in role in the musical scene. This approach has industrial and tertiary cities in the 1950s, been deemed fundamental in interpreting 1960s, and 1970s? And how far can it be youth cultures emerging post-war and the said that the songs, artefacts, and collective Paula Abreu, Augusto Santos Silva, Paula Guerra, Ana Oliveira & Tânia Mor Tânia & Oliveira Ana Guerra, Paula Silva, Santos Augusto Abreu, Paula way in which they re-equated pop culture rituals of such cultures represented resist- (Pais, 2003; Pais & Blass, 2004; Bennett, 2004 ance to social order (Hall & Jefferson, 1976)? & 2013; Bennett & Peterson, 2004). Post-war sociological studies on western music scenes should, thus, focus also on the sociology of power and class. 1 The project “Keep it simple, make it fast! It was within this theoretical frame Prolegomenons and punk scenes, a road to (1979) Portuguese contemporaneity (1977-2012) (PTDC/CS- that Dick Hebdige developed his SOC/118830/2010)” is funded by FEDER—through the emblematic work on “subcultures.” Hebdige COMPETE Operational Program from the FCT, the associates punk subculture with a revolt Foundation for Science and Technology. It is led by the Institute of Sociology of The University of Porto against 1970s socio-economic conditions in (IS-UP) and developed in partnership with the Griffith England, but he also shows the ways in which Centre for Cultural Research (GCCR) and Lleida University (UdL). The following institutions are also it culturally interprets and affirms that same participants: Faculty of Economics of University of revolt through a specific style: “Though punk Porto (FEP), Faculty of Psychology and Educational rituals, accents and objects were deliberately Sciences of the University of Porto (FPCEUP), Faculty of Economics of the University of Coimbra (FEUC), used to signify working-classness, the exact Centre for Social Studies of the University of Coimbra origins of individual punks were disguised (CES) and the Lisbon Municipal Libraries (BLX). The project and its results can be found at the site www. or symbolically disfigured by the make-up, 104 punk.pt. masks and aliases which seem to have been 14 1 transitive and can be integrated or diluted in in or diluted integrated be can and transitive more and more(sub)cultures diffuse are youth notion on that off the start to prudent It is characteristic. necessary a virtually as “resistance” of alevel of socio-political them to attributing the and of subcultures definitions some essentialist explains This context. ideological aremarkably in oped devel and introduced was ofcept subculture (2006) class. in differences may even obliterate capital subcultural in distinctions the contrary: the Quite class. by nor neither centred determined are them in operating capital” offorms “subcultural of power, relevant the and microstructures 4) 1997: culture dominant the ( underground or asubordinate in placed are they that sense the in subcultures worlds.” are They “own their power and within status tiating nego and life adult to people transitioning by young built are subcultures capital”: of “subcultural constitution the to analysis (1996) Thorton Sarah context. Anglo-Saxon the outside developments of youth cultures specific the overlooking homology and excessively an narrow,forcing class-based of them accusing the 90s, since particularly Studies, Cultural to core of most criticism the actually, is, That experience. class ing work to protagonists its and culture that of links social the reducing and condition expression social of a given straightforward asimple, to culture punk limiting rejected: identity’” of principle the escape ploys as ‘to Breton’s like art, used, In fact, as underlined by Andy Bennett Bennett by Andy underlined as fact, In be then should reductionisms Two , for example, shifts the focus of the focus the , for shifts example, , one should not ignore that the con the , one that not should ignore . But they, themselves, are defined by defined . But they, are themselves, sub-ground (Hebdige, 1997:(Hebdige, 140) (Gelder & Thornton, (Gelder ) position regarding ) position regarding - - - - . O’Connor,Weinzierl,& 2002; Muggleton roots references and social multiple process and include mediators, of avariety through phenomenabut rather that, class social by asingle forth brought not artefacts are They industry. cultural capitalism’s ways late multiple into on snowball sampling, first, starting with with starting first, sampling, on snowball wereof based selected ways. Interviewees avariety music in scene Portuguese the to linked strongly considered 214 individuals of interviews of semi-structured result the Polyvalence it others. to compare and scene punk Portuguese the in diversity the able showbe to we will of indicators, list on this Based group. socio-occupational and capital, of educational residence, and of origin terms in placement—both ritorial ter of process ageing, the and groups age gender relations, scene, punk the within functions and roles topics: following the explore will article this Thus, age. der and gen as such other characteristics, relevant also but present affiliation and origin class not their only including protagonists, these of condition social consider the obviously order we doso, to must In milieu. societal of the traits relevant certain with action inter the understand better to rather but information onscene merely that based of each dynamics the order “explain” to not in dohere for punk, we will as scenes, of musical protagonists of the positioning social actual the into inquire to sense make 2003; &Feixa, 2006) Nilan The logical conclusion is that it does conclusion that is logical The The information we will work on is we will information The (Muggleton, 2000; (Muggleton, 2000; . (Bennett, 2012)(Bennett, - - -

105 Article The Social Place of Portuguese Punk Scene a core group established by the researchers eira and then following their own networks to a level of saturation (i.e., contacts became repeated and no relevant innovation was provided). The first aspect to consider is the mode of participation in the punk scene. We out- lined three main categories: the practising of music, mediating activities (fanzine and/ or phonographic edition, promotion of concerts, commerce of records, reviewing, radio hosting and so on), and intense and passionate consumption (in the usual terms, being a fan). More than two-thirds of the interviewees are musicians: 45% active musi- Table 1: Profiles of the interviewees cians and 24% retired musicians. Nearly half of all interviewees have some experience as mediators: 34% are active mediators and also observed elsewhere (see Pilkington, 13% currently inactive. Finally, 24%, i.e., 2014 for Russian punk, and Greene, 2012 one in four, define themselves as fans. The for Peruvian punk). combination of multiple roles is the norm for two-fifths, especially when it comes to combinations of active musicians and medi- Male Domination Paula Abreu, Augusto Santos Silva, Paula Guerra, Ana Oliveira & Tânia Mor Tânia & Oliveira Ana Guerra, Paula Silva, Santos Augusto Abreu, Paula ators (20%) and fans and inactive musicians (10%) (Table 1). The second element that stands out This plurality of roles and the circula- as we socially profile participants in the tion implied are clearly associated with the Portuguese punk scene is gender. As is the dynamics of music scenes, but especially general case when it comes to rock, this to punk scenes, which share a particular music scene is mostly male. The few women DIY—“do it yourself” philosophy (Rosen, present take on secondary roles. Figures are 1997; Bennett, 2013; Gomes, 2013) . It is impressive: out of 214 interviewees, only also a logical constraint, resulting from 14% were female. the small size and marginal nature of this Some scholars have attempted to music scene, which then requires taking “cleanse” this negative image of modern on multiple roles, either over the course youth pop culture. For example, Angela of a lifetime or even simultaneously (see McRobbie and Jenny Garber (1993, 1997) Box 1 2). This ethos of self-production and recall that the increased earnings that were polyvalence is a practical necessity that was left available for consumption during the post-war period were unevenly distributed, leaving women at a clear disadvantage. On 106 2 All the names given to interviewees are fictional. the other hand, patterns of consumption 14 1 Box 1: Igor’s multiple activities follows the general trend in consecutive consecutive in trend follows general the music scene punk the in of girls minority clear The structural. as qualified be thus can It present over decades. the remained has ity doors. bedroom within particularly indoors, more scene and prevalent urban male the to alternative were which acculturation, and emergence ofthe ways of socialising correctly not valuing Studies Cultural in problem rather, the may lie, fact, In change. were cultural outside left they that mean not did of form adomestic to consumption were more they restricted that fact But the culture. “going-out” public the sphere and how excluded womenknown were from the well It is life. family and on domesticity focus were led to girls different: were structurally by firmed punk his collecting items presently to He is strongly also attached punk, as con concerts. of organising and distributors, of fanzines, selling ofownership phonograms, of managing experience, communitarian the bands, the including lifestyle, punk the involvementfull in demonstrates clearly He Spain and Germany in squats and/or drummer. in residential He took part of singer taken lead the roles has takes or he which in 10bybands the evident music made as old, 15 years was he since ever scene punk the to connection strong a had has He Naturopathy. of practitioner a now is He ment. investing heavily in his developprofessional high He and school has finished since been Still, it is also true that gender inequal that true it also is Still, Igor is 34 years old and lives in Lisbon. (Barcelona) - - - . he moved on to a bio-farming cooperative. bio-farming toa moved on he Then, practices. medical Chinese learning started he store food where at avegetarian and memorabilia. At 19 he started working rather than a serious investment. serious a than rather “experimenting,” and around” fun/playing “having as by her her peers, both and seen, were her collaborations successive which in way the eliciting one girls, best-known of the of trajectory the interviewees). Box 2 describes out (as of 11 30 female ofsinger our case the in of lead that mostly role, it was play aleading did they If scene. punk the roles within backstage and took on secondary but also were a minority 2014; Crossley, 2015) 2012; Gololobov 2011; Humeau, 2012; Griffin, Reddington, 2007;2010 Downes, 2006; Guerra, 2015; & 1979; 1985;Laing, Clarke world Anglo-Saxon the outside and within subcultures, punk and rock macrobiotics alternativeand medicine. with wife dealing his and he own a business In 2004, teaching he kung started fu. Currently, from home. classes cooking and therapeutic consultation with naturopathic and records selling with on carried also He dinners. ing explored in the evening for macrobiotic cook then he which restaurant, inavegetarian aide kitchen a became and tocatering returned partner.Later, became he later he which of store,distributor. record a workedfor He music punk a started Simultaneously, he The girls that we interviewed not only not only we interviewed that girls The et al et ., 2014; Martin-Iverson, . et al. et , 1997; Fouce, (Hebdige, - 107 Article The Social Place of Portuguese Punk Scene eira

Box 2: The trajectory of Alda, the punk girl

Alda is now 44 years old and lives in Later, Alda rehearsed a few times with a traditional quarter of Lisbon. She com- Censurados (“Censored”). At the time, band pleted the high school level in an arts school. leader João Ribas wanted “a girl singing” and Currently she is a self-employed jewellery invited her. She even sang live at Oceano maker. Her involvement with the punk scene Bar, but it was a short-lived experience, started off early, by going to concerts and because, as she herself confesses, not hanging around activists. She was the girl- knowing how to sing, Alda would simply friend of one of the members of the punk shout, and she would lose her voice at every band N.A.M. (Núcleo de Atrasados Mentais— rehearsal. She also spent time living in a “Mental Retard Section”). During her high squat in Germany. In other words, one of school years (in the mid-eighties), Alda had an the women most commonly referred to by all-girl band called K Motim (“What a Riot”), members of the punk scene is this prev- but they only performed once in school. The alent in their memory, not because of the band was created for fun, as a possibility for relevance of her roles but rather for the experimentation and self-expression, rather consistency of her presence and the depth than as something to be taken seriously. of her personal connexions.

Paula Abreu, Augusto Santos Silva, Paula Guerra, Ana Oliveira & Tânia Mor Tânia & Oliveira Ana Guerra, Paula Silva, Santos Augusto Abreu, Paula Looking at Table 2, which compares 2012). Punk tends to reproduce the social roles in the scene by gender, it is apparent dichotomy of a public (hence, “male”) sphere, that 43% of women declare themselves as and a private (hence, “female”) sphere. Stage, just fans (opposite of 9% of men); 40% had or front-row assistance, and production are male have some activity in musical performance territory, and backstage, wings, the back of (against 74% of the men); only 23% claim to concert rooms, supporting roles in catering, still have that activity (against 49% of the costumes, selling of merchandise, records, men); and only 17% claim to take on mediator fanzines, videos, and photos are all female roles (opposite of 37% of the men). territory (O’Hara, 1999). Gender inequality and a strong male hegemony are defining traits of both Portuguese and international music scenes, Youth and Ageing in a rather conventional way: both in the stereotypical representation of gender in If we now turn our attention to the lyrics (Silva & Guerra, 2015: 198-210) and in age distribution of our 214 interviewees, the the division of stage and backstage roles, with young-adult demographic stands out. The its justification being attributed to required average age is 40 years old. Of the interview- 108 resilience and physical strength (Reddington, ees, 31% were over 45 years old at the time 14 1 as fans fans as soon), themselves see and producers, 34% and or record fanzine ators (concert organisers, medi as act still 21% music, punk practise still of above age of 45 years those 26% that noting 2011, Humeau, France)for waves those recapture to seeks that investigation an role in on amore central take theynaturally and affirmation, waves of punk first of the protagonists the are interviewees oldest our fact, In and 2014. between 1977 Portugal in development scene punk of the emergence on and the focused research, our of method object and the to connected is distribution This under 30. were two-fifths) than (less only 18% and interview, of the Table 2: Profiles of the interviewees by gender by interviewees the of Profiles 2: Table (Table 3) . These numbers confirm confirm numbers . These . Still, it is worth it worth is . Still, (see also - interviewees range between 15 and 20 years 20 years and between 15 range interviewees of our 5% widely: extends renewal eration gen roles. The on mediator take 42% and music, practise”) to (or “continue practise demographic young-adult members of that two every one in almost In fact, the 70s/80s. movementin fleeting a as depiction opposition its to in punk, in renewal generational and continuity suggests of interviewees, total of our half roughly constitutes which of 31- to 45-year-olds, group 1979;(Hebdige, Clarke youth to cultures reduced be cannot cultures underground that School, Birmingham the of studies first at the directed criticism, the On the other hand, the sheer size of the of sheer the size the hand, other the On et al et ., 1997) (47%) . claim to to claim - 109 Article The Social Place of Portuguese Punk Scene eira

Table 3: Profiles of the interviewees by age Paula Abreu, Augusto Santos Silva, Paula Guerra, Ana Oliveira & Tânia Mor Tânia & Oliveira Ana Guerra, Paula Silva, Santos Augusto Abreu, Paula

old, 4% of them are between 21 and 25 years evidence of the importance and effect of age- old, and 9% are between 26 and 30 years old. ing in the punk subculture and demonstrate The punk scene is, thus, far from being a how important the ageing process is for the topic for History. dynamics of the scene. They confirm Andy The nature of their involvement in the Bennett’s (2013) enlarging of Frith’s (1978) punk scene varies significantly, according to expression. If, as put by Frith, “the sociology age. As we have seen, among the youngest of rock is inseparable from the sociology of interviewees, we find most of the active musi- youth,” it is also inseparable from the ageing cians (76%) and the least mediator-alone roles of young generations. Boxes 3 and 4 clearly (8%) or simple fans (5%). On the contrary, illustrate the age-related diversity of roles the least number of active musicians (26%) by describing the experience of age-diverse and greatest number of fans-only (24%) is to protagonists. be found among the older interviewees. It is The Portuguese punk scene is thus worth noticing that the number of “former characterised both by polyvalence (mul- musicians, now fans” is more significant at tiple functions played out simultaneously later stages (12% for 31- to 45-year olds; 11% for by individuals who are at the same time 110 those above 45 years old). These data are clear musicians and each other’s producers and 14 1 Box 4: Ivo’s trajectory: from founding musician to punk lover punk to musician founding from Box Ivo’s 4: trajectory: up Ivo and he realised would not be able to a the split fan.band After merely as himself sees today he but Portugal, in punk of sors of one the precur considered is which Rock, company. of He a wasband—Aqui part d’el inatransport assistant operational an as working now is He jobs. multiple held has and family his tohelp order in young very working started He school. primary pleting beyondcom study not did He Lisbon. in Dark”), Decay,Kids A Bit of Arson, Braindead, Broken Toillet, (“Shot no in Tiro Escuro the he is a of member several bands—Skrotes, business, family the with active:parallel in fordesire fast-beat music. Today he is quite a and skating of result a quiteas young, phy. He got involved with punk when he was connectedbusiness to video and photogra high He school and finished entered a family scene punk current the in pluriactivity youth and Dinis Box 3: at later attachment consumer symbolic and mediator-like more by followed age, younger (a role trajectory at more a life performative ofconsumers) agiven effect astrong and Ivo is currently 56 years old and lives and old years 56 currently Ivo is Dinis is 27 years old and lives in Seixal. - - - time in members’ connexion to subcultures subcultures to connexion members’ in time over variation the understanding ment in Hodkinson and by Bennett shown stages). As unusual effort to archive. effort unusual punk in scene Portuguese a and remarkable Relógio (the band’s location),original and the tonected Aqui d’el-Rock, Lisbon’s do Bairro newsevery item and register of events con Ivo keeps and performances. with rehearsals family lifeas work and were not compatible failed, nevertheless, that, projects related) (non-punk musical other in takepart he did recently Only overyears. 20for scene the abandoned he music, of out living a make industry. music mainstream of Portuguese restraints the bureaucratic from free concerts, and ownrecords their byDinis’sfelt toensure need tothebands yourself” “do it the to associated be tor, all can promotor and Everything fanzine the Yourself and It Destroy label the of charge in been also and Stevenseagal—and since 2009, he has . house, Bands, record distribu (2002) ethos , age is a crucial ele a crucial is , age , as a direct link adirect , as (2006, 2013) (2006, Zine Reset - - -

111 Article The Social Place of Portuguese Punk Scene like punk: it gradually transforms into a music, among others, describe the way in eira more affectionate and symbolic attach- which Portugal’s two main urban areas have ment, and performative roles tend to fade been the favoured locations for the incubation out, unless they become professional. The and development of new art grammars and ways in which to connect to cultural and new models of production and dissemination. musical worlds are multiple and cannot be An international comparison backs circumscribed to a single model of music this notion: in Spain, punk came at the time lovers (Hennion, 2001; Howes, 2012; Guerra of the democratisation, following Franco’s & Bennett, 2015). regime, and of the emergence of Madrid’s movida (Fouce, 2004 & 2006); in France it was brought to being by young people coming An Urban and mostly from Lyon and Paris (Verger, 1991; Sapiro, 1999; Humeau, 2011); in what is today Suburban Scene Russia, the dissemination of punk began in Moscow and Saint Petersburg (Pilkington, In addition to being an eminently male 2014). Punk is indeed urban and suburban. world and to its continued appeal to and It can be found in territories characterised involvement by participants from diverse by diversity and population density and by age groups, the territorial representation of strong interconnectedness. It can be traced Portuguese punk defines it clearly as urban in late modernity and cosmopolitanism. and suburban. These urban roots are present These truths, however, should not be in several other music scenes (cf. Crossley, cause to forget another relevant aspect in 2015). In our case, the large majority of pro- the development of the Portuguese punk Paula Abreu, Augusto Santos Silva, Paula Guerra, Ana Oliveira & Tânia Mor Tânia & Oliveira Ana Guerra, Paula Silva, Santos Augusto Abreu, Paula tagonists interviewed are concentrated in scene: territorial dissemination. The shar- the urban areas of Lisbon and Porto, both ing of multiple traits of youth social con- in terms of birthplace (Map 1) and current dition, the current speed and spread of place of residence (Map 2). Of the interview- information, and the nature of production ees, 51% were born in or around the capital (the DIY process) are partly the reasons city of Lisbon, and 49% lived there at the for said dissemination. Our sample bears time of the interviews; 12% were born in or clear evidence of this when it shows that around Porto, and 18% resided there when it is in Lisbon and its whereabouts that interviewed. the number of over 45-year-olds is more The urban setting of punk is not sur- significant (Map 3). Also, the formation prising. In big cities it is easier to find a greater (and performing) of self-claimed punk diversity in ways of life and a wider produc- bands virtually everywhere in the country tion and circulation of different forms of is relevant (an analysis of this can be found cultural expression (cf. Costa, 2007). When in Silva & Guerra, 2015: 62-67). The more it comes to music, the works penned by Paula recent emergence of multiple local youth Guerra (2010)—on alternative rock, José and music scenes away from the areas of Alberto Simões (2011) —on hip-hop music, and Lisbon and Porto is clearly influenced by 112 Rui Telmo Gomes (2013)—on underground the DIY philosophy. This is a key strategy Map 1: number of interviewees by place Map 2: number of interviewees by place of birth of residence Portugal, judging by the origins and social eira position of our interviewees. Portuguese punk seems to be rooted in urban, educated middle classes. Similar to Spain–where young people from relatively well-off back- grounds had the resources to travel and buy records and accessories and brought punk from London to Madrid (Fouce, 2006), in Portugal, the first wave, in the late 70s, was dominated by young people of relative social, economic, and educational capital. This profile will last over time. The group interviewed is quite highly educated, particularly when compared to the average Portuguese population. Of those interviewed, 38% hold a complete Higher Education degree, 13% have attended some form of Higher Education, but not (or not yet) completed it, and 33% finished high school, which leaves very few at an elementary level of education. This advantage was already there in most families of

Paula Abreu, Augusto Santos Silva, Paula Guerra, Ana Oliveira & Tânia Mor Tânia & Oliveira Ana Guerra, Paula Silva, Santos Augusto Abreu, Paula Map 3: number of interviewees by place of birth and origin: 33% of fathers and 30% of mothers age attended some kind of institution of Higher in getting through to more isolated musical Education (which is approximately twice and cultural contexts, with fewer resources as much as the Census 2011’s 15% for the overall (musical resources, venues, equip- national population); 59% of fathers and ment, and even participants) (Moreira, 2013). 54% of mothers held either a high school Box 5 is a clear example. diploma or a degree (Table 4). But notice what happens when you cross the schooling of each interviewee with Is Punk a Popular that of his/her own parents (Table 5). 3 Two other tendencies can be seen, apart from the Subculture? intergenerational replication of educational capital. Several authors have claimed that the protagonists of the punk movement come mostly from the working classes 3 We will naturally leave out the situations with a (Hebdige, 1979; Humeau, 2011; Gololobov, residual number of cases in order to focus on those 114 2014; Pilkington, 2014). That is not the case in sufficiently relevant from which to draw conclusions. 14 1 “do it yourself” to the extent that Adriano that extent tothe yourself” “do it to according done was Everything Killers”). (“Rat- likeMata-Ratos bands Portuguese P”),ofthe (“Hepatitis influence under other P Hepatite band own his created he after Shortly concerts. attending when he started 15, of age the at began punk with involvement His Branco. Castelo of Municipality the at and, at the time of the interview, was a trainee Castelo Branco. He holds a master’s degree centres big the away from punk living and Adriano Box 5: Table 4: Levels of educational attainment (interviewees and parents) Adriano is 26 years old and lives inlives and old years 26 is Adriano had had never before played the The same bass. Adriano’s city. in scene punk entire the directs DIY that say can One venue inCastelo Branco. cert con a ensuring on focused Success”), of association for of the responsible a establishment cultural festivals—like and concerts of organising the behind lay logic Cachos de Sucesso Bastard Rock Bastard (“Bunches (“Bunches —and is is —and - 115 Article The Social Place of Portuguese Punk Scene Table 5: Level of interviewees’ educational attainment, according to respective parents’ level of educational attainment (row percentage) 14 1 her parents. her also a byabandoning smothering perceived at 16 out of and dropped altogether,school Eventually, appealing. more a had child she like Rock Rendez Vous and Oceano—were far The “streets”—andexpression. aesthetic bars and ethical, personal, for freedom her on too of aconstraint strong found school and fun According to her, she only havingabout cared grade. 6th the beyond study not did Margarida but and are journalists, hold parents degrees Both beautician. employed an as works she where Switzerland, in lives but Lisbon from Box 6: Margarida and Luísa’s interrupted education interviewees whose parents both held Higher held Higher both whose parents interviewees of 40% areverse direction: in and peculiar scene. hardcore and French punk Humeau that mobility social in blocking the not share does to seem Portugal Education. Higher reached mas school hold diplo both high whose parents of protagonists two-thirds Also, Education. Higher reached of them 40% and diploma, school ahigh obtained school degree a high than less possess both whose parents onists For of protag 88% example, attainment. tion higher level educa of asignificantly achieved low levels of with education from families coming of interviewees majority vast the ing: school greater towards society Portuguese in recent trend the given expected, be to Margarida is 40 Margarida old.years She comes The second tendency shown is more is shown second tendency The two was tendencies those of first The (2011) signalled in the the in signalled - - - - because she alwaysbecause felt that school was too school,high after studyingstopped She education. uninterested in anyremained ofkind formal level. She spent a long time living in Paris but the highest position possible at the university views. Both her are parents Full Professors, inter- survey conducting been had job paid interview, she was unemployed, and her last theof time theAt precarious. less or more and temporary all occupations, of myriad a on taken has She unappealing. and formal interview, 82% of our chosen protagonists protagonists chosen of 82% our interview, of the time the At teaching. and nication, commu art, music, to linked professions of majority anatural is there interviewees, diversity? perceived this profession and corroborates class of social analysis an that it said be Can scene. punk the Portuguese in be to found or profiles, conditions, in diversity thereis fact: nificant sig avery suggest they because data, these downgrading. consequent and paths rupted cases of five for account only atotal interview) the of old time 18 years at the under (interviewees restrictions Age one themselves. obtain to failed adegree)one holding parent actually (and just degrees with of 39% those Education (2%) Luisa is 40 years old and lives in Lisbon. Lisbon. in lives and old years 40 is Luisa Once we look at the occupations of our of we our Once look occupations at the to attention We particular have paid . Box 6 clearly illustrates these inter these illustrates . Box 6 clearly - - - 117 Article The Social Place of Portuguese Punk Scene were working, 11% were unemployed, and in Table 6), including self-employed workers, eira 6% were still studying (in addition, there sales and services personnel, small agricul- were also two working students and an tural owners, and industrial workers. When interviewee already retired). If one uses, it comes to the interviewee’s own socio-pro- to establish the occupations of the working fessional status, the proportion diminishes interviewees, unemployed or retired, the even further, to about a quarter. Portuguese Classification of Occupations In order to deepen our analysis, we (INE 2011), to the double digit, the most crossed the class category of interviewees’ represented occupations are, in descend- families to their own (Table 7), which gave ing order, the following: “Specialists in us a more complex understanding of this Judicial, Social, Artistic, and Cultural heterogeneous reality in which ascending Matters” (22% of the total), “Teachers” and descending social trajectories coexist. (8%), “Specialists in Physical Sciences, Among the descending movements, Mathematics, Engineering, and Related the cases of children of businessmen, pro- Techniques” (7%) and “Middle-Level prietors, senior managers, and liberal pro- Technicians in Judicial, Social, Cultural, fessionals stand out. In fact, out of 53 inter- and Similar Services” (6%). If we continue on viewees that fit this group, 27 (i.e., 51%) to the four digits, the group of “Composers, currently occupy lower places in social hier- Musicians, and Singers” (9%) leads, fol- archy. Still, the probability of “plummeting” lowed by “Graphic and Communication and to the bottom of the social pyramid (i.e., Multimedia Designers,” “Visual Artists,” independent workers, sales and services and “Teachers in Elementary and Secondary personnel, rural and industrial labourers) is Education” (each at 4%). quite low: 14 cases (26%). The ratio dimin- Paula Abreu, Augusto Santos Silva, Paula Guerra, Ana Oliveira & Tânia Mor Tânia & Oliveira Ana Guerra, Paula Silva, Santos Augusto Abreu, Paula The same logic applies when one moves ishes further if the starting point is a family from individual occupational distribution of professional middle class (intellectual to the distribution by groups of interrelated and scientific specialists and middle-level occupations, that is, by socio-occupational technicians and other professionals): 18 cases groups. Both distributions are clear indicators out of 87 (21%). However, the sum of both of the prevalence of economic elites and new figures(32 out of 212) indicates that descend- middle classes with a high level of education. ing mobility leading to the bottom of the Put together, intellectuals and middle manag- social pyramid is far from irrelevant. Box 7 ers (groups 4+5 in Table 6) account for 37% illustrates the reasons for and the meaning of interviewees and 41% of their respective of such a trajectory. families of origin. Entrepreneurs, senior man- As for ascending trajectories, they agers, and liberal professionals (groups 1+2+3 must also be divided in terms of extension. in Table 6) amount to 35% of interviewees The lines between the proprietary and man- and 25% of their families. The prevalence aging elites and liberal professionals, on the was thus something that was already there one hand, and educated professionals (senior in the protagonists’ social background. In or middle-level managers), on the other, are reverse, only a third of interviewees came not watertight. It is no wonder, then, that 118 from lower-class families (groups 6+7+8+9 out of 87 interviewees coming from families 14 1 pluriactivity, which are relatively frequent among in what concerns the situations of individual (2012), Queirós and Pereira by and (2010) Queirós and Pinto Pereira, by forward put fine-tuning the considered we 2011); second, Estatística, de Classification of Occupations (Instituto Nacional Portuguese of version 2010 the with professions principles: we first, confronted interviewees’ three of guise the under 1990) 1988, Machado, & Costa (Almeida, matrix ACM the adapted and 4 proprietors. and professionals, liberal agers, man now or senior middle-level are so and doing in succeeded out of 72 interviewees 45 case, our self-employed In occupation. employeenate or a non-liberal, occupation threshold of the crossing thesuccessful is significant, thus and group.difficult, Much more first the 23 second group, the in origin of families of and interviewees of categories Class 6: Table

In creating the social classes, we followed followed we classes, social the creating In beyond (26%) either asubordi moved on to to on moved - - Classification of 2011 Education, Classification (UNESCO 2012). criterion, according to the International Standard adisambiguation as education of level the interviewees. In questionable cases, we used Classification with the professional situation of 2010 the in groups professional ten the crossing by identified are categories Class spouse). male level by either spouse (rather than that of the category of families, according to the highest our interviewees; third, we defined the class contrast to Box 7. to contrast in of apath, such relevance symbolic and material example of the a clear is Box 8 in summarised case The classes. middle recent reinforcement of employed the with society, Portuguese in ment of translation move more by general the explained is and with hand in hand goes trajectory their and of (nearly 63% atotal two-thirds), is That 4 - 119 Article The Social Place of Portuguese Punk Scene Table 7: Class categories of interviewees, according to class categories of families of origin 5 (absolute figures and percentage)

Box 7: Edmundo, a descending social trajectory

Edmundo is 40 years old and lives in he was the most obvious choice in techni- Coimbra. He holds a high school diploma cal terms, he was rejected for promotions, and is currently working as a qualified elec- raises, and benefits. His parents belonged trician. He considers that his attachment to to the group of intellectuals and scientific punk ideals and lifestyle influenced, to some experts, but he claims that this was never an extent, his professional path. He claims to advantage, even in a relatively small city like have always been seen as different in every Coimbra. His professional life is commonly company for which he worked. Even when perceived

5 Although our total number of cases is relatively very small numbers. In order to make a more sensible high (214), the crossing of two variables creates a comparative analysis, we shall therefore combine 120 matrix that, for many instances, includes no cases or some categories. 14 1 Box 8: Jaime, an ascending social trajectory social ascending an Jaime, Box 8: if they were reduced to one were to category. reduced they if In bonds movement’s the social understand to shows one fail would that it particularly movement class ing awork as of representation punk original from the distancing sociological current corroborates study case Portuguese the Thus, expertise. technical and work, tual professions, intellec liberal with associated classes, higher and middle to scene—belong punk national the in ers of or participants of interviewees—found majority the tion, posi social current own it comes their to when and when it comesboth families to professionals. liberal and directors of entrepreneurs, children do49% of the as one categories, to of those stick dle-managers of or senior mid children of 53% the groups: two first the it in is than one-third) than more little out of 72, cases 27 (the remaining families from lower-class coming tagonists pro in less intense it naturally is duction, Within the alternativePortuguese scene, he venue Lisbon.in promotion ofconcert a thefor responsible is He self-employed. currently is and companies different three to music, mostly in promotion. He worked for connected been always has life professional His degree. a toobtain failed but college school. He attended only completed primary His who are parents both labourers industrial In a nutshell, it comes across that, it that, comes across anutshell, In repro class for intergenerational As Jaime is 43 years old and lives in Sintra. (cf. 2001) Bennett, , but but , ------and constant invitations to run halls.concert by his constant touring abroad with bands shown as capital, symbolic and social high possesses and segment his in leader a is as social “downgrading.” social as experienced school dropout, a premature with associated usually mobility, erational intergen of descending margin important an and music, around or in professionalisation through trajectories ascending social specific classes, of extension role middle of the and reinforcement the towards oftion society transla global the to particular in nothing addor lower), that trajectories mobility middle, (higher, class in continuity tions: condi and trajectories social contrasting often and of diverse crossing the scenes—is other music with case the is trait—as ing characteris The subculture. class middle or abourgeois it as classify to it be would as just subculture, class aworking as punk classify poor to theoretically and incorrect objectively equally it be would sense, this sample. our as “punk”—an unmatched circumstance in identify not evendoes hescene, though as ees a key agent in punk the Portuguese interview by other signalled consistently led to credibility This professional his being - - - - - 121 Article The Social Place of Portuguese Punk Scene eira Box 9: Lázaro, a trajectory of social reproduction

Lázaro is 37 years old and lives in food products, and distribution agent of food Guarda, a small city in the interior of Portugal. products. At a moment of unemployment, he Having created several bands, he is a clear also benefited from public support to work protagonist of Portuguese punk history, par- in the Civil Protection services. Currently, ticularly when it comes to its manifestations he has been hired as a funeral assistant. outside Lisbon and Porto. He completed ele- Although he achieved a slight improvement mentary education (9th grade) and has since in his educational capital (his parents only taken on multiple jobs: steel erector, steel completed primary school), he replicates their fixer, labourer in a cable factory, employee at socio-professional condition of unskilled, a gas pump, industrial worker in a factory of subordinate, precarious, and underpaid labour.

resources that allowed them to travel abroad Conclusion: and buy material. Our sample does have a strong diversity of profiles (includes musi- Studying the Social cians, mediators, and fans), as well as a larger number of interviewees. Still, Table 8 proves Condition of Punk in that there are no significant differences in Paula Abreu, Augusto Santos Silva, Paula Guerra, Ana Oliveira & Tânia Mor Tânia & Oliveira Ana Guerra, Paula Silva, Santos Augusto Abreu, Paula social condition between the three main Its Diversity profiles. Despite the differences, Portugal con- Dave Laing (2015) warns against the firms Laing’s (2015: 169) essential claim: usual linking of British punk to the difficul- “all the evidence is that the punk milieu ties and aspirations of the working youth in was a heterogeneous and paradoxical one, times of economic crisis, stating that estab- something that might be expected to be lishing that link can hide part of the true reflected in class position and educational story. Although his sample is quite narrow background also.” (49 members of punk rock music bands), it In an attempt to explain the heteroge- suggests a social composition different from neity, Laing invokes two factors: “the role the one in Portugal: half of the musicians of further (post-school) education and the come from working classes, and the other unusual position in the class structure of half do not. This again suggests that the professional musicians themselves” (Laing, Portuguese punk scene’s increased link to 2015: 168). In fact, art schools in particular the high and middle classes is a result of its were important breeding grounds for alterna- “imported” (and adapted) nature, requiring tive music callings—a bond quite well known 122 from early punk protagonists additional in the United Kingdom and also present in 14 1 Table 8:Profile ofinterviewees,according toclasscategory(%) not mechanical. not are lifestyle, and conditions life between world, of the experience the and position social social between relations the because precisely happens This or lifestyle. politics, of morality, terms it be in science, con class no working is there that mean not does this before—that had Hebdige stresses—as But Laing class.” “working ical canon of the from those different quite are prestige and income, conditions, working The bourgeoisie”). or petite “new class (middle space social of the segments middle the in positioning the to leads merchandise, and costumes, commerce of records, small or promotion editing, and design, as such areas, of work music orising connected in converged. classes social different all from people coming which professional—in and amateur performance—both musical for leverage provided also Post-school training Porto. and Lisbon in schools secondary art to due particularly case, Portuguese the When it does occur, the professional the it occur, does When representation , between a material a material , between condition and and - - - and structured within punk—in Bourdieu’s Bourdieu’s punk—in within structured and created space social the and ment of punk develop emergencefor and the favours and allows that space social the Both not. course Of dispensable? is punk like of aculture development and of space” origin “social 1993; Osgerby, 1998; Muggleton, 2000) class social given a to attachments primordial mythical than more little to reduced be complex cannot and youth scene is movement a new urban and of of process creation anew music This rock. of “accommodation” bored by the critics and reporters and Joe Strummer, like classes, middle and Lydon, high John or the like classes, working from the coming musicians composers young and Pete Shelley, talented like students, art Reid, Jamie and McLaren Malcolm like oferogeneous radicals, group developed by ahet and slowly built thing some It was establishment. the against rage class expression of working taneous aspon not as must seen be punk reiterates, Does this mean that attention to the the to attention that mean this Does Albiez As core issue. the is This (Laing, 1985; (Laing, Redhead, (2004) . - - - -

123 Article The Social Place of Portuguese Punk Scene sense, the field—are inescapable elements for analyse the social space are far from allowing eira understanding that culture. In its origin, it mere mechanical imputations of behaviour is indivisible from the social and economic to a given social origin. The social space of conditions of Great Britain and the United Portuguese punk can be better understood States in the 1970s and the way they affect by highlighting how small and marginal it is, urban youth. As for Portugal, it would be forcing the protagonists to polyvalence and difficult to explain its process of introduc- taking on multiple roles; how male, urban, tion and consolidation without reading into and suburban it is; how characterised it is by the political and social openness in the 70s young generations whose ageing does not and 80s and the way that newly acquired necessarily result in a complete severance freedom was experienced by educated urban from the cultural forms of adolescence, but generations, belonging to working and mid- rather, in the modulating of the references dle class, and being involved in ascending, and roles adopted. It is best described as a interrupted, or already-descending social space dominated by the relative accumulation trajectories (Pais, 2003; Guerra, 2010). of educational capital, but that also includes But first, the consideration of social relevant segments of precocious school drop- space alone is not enough to understand outs and social downgrading. And it is best the punk scene, which owes so much to the described as a composite socio-occupational history of rock itself and to the challenges space, where different origins and class it faced in the final quarter of the 20th cen- trajectories converge, cross, and influence tury. And second, the characteristics of each other. All of this, and all of the tensions social position and condition that are truly that it originates, define Portuguese punk, meaningful and must be identified in order to in terms of social profile. Paula Abreu, Augusto Santos Silva, Paula Guerra, Ana Oliveira & Tânia Mor Tânia & Oliveira Ana Guerra, Paula Silva, Santos Augusto Abreu, Paula

124 14 1 (eds.), (eds.), Thornton & Sarah Gelder Ken in “Subcultures, Cultures and Class,” John, Clarke Vanderbilt University Press. andtranslocal virtual (2004), (eds.) Peterson A. &Richard Andy Bennett Press. Philadelphia, Temple University growing old disgracefully? — (2013), populaires musiques des revue La Volume! contre-culture,” de concept du réévaluation une “Pour — (2012), pp. 219-235. Scenes Perspective,” Music the “Consolidating — (2004), University Press. Popular Music (2001), Andy Bennett n Fans,” of Generation Older an for Rock Punk of Significance Continuing the Dead: Not “Punk’s — (2006), -234. 223 pp. London, Routledge, pp. 100-111. pp. Routledge, London, After-Punk-1978-1984 pt.scribd.com/doc/54282068/Punk- 1978-1984 Punk: (2004), Sean Albiez Bibliography sociabilidade,” de eredes amigos–trajectórias e “Estudantes — (1990), n -Sociologia e Problemas Práticas estudantes e universidade,” Fernando Luís (1988), “Famílias, &Machado da Firmino António Costa de, Ferreira João Almeida 05/07/2017]. o o 105-106. 4, pp. 11-44. pp. 4, The Subculture Reader Sociology Music, style and aging: aging: and style Music, , vol. 9-1, pp. 19-31. 9-1, pp. , vol. et al. al. et Music scenes: local, local, scenes: Music , Buckingham, Open Open , Buckingham, Análise Socia , online: , vol. 40, n 40, , vol. (1997), (1997), Punk after after Punk , Nashville, Cultures of of Cultures

Poetics [retrieved [retrieved http:// , o 2, 2, l, , n ,

o 32, 32, , desenvolvimento territorial e Competitividade Lisboa. em (2007), Pedro Costa — (2006), — (2006), Juventud la Movida,” a Ola Nueva la de huracán: del ojo el en punk “El (2004), Héctor Fouce Publishing, pp. 12-51. Now! Style (ed.), Activism,” in Nadine Monem Landscape of DIY Feminist Cultural Contemporary and Legacy the Grrrl: “Riot (2007), Julia Downes Press. Manchester, Manchester University Subversion and Style Sound, of (2015), Nick Crossley Imprensa de Ciências Sociais. of Peru’s Punk Underground: Underground: Punk Peru’s of Problem “The (2012), S. Greene 05/07/2017]. [retrieved http://hdl.handle.net/10071/6058 e ritual juvenis circuitos quotidiano, do música Underground: estetização (2013), Telmo Rui Gomes “Moronic” the to “Useless” the from Mutation (2014), (eds.) Steinholt B. & Yngvar Pilkington Hilary Ivan, Gololobov 22-47. pp. Routledge, “Moronic” the to “Useless” the from Mutation Cultural Russia. (eds.), Steinholt B. Yngvar & Pilkington Hilary Gololobov, Ivan in Russia,” in Punk of Evolution “The (2014), Ivan Gololobov London, Routledge. (1997), (1997), Sarah &Thornton Kenneth Gelder Rock (1978), Simon Frith Madrid, Velecíoeditores. , London, Constable. Riot Grrrl. Revolution Girl Girl Revolution Grrrl. Riot , Ph.D. Thesis, online: Punk in Russia. Cultural Cultural Russia. in Punk The Subcultures Reader , n El futuro ya está aqui ya está futuro El , London, Routledge. , London, Black Dog Dog Black , London, o Revista de Estudios de de Estudios de Revista 64, pp. 57-65. pp. 64, The Sociology of of Sociology The A cultura A cultura Networks Networks Fazer Fazer Punk in in Punk , , London, Lisboa, Lisboa, , , ,

Studies System,” the Under-Fuck to Approach An Women’s Studies Women’s Scene,” Music Hardcore and Punk DIY the Performance Performing Gender in “Gendered (2012), Naomi Griffin Theory, Culture and Society and Culture Theory, Performance,” as Taste Lovers. “Music (2001), Antoine Hennion 130-142. pp. Reader Thornton (eds.), &Sarah Gelder Ken in Style,” of — (1997), “Subculture. The Meaning Methuen. Style of Meaning The (1979), Dick Hebdige New York, Holmes & Meier. Subcultures in Post-War Britain Youth Rituals: through Resistance (1976), Tony &Jefferson Stuart Hall 2015.1041748 Society and Portugal,” in Pistols Sex the of Authenticity and Legacy The Pistols? the Mind “Never (2015), Andy &Bennett Paula Guerra Oxford, Berg. Subculture and Style Identity, Hodkinson Paul (2002), n Journal of Sociology Alternative Rock (1980–2010),” Portuguese of Space Social the Rocking: It “Keep — (2015), 05/07/2017]. em Portugal (1980-2010) Portugal em alternativo rock do e consolidação dinâmica génese, Rock: do leveza (2010), Paula Guerra 66-81. pp. net/10216/56304 Thesis, online: http://hdl.handle. o 5, pp. 1-22. pp. 5, , London, Routledge, Routledge, , London, , vol. 24, n 24, , vol. Journal of International of International Journal Journal of Popular Music Music Popular of Journal , DOI:10.1080/03007766. The Subculture

[retrieved [retrieved , vol. 13, n 13, , vol. o 4, pp. 578-589. pp. 4, , vol. 51, n , vol. Popular Music A instável A instável , London, Subculture. Goth: Goth: , Ph.D. Ph.D. o , 2, 2, vol 18, 18, vol , o 1. , 125 Article The Social Place of Portuguese Punk Scene Howes William Seth (2012), Punk Muggleton David & Weinzierl Pilkington Hilary (2014), “Punk, but

eira Avant-Gardes: Disengagement Rupert (2003), “What is ‘post- Not as We Know It: Rethinking Punk and the End of East Germany, PhD subcultural studies’ anyway?,” in from a Post-Socialist Perspective,” Thesis, University of Michigan. David Muggleton & Rupert Weinzierl in Ivan Gololobov, Hilary Pilkington (eds.), The Post-Subcultures & Yngvar B. Steinholt (eds.), Punk in Humeau Pierig (2011), Sociologie de Reader, Oxford, Berg, pp. 3-23. Russia. Cultural Mutation from the l’espace punk indépendant français: “Useless” to the “Moronic”, London, Apprentissages, trajectoires et Nilan, Pam & Feixa Carles (2006), Routledge, pp. 1-21. vieillissement politico-artistique, Global Youth? Hybrid Identities, Ph.D. Thesis, université Picardie Plural Worlds, New York, Routledge. Reddington Helen (2012), The Lost Jules Verne. Women of Rock Music, Sheffield, O’connor Alan (2002), “Local Equinox. Instituto Nacional de Estatística Scenes and Dangerous Crossroads: [INE] (2011), Classificação Punk and Theories of Cultural Redhead Steven (ed.), (1993), Portuguesa das Profissões 2010, Hybridity,” Popular Music, vol. 21, Rave off: Politics and Deviance Lisboa. no 2, pp. 225-237. in Contemporary Youth Culture, Aldershot, Avebury. Laing Dave (1985), One Chord O’hara Craig (1999), The Philosophy Wonders: Power and Meaning in of Punk: More than Noise, London, Rosen pauL (1997), “It was Easy, Punk Rock, Philadelphia, Open AK Press. It Was Cheap, Go and Do It!” University Press. Technology and Anarchy in the UK Osgerby Bill (1998), Youth in Britain Music Industry, York, University of — (2015), One Chord Wonders: since 1945, Oxford, Basil Blackwell. York. Power and Meaning in Punk Rock, Oakland, PM Press. Pais José Machado & Blass Leila Sapiro Gisèle (1999), La guerre des (eds.), (2004), Tribos urbanas. écrivains, 1940-1953, Paris, Fayard. Martin-Iverson Sean (2014), Produção artística de identidades, “Running in Circles: Performing Lisbon, Imprensa de Ciências Silva Augusto Santos & Guerra Values in the Bandung ‘Do It Sociais. Paula (2015), As palavras do punk, Yourself’ Hardcore Scene,” Lisbon, Alêtheia. Ethnomusicology Forum, vol. 23, Pais José Machado (2003), Culturas no 2, pp. 184-207. DOI:10.1080/17411 juvenis, Lisbon, Imprensa Nacional Simões José Alberto (2011), Entre Paula Abreu, Augusto Santos Silva, Paula Guerra, Ana Oliveira & Tânia Mor Tânia & Oliveira Ana Guerra, Paula Silva, Santos Augusto Abreu, Paula 912.2014.926631 Casa da Moeda. a Rua e a Internet. Um estudo sobre o hip-hop português, Lisbon, Mcrobbie Angela & Garber Jenny Pereira Virgílio Borges, Pinto José Imprensa de Ciências Sociais. (1997), “Girls and Subcultures,” in Madureira & Queirós João (2010), Ken Gelder & Sarah Thornton (eds.), “Matriz de construção dos Lugares Thornton Sarah (1996), Club The Subculture Reader, London, de Classe do Grupo Doméstico Cultures: Music, Media and Routledge, p. 112-120. (considerando a possibilidade de Subcultural Capital, Hannover, pluriactividade e contemplando Wesleyan University Press. — (1993), “Girls and Subcultures,” in o cruzamento dos lugares de Stuart Hall & Tony Jefferson (eds.), classe individuais do núcleo UNESCO Institute for Statistics Resistance through Rituals: Youth conjugal),” in José Madureira Pinto (2012), International Standard Subcultures in Post-War Britain, & João Queirós (orgs.), Ir e Voltar. Classification of Education – London, Routledge. Sociologia de uma colectividade ISCED 2011, Canadá, UNESCO local do Noroeste Português, Porto, Publications, online: http://www. Moreira Tânia (2013), Sons e Afrontamento. uis.unesco.org/ lugares: trajeto e retrato da cena rock no Tâmega, MA Thesis, Pereira Virgílio Borges & Verger Annie (1991), “Le champ Porto, Faculdade de Letras da Queirós João (2012), Na Modesta des avant-gardes,” Actes de la Universidade do Porto. Cidadezinha. Génese e estruturação Recherche en Sciences Sociales, de um bairro de casas económicas vol. 80, no 1, pp. 2-40. Muggleton David (2000), Inside do Porto (Amial, 1938-2010), Porto, Subculture. The Postmodern Afrontamento. Meaning of Style, Oxford, Berg. 126