Revisiting the Kuen Cheng High School Dispute: Contestation Between Gender Equality and Ethnic Nationalism Discourses

RIAC_A_360703.fm Page 165 Saturday, January 24, 2009 1:08 PM

Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, Volume 10, Number 1, 2009

Revisiting the Kuen Cheng High School dispute: contestation between gender equality and ethnic nationalism discourses

5 POR Heong Hong

Taylor and Francis ABSTRACT By contextualizing the birth of modern Chinese women’s education as well as Kuen Cheng Girls’ High School (KCGHS) in the ethno nationalistic movement in pre-independence years, 10 and revisiting the dispute over changing KCGHS into a co-education establishment in the Chinese education movement background in the post-independence era, this paper illustrates the paradox of Chinese ethno nationalism, that took expression in modernization since its inception. The dispute over converting Kuen Cheng also shows how women’s education, a product of Chinese ethno nationalism as expressed in modernization and an appeal for equal treatment, has unexpectedly become a 15 drive for democratization, equal treatment and pluralization from within the Chinese education movement in the post-independence era, and thus makes the idea of gender equality not incompatible with ethno nationalism and Chinese education.

20 Introduction movement itself has also been raised in face of social changes over these years. The A distinctive feature of the Chinese educa- appeal for reform and transformation, such tion movement in Malaysia is its origin as a as how to modernize and democratize the community-funded education system with Chinese education movement’s organiza- 25 broad grassroots support and participation. tion, is not something that comes from the A concept such as an ethnic nation’s outside but is a reflection and reaction from modernization and self-strengthening was within, in the face of the growing rigidity of promoted in the pre-independence era the movement, which has been getting among the Chinese immigrant society, with passive and reflexive in responding to social 30 the extensive network of the modern changes and internal stratification. Is the Chinese school system as the fortress for institutional arrangement of the indepen- political mobilization, to support the dent Chinese secondary school modernized Chinese nationalistic movement in their and democratized enough to professionally homeland, China. While, in the post- handle conflicting interests among different 35 independence era, community support segments of the Chinese community? How continues to be the basis of Chinese schools, should the Chinese education community modernity – such as cultural plurality, respond to new values and pluralization of democracy and civil society – has been culture, such as homosexuality, gender further advocated by the mother tongue equality etc? These are questions frequently 40 education movement as a negotiating asked by reformers from within. framework or basis while taking up the The decision of changing Kuen Cheng issue with the state1 on the government’s Girls’ High School (KCGHS), a Chinese girl national education system, which is seen by school founded in Kuala Lumpur in 1908, by the latter as a site or an instrument of its Board of Director (BOD), into a mixed- 45 nation-state-building. sex or co-education (co-ed) school in late However, a recurrent question about 2006, provides a chance for reformers to the democratization and pluralization of the engage in discussion of – and for researchers

166 Por Heong Hong

to observe – the modernization, democrati- established by the European Christian zation and pluralization of the Chinese missionary in the 19th century (Zheng 1997; education movement. The event raises Fan 2005). The other effort of progressive questions in the mind of some of the move- advocacy of women’s education in Malaya 5 ment’s supporters and researchers about came along with the social transformation what constitutes gender equality and the brought by the Chinese reformists and possibilities of Chinese education to inte- revolutionaries as Malaya became a place of grate gender equality into its educational frequent visits and a platform of political programs. mobilization by these Chinese nationalistic 10 By outlining the development of movement leaders (Yen 2002: 177–216). women’s education in the ethno-nationalistic The rapid growth of Chinese female movement context and revisiting the dispute education in British Malaya in the early 20th of KCGHS, this paper aims to study the century was the product of the Chinese compatibility of gender equality with nationalism that spread worldwide during 15 modern Chinese education and the condition the years of Chinese self-strengthening and of modernization, democratization and the anti-imperialism movement, in response pluralization of Chinese education. to the oppression by the Allied forces and humiliation in the Sino-Japanese war (1894–95). The modernization projects or 20 Women’s education within modernization self-strengthening movement in China, from the late 19th century until the first quarter of Emergence of women’s education 20th century, were mainly driven by three The idea of women’s education was trans- groups of people, namely the reformists, mitted to many Asian countries through both inside and outside the Ching Court, 25 Christian missions in the middle of the 19th and the revolutionaries.2 These three groups century. A few decades later, women’s of people were differentiated by their value education, as promoted in the single-sex judgment of how to modernize China. The format, was adopted and advocated by reformists favored a less radical pathway by some Asian ethnic nations as an effective advocating constitutional monarchy while 30 means of self-strengthening in response to the revolutionaries preferred to build a the oppression of Western colonialism and republic by throwing out the Ching imperialism. Dynasty. The reformists and revolutionaries Lifting women’s intellectual level was later realigned themselves either as important as women were expected to be a Communists or Nationalists after the 1911 35 modern educator and mother for the Revolution, which marked the collapse of purpose of ethnic nation-building during the Ching Dynasty.3 The objective of the dawn of the 20th century. Women’s modernization and self-strengthening by emancipation and nationalism were thus both reformists and revolutionaries is to intertwined with Asia’s modernization pursue the ethnic nation’s autonomy and 40 drive. It is, however, significant to note that self-determination and the power to ask for the main purpose of women’s education equal treatment when the nation has cross- during that time was to strengthen the national negotiation. ethnic nation, the extent of the emancipation Although all of the three groups took effect of women’s literacy on women was female education as a means of the ethnic 45 sometimes unexpected and unwelcome by nation’s self-strengthening, Du Xue Yuan’s some of its advocators. This will be further study has pointed out that women’s libera- discussed later in this paper. tion was never the intention of female The earliest women’s education in education as advocated by the reform- Malaya is impossible to date accurately but minded Ching bureaucrats as they were 50 among the most well-known girls’ schools socially conservative and too reserved to that can be documented were those allow women to have as equal access to RIAC_A_360703.fm Page 167 Saturday, January 24, 2009 1:08 PM

Revisiting the Kuen Cheng High School dispute 167

education as men, or to freely associate with later forced to shut down during the people outside the family, or to walk on the Japanese occupation of Malaya and only had street as freely as their male counterparts, or a chance to reopen section by section after to freely choose their future spouse (Du the Japanese surrendered in the mid 1940s 1995). Unlike the reform-minded Ching (Kuen Cheng 1978: 13–17). 5 bureaucrats, the younger extra-Ching-court Although the original account regard- reformist and revolutionaries were more ing the idea and discourses of establishing exposed to foreign intellectual influences and running Kuen Cheng by the founders and more progressive than their predeces- could not be found, the close relation that sors, that liberating women from the tradi- Kuen Cheng as well as other Chinese 10 tional Chinese culture – such as forbidding women’s education institutions in Malaya women from being seen in the public, had with the educational reform and with widow chastity, foot-binding, a woman of women’s liberation movement led by both no talent was a woman of virtue etc – was reformists, within and outside the Ching taken as an important objective of female Court, and revolutionaries in China, was 15 education, which marked the first wave of well documented (Kuen Cheng 1968; Zheng the women’s liberation movement at the 1997; Yen 2002). dawn of modern China (Du 1995: 249–318). The ex-principal of KCGHS Zhai Zhao- Both reformists and revolutionaries wanted Xun7 revealed in her prelude in the Souvenir women to improve so that people of their Magazine of the 60th Year Anniversary of 20 ethnicity will improve. the Kuen Cheng School in 1968 that: Even though women were expected to [For] thousands of years women were gain literacy and improve intellectually, devalued by the Chinese society and their roles as mother and wife and their received education only in the family sexuality were never questioned but only until 1904 when the home-based 25 redefined to suit the ethnic nation’s modern- education related clauses of the Regu- ization. The wide establishment of modern lation of School, which was announced Chinese girl’s schools by the reformists and by the Ching Court bureaucrat Mr. revolutionaries in British Malaya during the Zhang Bai-Xi and etc., specified that first quarter of the 20th century was to serve ‘home-based education should include 30 as beachhead for the modernization of female students’. Promulgation of the Chinese immigrant society, which was an Regulation of Women’s Normal School important base for overseas political mobili- and Primary School (Nüzi shifan xuetang and nüzi xiaoxue zhangcheng) in zation to support the nationalistic 1908 by the [Ching Court] Education movement in their homeland China (Yen Ministry had [further] formalized 35 2002: 177–216). women’s education and Chinese women since then were able to have History of KCGHS and discourses of women’s equal access to education as men. (Kuen Cheng 1968: 10) education 40 As a Chinese immigrant devoted to modern KCGS in the pre-merdeka4 context. Starting Chinese education for the overseas out as a community funded girls’ primary Chinese,8 Zhai Zhao-Xun was aware of school in 1908, Kuen Cheng5 was co- influences other than that of the Ching founded by Zhong Zhuo-Jin, an educationist court’s educational reform on female educa- who had close ties, and shared progressive 45 tion in Malaya. She further described in her ideas, with the reformists, and Wu Xue- prelude that: Hua,6 a female educationist in the early 20th century. Kuen Cheng’s junior secondary The women’s education [in Malaya] school section was later established by the founded by the Chinese scholar in the then Principal Hu Xue-Fen in 1925 and the past was not only influenced by the 50 senior high school section in 1940. It was Chinese education system [in China], RIAC_A_360703.fm Page 168 Saturday, January 24, 2009 1:08 PM

168 Por Heong Hong

but also by the female school as estab- educate their cousins before marriage lished by the British people. (Kuen and care for their parents and nurture Cheng 1968: 10) their children even after marriage. (Fan 2005: 154) Zhai Zhao-Xun however did not go into 5 detail on the idea and differences of Reflected in their motherhood-based and women’s education by Chinese reformists family-oriented discourses of women’s and European Christian missionaries. It is education, it is clear that both reformists and claimed by Fan that the female education revolutionaries took women’s literacy as an founded by the mission in British Malaya, instrument to strengthen the Chinese race 10 which mainly served the Straits-born and to suit the needs of the family. There daughters of wealthy Chinese families, was were, however, some (female) educationists socially conservative and the purpose of of that time who advocated that training women’s education was to educate woman women to be independent should be the to be good mothers and wives, as homemak- purpose of women’s education. Three Ipoh 15 ing and Bible reading were the main based (female) teachers with such an idea subjects taught (Fan 2005). A baby feeding made a statement on girls’ education in a course was also included in some of the Chinese daily in 1932: mission-run girls’ schools. As for the influence of reformists on It is women’s education instead of empty talk that would realize equality 20 women’s education, straits-born Chinese 9 between sexes. And only with women’s elite and educationist Lim Boon Keng’s education will the intellect and ability idea on female education reflects the of women improve and they be able to position of the reformist: develop equally and benefit the society together with their male counterparts. 25 Our wives will be mothers of our daughters, they possess the power that (Fan 2005: 155) shapes the fate of our [ethnic] nation. The different views of (male and female) We should thus by all means treat them well and teach them rules for formal educationists mark two different discourses relations and give them equal access to on women’s education: women’s literacy 30 receive physical and intellectual educa- and ability as an instrument of nation build- tion. (Li 1990: 66) ing, or an end of education? As a female education institution Lim Boon Keng also claimed that: founded in the early 20th century, KCGHS If women receive no education, half of was embedded in a community that was 35 the nation of their ethnic origin will divided not only by different value judg- remain ignorant and retrograde and the ments of how to modernize China but also whole nation will not improve. (Li by various views on why and how to 1990: 67) improve women’s social status. Tan Kah-Kee, an entrepreneur and founder 40 of several modern Chinese schools in British KCGHS in the post-merdeka context. The Malaya, which were closely associated with post-war and pre-merdeka years saw rapid the revolutionaries, had frequently and critical political changes in British expressed his view on women’s education: Malaya. The right to mother tongue education and the position of Chinese schools Living in the modern time, not only 45 became major issues during which the men should receive formal education, constitutional and political framework of women must also have access to education. For the less wise persons, the country was taking shape. Malay and the purpose of women’s education is to Chinese leaders were able to arrive at some suit the needs of the family of her important compromises on citizenship 50 future husband, they are not aware rights, language and education. As part of that educated women could also these compromises, the Chinese primary RIAC_A_360703.fm Page 169 Saturday, January 24, 2009 1:08 PM

Revisiting the Kuen Cheng High School dispute 169

schools were accepted as national-type was in reality divided along class and primary schools (Sekolah Rendah Jenis power lines. Conflict between the financiers Kebangsaan, SRJK) within the national or directors, mainly entrepreneurs or system in 1957, together with schools teach- merchants of the Chinese society, and the ing in Malay, English and Tamil. Irrespec- school managers, such as the administrator 5 tive of their medium of instruction, all board and teaching staffs, was frequent ever schools adopted a common curriculum to since the inception of such a community- inculcate a shared national perspective. based education system, which functioned However, with the promulgation of the 1961 as an ethnic nation’s modernization fortress Education Act, Chinese secondary schools in the pre-war and pre-merdeka years 10 had to change their medium of instruction (Zheng 1998: 224–235). Although Chinese to English in order to be accepted within the people with different class backgrounds and national education system. Sixteen out of 70 social status were able to come together and Chinese secondary schools rejected the work under the flag of the Chinese nation’s provision, which marked the birth of the modernization, conflict would ceaselessly 15 Independent Chinese Secondary Schools, emerge whenever it came to decision and also gave up all the state’s funding to making in the daily operation of the preserve their autonomy.10 Hence, the inde- modernization machines, such as whom pendent Chinese schools have continued to and how to manage a Chinese school. A rely on community efforts and under the principal who can manage to maintain good 20 leadership of the directors, mostly ethno- relationship with the financiers could stay nationalistic entrepreneurs or merchants of longer and carry out his or her job more Chinese society, for development funds and smoothly but conflict is still common. operational costs. KCGHS was one of the The conflict between the financiers and Chinese secondary schools that rejected the school managers continues to emerge 25 governmental funding since 1961. even in the post-merdeka era, as the Based on modernization projection, community-funded feature of the indepen- self-strengthening was promoted among the dent Chinese school system provides an Chinese community in the pre-war and pre- institutional base through which the independence era in response to Western wealthy and ambitious could respectably 30 colonialism and Japanese imperialism. In acquire leadership status and a platform the post-independence years, moderniza- through which the grassroots could tion as expressed in cultural diversity or sincerely engage in the movement of mother plurality, democracy and civil society have tongue education. The conflict is more been advocated by the mother tongue complicated when the schools become sites 35 education movement as a negotiating of contestation of different segments of the framework while taking up the issue with Chinese community as they try to gain the external authority, the state, which has power over the resources of the schools. been using the national education system as Sometimes the conflict could be between an instrument of nation-state-building since financiers and financiers,11 or between a 40 independence. school administrator and a graduate organi- zation, and the dispute could be who can, and how to, make decisions on certain Contestation within modernization issues. The dispute between Kuen Cheng’s Other than ideological differences, such as a Board of Director (BOD) and Kuen Cheng 45 divergence of views on how to modernize Old Pupils Association (KCOPA) on the China and why to improve women’s social matter of whether to change Kuen Cheng status, the community where KCGHS Girls’ High School (KCGHS) into a co-ed gained its financial and manpower support school is one such conflict. This will further was not as coherent as the Chinese ethno- be discussed in the next section of this 50 nationalists had projected or proclaimed but paper. RIAC_A_360703.fm Page 170 Saturday, January 24, 2009 1:08 PM

170 Por Heong Hong

The contestation or conflict mentioned KCGS into a co-education establishment above is a paradox for both modernization will stop the exodus of male students of and ethno-nationalism. The class conflict, SRJK(C) Kuen Cheng 1 and 2 to other power difference and internal dynamics that schools. 5 modernization brings in a modern Chinese community are themselves products of ethno The conversion project soon received nationalism. The expression that ethno- wide coverage by the Chinese media and nationalism takes in the form of moderniza- active participation of the Chinese commu- tion, self-strengthening, equal treatment, nity in debating the advantage(s) and disad- 10 autonomy and self-determination, becomes vantage(s) of single-sex schools. For those the ground where the community subgroups who favored a co-ed system, they claimed could require similar radical reform. The that a single-sex education environment ‘is contestation created by modernization thus biased against the other sex’, ‘discriminates requires a modern response or solution. males’, ‘is backward and conservative’, 15 ‘breeds female students with imbalanced minds’, ‘breeds homosexuality or lesbians’ Kuen Cheng dispute and ‘meets only half of the potential high The KCGHS dispute emerged in late 2006, school market’ (Nanyang Siang Pau 2006c). just two years before the girls’ school could Supporters of the co-ed system, who 20 celebrate its 100th birthday, when the Board aligned themselves with the BOD, consid- of Director (BOD) of the school announced ered segregation by sexes a relic of a feudal- through the media that they were going to istic element of Chinese tradition, which turn KCGHS into a sex-mixed or co-ed used to ban free association between sexes, school (Sin Chew Daily 2006c). The and it is thus backward and conservative to 25 announcement almost instantly drew preserve the all-girl environment (Nanyang opposition from the Kuen Cheng Old Pupils Siang Pau, KL and Selangor 2006d). They Association (KCOPA) (Sin Chew Daily, were also worried that, deprived of the Metropolitan 2006). chance to associate and to learn together with their male counterparts, female 30 students in a single sex environment will Debate of single-sex education have a higher chance to develop imbal- In a press conference on KCGHS’s fund- anced minds or homosexuality. raising concert expected to be held on 9 Other reason given was not related to October 2006, three official reasons for gender, but rather the fact that the consider- 35 conversion were given by the BOD ation of market strategy of changing (Nanyang Siang Pau, City folks 2006b):12 KCGHS into a co-ed system was expected to boost the total number of enrolments. 1. Co-education is a trend that has been Survival of the Chinese education, Kuen adopted by most schools in Malaysia as Cheng in this case, comes before gender 40 well as those overseas, and that it is equality. Some Chinese education support- deemed a more balanced social environ- ers even claimed that to preserve the all-girl ment for shaping normal association system or to go co-ed is not the core issue, between the sexes. the urgent task is to revive the independent 2. The decision was made to accommodate Chinese school based on traditional Chinese 45 parents who wish to send both sons and culture (Zhang 2006). daughters to the same school. Supporters of single-sex education, 3. The students studying at SRJK(C) Kuen however, rebutted pointing out that there Cheng 1 and 2 (co-ed) could not are also homosexuals in a co-ed environ- continue their secondary education at ment and it is not true that students of an 50 Kuen Cheng High School as the latter all-girl school are deprived of the chance to allows only girls to enroll. Changing associate with their male counterparts, since RIAC_A_360703.fm Page 171 Saturday, January 24, 2009 1:08 PM

Revisiting the Kuen Cheng High School dispute 171

they are free to associate after school regret that changing KCGHS into a co-ed (Nanyang Siang Pau, KL and Selangor 2006a). was like wiping out the plurality and diver- While advocators of girl school denied not sity of the independent Chinese education, that segregation by sexes was once practiced since there are only two private Chinese in the earlier historical stage of single-sex girls’ schools in the country, one in Kuala 5 school to avoid free association between Lumpur and one in Penang.13 The Chinese sexes both in the mission’s girl school and education supporters in the Kuala Lumpur the Chinese girl school. They, however, area will be deprived of choice if KCGHS argued that the reason behind the idea of a turns co-ed. An all-girl environment is thus single-sex environment has changed. Scien- a marketable value or niche of KCGHS, 10 tific evidence of single-sex education studies instead of a liability, as it is the only inde- was given to show that a graduate of an all- pendent Chinese girl school in Klang Valley. girls school has more satisfaction over her Revisiting the discourses of pro-co-ed own profession and greater self-confidence and pro-girls’ school, it is clear that both in her own sexual identity than their female sides were concerned about the learning 15 counterparts from co-ed schools (Nanyang outcome of female students. It is, however, Siang Pau, City folks 2006a). The results of worth noting that the concern for female other studies were also given to show that students by the co-ed supporters was family the single-sex education environment is centered and heterosexuality oriented while conducive to a bisexual personality, which that by the single-sex advocators was 20 will help girls and boys gain independence focused on ability, competence and confi- and confidence (Nanyang Siang Pau, KL and dence building. The so-called ‘imbalanced Selangor 2006b). It was further claimed by mind’ of a girls’ school, as labeled by the co- single-sex advocators that all-girls schools ed advocators, reflects worry that female create an environment free of sexual students could be losing femininity, and 25 discrimination and unfair competition ignoring the importance of getting engaged between sexes, which is an unwelcome in a heterosexual relationship, in an ‘imbal- result of the socialization of the sexes. It is in anced’ single-sex environment. Co-ed and such discrimination-free environments that free association between sexes were directly female students are able to learn the so- equated to gender equality. Femininity and 30 called ‘hard’ or ‘masculine’ subjects, such as heterosexuality was taken for granted and science, physics and mathematics, without socialization of sex-role was unquestioned. being laughed at by their male counterparts. No scientific evidence of comparative stud- It was also argued that, in a single-sex envi- ies was given to show that female graduates ronment, where division of labor by sex is of co-ed schools outperform or have more 35 absent, every female student has an equal confidence in one’s own sexual identity and opportunity to learn how to handle various more sensitivity over gender equality than kinds of tasks, heavy or light, easy or tough, their counterparts in girls’ schools. The independently or without the help of male survival of Chinese education thus precedes counterparts (Por 2006). reflection of what is, and how to realize, 40 In short, those against the conversion gender equality under the conversion idea, knew well that the success of a single- project. sex school depends on experimentation It is also worth noting that people of with a thorough grounding in the complexi- opposite views are divided by their differ- ties of gender differences in how girls and ent views and into different organizations, 45 boys learn. They also do not believe that ‘all not on sex. Although many members of girls learn one way and all boys learn KCOPA were against the conversion another way’. On the contrary, they cherish project, there were also many ex-pupils and celebrate the diversity among girls and supporting the co-ed plan. While 32 out of among boys. Thus, the ex-pupils that did 42 directors were males, some of the female 50 not agree with the conversion expressed directors14 in the BOD were in agreement RIAC_A_360703.fm Page 172 Saturday, January 24, 2009 1:08 PM

172 Por Heong Hong

with their male counterparts on advocating decision, regarding turning the hundred- the co-ed plan. The KCOPA and BOD are year-old girls’ school into a co-ed school. two platforms where people of different The first news about the conversion views, regardless of sex, on the conversion project was released by the BOD on 24th 5 project could mobilize support and gather September 2006 through a press conference. resources. The president of KCOPA was reported to be The dispute, as illustrated above, can be against the decision when she was inter- seen as a continuation of the contending viewed by the media a day after the news discourses between ethno nationalism and was released. 10 gender equality since the conception of In the face of the opposition from the women’s education within ethnic national ex-pupils and some commentators, the modernization during the early 20th principal promised to collect the opinions century. It brings us back to the century-old of parents before the Sponsors’ Annual question of what is the objective of Meeting (SAM) on 2007 (Nanyang Siang 15 women’s education? Which is the best Pau, KL and Selangor 2006c) and the vice arrangement for women’s education? Girls’ chairman of the BOD agreed to organize a school or mixed-sex education? It is hard to conference in order to look into the advan- say whether the co-ed idea or the all-girl tages and disadvantages of both single-sex school discourse has won the mass support, and co-ed systems before any decision was 20 but the conversion issue has again opened made (Oriental Daily, Central Malaysia up the debate of gender equality within the 2006). The poll was, however, carried out a Chinese education community. Women’s week later by the school administrator, an literacy, liberation and gender equality, ally of the BOD in this case, with the although bred within ethnic nationalistic questionnaire focused mainly on whether a 25 modernization discourse, gains its own co-ed system would bring convenience to importance after decades of development. parents who wish to send both sons and Self-strengthening, equal treatment and daughters to the same school and whether appeal for more democracy later become a homosexual problem would worry the the grounds for gender equality and the parents. The opinions of the ex-pupils and 30 women’s movement, which formed a the KCOPA members were not sought or modernization challenge from within the collected. ethno-nationalistic movement. In response to the exclusion of the ex- pupils’ opinions of the survey, the KCOPA took the initiative to collect ex-pupils’ opin- Procedural dispute 35 ions by organizing a public forum to debate If contestation is unavoidable in a commu- the advantages and disadvantages of single- nity-funded education system, what is sex schools (China Press, KL and Selangor the appropriate arrangement to settle the Today 2006). Just a day after the forum, dispute? As has been mentioned in the where the majority of the attendants 40 section on ‘contestation within moderniza- showed objection to the idea of opening the tion’, it is common that the independent doors to boys, the BOD’s chairman William Chinese school becomes the site of contesta- Cheng restated that the decision on conver- tion between different segments of the sion was agreed and passed unanimously at Chinese community, especially when it the BOD’s meeting dated 26th September 45 comes to decision-making. Other than 2006 (Nanyang Siang Pau, City folks 2006b). debating the reasons for conversion, proce- The restatement somewhat contradicted dural justice and institutional fairness were what Chen Da-Zhen, the vice chairman of also fields of contestation, as KCOPA had BOD, had said on 25th September, that the required that the BOD should be transpar- conversion decision will be made only with 50 ent and stick to democratic procedures in reference to the result of the research on making any decision, not to say such a big both single-sex and co-ed systems (Oriental RIAC_A_360703.fm Page 173 Saturday, January 24, 2009 1:08 PM

Revisiting the Kuen Cheng High School dispute 173

Daily, Central Malaysia 2006). But no claimed that discussion, participation, research had been carried out when transparency and democracy should be the William Cheng restated the 9/26 decision basis for decision making in a community on conversion. funded school. The so-called 9/26 decision again A month later, over 90% of the sponsors 5 provoked anger among the ex-pupils. One in both SAM and the ad hoc Sponsors’ Meet- of the directors, Ye Feng-Mei, who was also ing voted for conversion on 20th May 2007 third batch graduate of the KCGHS15 and (Sin Chew Daily 2007b). It was, however, ex-president of KCOPA, claimed that the 9/ claimed by Jean Lee that the ad hoc Spon- 26 decision was not legitimate as the conver- sors’ Meeting was not legitimate as she was 10 sion project was not on the agenda of the twice denied the right to attend BOD meet- meeting. According to Ye, she would have ings, on 26th December 2006 and 8th May attended the meeting if the conversion issue 2007 respectively. Some old pupils who were on the agenda (Sin Chew Daily 2006b). were examiners at the polling station Together with Ye, the KCOPA expressed claimed that the voting procedure of the ad 15 reproach that the 9/26 meeting was undem- hoc Sponsors’ Meeting was somewhat ocratic and without transparency. They abnormal as some representatives had cast claimed that KCGHS is common property of more than 20 votes (Sin Chew Daily 2007a). the Chinese community and thus should not The KCOPA later filed a suit against be in the grasp of only a few people. They the legitimacy of the SAM and the ad hoc 20 urged the DOB to listen to the old girls’ Sponsors’ Meeting on August 2007 but was opinions and be open to accepting the role turned down by the court on November of the old pupils’ association in the ranks of 2007. They brought the suit for the second Chinese education community (Sin Chew time early in 2008 and the case was still Daily 2006a). under process when this paper was 25 Due to KCOPA’s opposition, the 9/26 finished. decision, or conversion issue, was put to the Procedural justice was what the vote again in the BOD meeting on 19th KCOPA had looked for during the whole October 2006. Only four out of the 17 decision-making and negotiation process. present voted against conversion. But the The modernization discourse of the 30 BOD indicated that the decision regarding Chinese community, which takes its expres- the conversion project was not final until it sion in self-strengthening, equality and was passed in the SAM, which was then autonomy in the pre-merdeka era, and expected to be held a year later (Nanyang plurality and democracy in the post- Siang Pau 2006a). KCOPA was still not satis- independence years, provides framework 35 fied. The 10-out-of-42 representation of the where the community subgroups could old pupils in the DOB was not proportional require a similar radical reform. The radical to their strength, claimed Jean Lee, the then reform that KCOPA had demanded was president of KCOPA, which had 1600 the preservation of plurality, in this case members (Nanyang Siang Pau 2006b).16 the single-sex school, within the Chinese 40 An international conference on education community and a more transpar- women’s high school education was later ent and democratic decision making convened by the KCOPA on 29th April 2007 process. The old pupils also radically and the papers presented were compiled demanded that the voices of both the into a book.17 The value of single-sex educa- minority and majority be heard and the 45 tion and women’s education was widely status of KCOPA be equal with the BOD. discussed and reviewed. The forum and conference functioned not only as platforms Conclusion to collect opinions and learn scientific evidence but also a site for wider participa- It is modern Chinese education that gives 50 tion and discussion. The KCOPA repeatedly rise to new social stratification and class RIAC_A_360703.fm Page 174 Saturday, January 24, 2009 1:08 PM

174 Por Heong Hong

differences in the Chinese community. As progressive ideas of single-sex education, products of Chinese education and the which is different from what the ethno ethno nationalistic modernization project, nationalists had promoted in the early 20th the old pupils of KCGHS are those middle century. 5 classes who have more time, energy and The idea of gender equality is not financial resources to spend and are likely to incompatible with ethno nationalism or compete with the old entrepreneur and modern Chinese education, but conflict will merchants, who used to be the leaders of the ceaselessly emerge if the prevailing internal Chinese school, with control over power structure is not democratized and 10 the resources of Chinese schools. It is the modernized enough to take up the new community-funded feature of the Chinese voice, new challenge and emergent new education movement that provides an insti- value. In the case of the KCGHS dispute, tutional basis for the newly emergent class, majority rule was equated with democracy such as old pupils of KCGHS, to engage in by the BOD, without taking into account the 15 the management of an independent Chinese minority’s voice and divergent views. That school. was the counter change of the BOD from However, having more time and finan- within to maintain the prevailing power cial resources to spend is not the only structure, such that the BOD could exercise feature of middle classes. As a moderniza- power and have control over the resources 20 tion product, the middle classes have more of KCGHS in the name of Chinese educa- access to scientific knowledge and a wider tion. But with pluralization as a product of vision than their elders and predecessors. modern education, the prevailing power In the sense of modernity, knowledge is structure of the Chinese education commu- power. It can challenge the prevailing nity is likely to face changes and challenges 25 social structure and political order in the from within all the time. name of a normative ideal, such as demand For those who used to label the for gender equality and democratization. Chinese education movement as ‘chauvin- Pluralization is another unexpected prod- istic’, they should learn that the Chinese uct of modernization. With pluralization, education community is not a unity 30 the Chinese community is divided not only without plurality, as pluralization has by class or income, but also along different become a pace maker for change from value judgment lines. Women’s literacy within, ever since the ethno-nationalistic and gender equality, as plurality bred movement has been sharing its expres- within an ethnic nationalistic moderniza- sion with modernization, at the beginning 35 tion discourse, unexpectedly gains its own of its inception. importance after decades of development and becomes an independent drive that leads to the formation of the plurality of Acknowledgement the Chinese community. The moderniza- This paper was presented at the Sixth Inter- 40 tion discourse of ethno nationalism, such national Malaysian Studies Conference as self-strengthening, equal treatment and (MSC6), Crown Plaza Hotel, Kuching, an appeal for more democracy, becomes Malaysia, 5–7 August, 2008. The theme of the basis for gender equality and the MSC6 was ‘Engaging Malaysian Modernity: women’s movement, forming a moderniza- 50 years and beyond’. 45 tion challenge from within the ethno- nationalistic movement. But the prevailing internal power structure of the Chinese Notes community will always function as a 1. State here is not a territorial but a political counter change force from within. The role science term, which implies a distinct set of 50 of the BOD in this case is such a force that institutions that possess the power to make the it has been passive in learning the new rules and regulations that govern the people in RIAC_A_360703.fm Page 175 Saturday, January 24, 2009 1:08 PM

Revisiting the Kuen Cheng High School dispute 175

one or more societies, having sovereignty over a 17. All papers were collected in Collections of Papers definite territory. of International Conference on Women’s High School 2. Li Hong-Zhang and Zhang Zhi-Dong were Education (2007). representative figures of reform-minded bureaucrats within the Ching court while 5 Kang You-Weiand Liang Qi-Chao were References reform-minded intellectuals from outside and Sun Yat-Sen the leader of China Press, KL and Selangor Today revolutionaries. (2006) ‘KCOPA’s Sunday forum to debate co-ed 3. The divergence between reformist and revolu- decision’ ‘ ’, tionaries is beyond the scope of this paper, for 2 October: C17. 10 further information see Colin Mackerras Collections of Papers of International Conference on (1998). Women’s High School Education (2007) Kuala 4. Merdeka is a Malay word meaning independence. Lumpur: KCOPA. 5. ‘Kuen’ means women or female; ‘Cheng’ means Du, Xue-Yuan (1995) History of Women’s successful. Education in China , Guizhou: 6. A full account of Ms Wu Xue-Hua’s contribution Guizhou jiaoyu chubanshe . 15 and participation in promoting female education Fan, Ruo Lan (2005) Immigration, Gender and could not be found but her role as a founder of Overseas Chinese Society: Studies on the Chinese KCGS was documented in Kuen Cheng (1968: Women in Malaya 1929-1941 11–12). Few studies and a lack of documentation (1929-1941), Beijing: of the early female educationists reflect the Zhongguo huachiao chubanshe gender insensitiveness and bias of scholars in . 20 related fields. Gu, Hong-Ting (2003) Education and Identity: 7. Zhai was the principal from 1960 to 1990 – the Study of Chinese High School in Malaysia, documented in Gu Hong-Ting (2003: 266). 1945–2000 8. ‘Overseas Chinese’ is a China-centered term. (1945-2000), Xiamen: Xiamen daxue The term is used here to reflect the emotional chubanshe . connection and perception of the early Kua, Kia Soong (1999) A Protean Saga: The Chinese 25 Chinese immigrants in Malaya towards China, Schools of Malaysia, 3rd edn, Kajang: which was very different from that of the Dongjiaozong Higher Learning Centre. Malay(si)a born second and third generation Kuen Cheng (1968) Sixty Years of Kuen Cheng: of Chinese descendants both before and after Souvenir Magazine of the 60th year anniversary of independence. the Kuen Cheng School 30 9. A follower of reformist Kang You-Wei. , Kuala Lumpur. 10. It is not the attempt of this paper to go into Kuen Cheng (1978) Seventy Years of Kuen Cheng: detail regarding the development of an Inde- Souvenir Magazine of the 70th Year Anniversary of pendent Chinese Secondary School and the the Kuen Cheng School differences of the systems of Chinese primary , Kuala Lumpur. and secondary schools. For a detailed account, Li, Guan-Kin (1990) The Thought of Lim Boon 35 see Tan Liok Ee (2002). And also Kua Kia Soong Keng: Convergency and Contradiction between (1999). Chinese and Western Culture : 11. Though the financiers of Chinese education , Singapore: Singapore form the wealthy class of Chinese community, Society of Asian Studies . they are divided along different party or Mackerras, Colin (1998) China in Transformation factional affiliations and ideological lines. 1900–1949, Essex: Longman. 40 12. See also The Star, Education (2006). Nanyang Siang Pau (2006a) ‘Conversion 13. It is Penang Chinese Girls’ Private High project passed in the BOD meeting’ School. ‘ ’, 20 October: A24. 14. Though the senior high school section of Kuen Nanyang Siang Pau (2006b) ‘Jean Lee protests’ Cheng was established in 1940, it was forced ‘ ’, 20 October: A24. to close down during the Japanese occupation Nanyang Siang Pau (2006c) ‘KCGHS could be recruit- 45 and reopened in 1955. As a third batch ing male students: for inter-sex learning’ graduate, Ye left Kuen Cheng High School in ‘, 1959. ’, 25 September: A8. 15. There were in total ten female directors, all old Nanyang Siang Pau, City folks pupils of KCGHS, in the BOD. (2006a) ‘Ex-pupils against conversion’ 50 16. Jean Lee was the then President of KCOPA. ‘ ’, 9 October: B2. RIAC_A_360703.fm Page 176 Saturday, January 24, 2009 1:08 PM

176 Por Heong Hong

Nanyang Siang Pau, City folks (2006b) ‘William Yen, Ching-Hwang (2002) The Ethnic Chinese in Cheng: Kuen Cheng to go co-ed, the motion East and Southeast Asia: Business, Culture passed by the BOD’ ‘ and Politics, Singapore: Times Academic ’, 10 October: B2. Press. Nanyang Siang Pau, KL and Selangor Zhang, Bi Fang (2006) ‘Culture issue is more 5 (2006a) ‘Ex-pupils against co-ed’ important than gender issue’ ‘ ‘ ’, 26 September: B3. ’, Sinchew Daily, Happy Family , Nanyang Siang Pau, KL and Selangor (2006b) ‘KCOPA 14 October: 5. forum: majority against co-ed’ Zheng, Liang Shu (1997) ‘Early women’s ‘, ’,education in the Chinese society of Singapore 10 9 October: 39A. and Malaya’ ‘ ’, Journal Nanyang Siang Pau, KL and Selangor (2006c) ‘Wei Rui of Malaysian Chinese Studies Yu: parent’s opinion will be surveyed next year’ 1 (August): 47–58. ‘, ’, 26 Zheng, Liang Shu (1998) History of Malaysia Chinese September: B3. Education Development (Part 1) Nanyang Siang Pau, KL and Selangor (2006d) ‘Yap Sin , Kuala Lumpur: 15 Tian: KCGHS recruiting male students is a right United Chinese School Teachers’ Association of move as co-ed is the trend of education’ Malaysia . ‘ ’, 26 September: B3. Oriental Daily, Central Malaysia Special terms (2006) ‘BOD: opinions on co-ed will be ban free association between sexes 20 searched’ ‘ ’, 26 September: A22. Por, Heong Hong (2006) ‘Is conversion of Chen Da-Zhen KCGHS a war between sexes?’ Cheng ‘ ?’, Oriental Daily, 9 October: China Press A4. 25 Chinese education Sin Chew Daily (2006a) ‘BOD decision not Chinese education community transparent, unanimity of decision not true’ ‘ Hu Xue-Fen ’, 11 October: 4. Kang You-Wei Sin Chew Daily (2006b) ‘Boys enrollment decision not Kuen 30 transparent’ ‘ Li Hong-Zhang ’, 10 October: 9. Liang Qi-Chao Sin Chew Daily (2006c) ‘KCGHS is raising fund for Lim Boon Keng development’ ‘ ’, 24 Nanyang Siang Pau September: 12. Sin Chew Daily (2007a) ‘21 Sponsors urge the BOD to Nüzi shifan xuetang and nüzi xiaoxue 35 hold another temporary Sponsor’s Meeting’ zhangcheng ‘, Oriental Daily ’, 23 May: 24. plurality and diversity of the independent Sin Chew Daily (2007b) ‘Kuen Cheng’s conversion Chinese education project passed in SAM’ ‘ , Regulation of School ’, 21 May: 1. Sin Chew Daily 40 Sin Chew Daily, Metropolitan (2006) ‘Forum on KCGHS’s conversion will be Sun Yat-Sen held on 8 October’ ‘ ’, Tan Kah-Kee 30 September: 7. William Cheng Tan, Liok Ee (2002) ‘Baggage from the past, eyes on woman of no talent was woman of virtue the future: Chinese education in Malaysia 45 today’. In Leo Suryadinata (ed.) Ethnic Chinese Wu Xue-Hua in Singapore and Malaysia: A Dialogue between Tradition and Modernity, Singapore: Times Zhai Zhao-Xun Academic Press, 155–171. Zhang Bai-Xi The Star, Education (2006) ‘Big change in Kuen Zhang Zhi-Dong 50 Cheng’, 15 October: 4. Zhong Zhuo-Jin RIAC_A_360703.fm Page 177 Saturday, January 24, 2009 1:08 PM

Revisiting the Kuen Cheng High School dispute 177

Author’s biography analysis, Malaysian healthcare politics and gender politics. She has also been active in movements for Heong-Hong Por grew up in Malaysia and received media independence, gender equality and social her Masters degree from the Institute of Health and democratization. Her bilingual background allows Welfare Policy, National Yang Ming University of her to look into the specificity of the Chinese Taiwan. She then moved back to Malaysia and speaking community and situate it into a wider 5 joined the Media Studies Department at the New mixed-ethnic/lingual background of Malaysian Era College, a product of the Chinese education context. movement in Malaysia, in Kajang Town, 2002. She is now a lecturer and researcher at the Malaysian Center for Ethnic Studies of New Era. With her Contact address: New Era College, Lot 5, Seksyen multi-disciplinary concern, Por has written a 10, Jalan Bukit, 43000 Kajang, Selangor Darul Ehsan, 10 number of papers, including media message Malaysia.