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Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies Volume 11 Article 5 January 1998 Hinduism in the Indian Diaspora in Trinidad Marion O'Callaghan Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/jhcs Part of the Religion Commons Recommended Citation O'Callaghan, Marion (1998) "Hinduism in the Indian Diaspora in Trinidad," Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies: Vol. 11, Article 5. Available at: https://doi.org/10.7825/2164-6279.1178 The Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies is a publication of the Society for Hindu-Christian Studies. The digital version is made available by Digital Commons @ Butler University. For questions about the Journal or the Society, please contact [email protected]. For more information about Digital Commons @ Butler University, please contact [email protected]. T O'Callaghan: Hinduism in the Indian Diaspora in Trinidad Hinduism in the Indian Diaspora in Trinidad Marion O'Callaghan Trinidad THE IMPORTATION OF Indian however a number of factors intervened indentured labour into Trinidad covers the affecting equality between Hinduism and period 1845 to 1917. Christianity, and affecting the nature of Trinidad had, in the century before Hinduism. Indian indentured labour, changed from a On the introduction of indentureship, it peasant society to a plantation economy was established that while an Indian based on sugar, from a country of few Christian marriage would follow the norm, settlers or slaves toa society with settlers i.e. that the duty of registration would be on drawn principally from French settlers and the priest or pastor performing the with a slave population drawn directly from ceremony, non-Christian marriages would be Africa or from other Caribbean islands. It valid only if registered by the Protector of had changed colonial hands from Spain to Immigrants or directly with the State Britain. registry. This meant that marriages Indian migration was rarely family according to Hindu or Muslim rites were not migration, with females reaching the legally valid and that the offspring of such proportion of 40/100 only after 1868. marriages were illegitimate. The transfer of Recruitment was first from Madras. This property and inheritance were also affected turned out to be unsuccessful. Recruitment while to "marry under the bamboo" often was then mainly from the United Provinces carried a social stigma. - about 50.7%, but also from Bengal, No cremation sites were at first Orissa, Oudh, Bihar, Nepal, the Punjab. 1 available. A crematorium was only Permanent settlement turned out to be established in Trinidad (Port of Spain) in the more attractive to Indian immigrants than early 80s, while cremation by pyre was not repatriation. qf the 143,939 introduced into permitted until the mid 50s. TriIlidad over the period 1838-1917, only In addition to these obvious deficiencies 29,448 returned. By 1918 Indians were the structure of the working week as well as approximately 34 % of the population, rising . official holidays followed Christian custom. to approximately 40% by 1990. The Indians This in turn affected the organization of were not all Hindu. 10.3 % of all Catholics Hindu community celebrations. It also are Indian. In some areas Indian Pente-' indirectly affected marriage dates: choosing costals, who settled in these areas only from an auspicious day for marriage was not only the end of the 1970s, are now the major a question of astrology but also of the Christian denomination, displacing practical business of weekends. Presbyterians and forming the second largest Hindus were affected in a more general group (slightly below Africans) within and pervasive manner by their designation as Pentecostalism. "pagans". The word implied not only a multiplicity of deities but also meant Religious Discrimination "uncivilized". It is not surprising therefore Indians were in principle permitted the free that the push of Hinduism has been to exercise of their religion. In practice counter . the charge of paganism and to Hindu-Christian Studies Bulletin 11 (1998) 2-10 Published by Digital Commons @ Butler University, 1998 1 1 I, Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies, Vol. 11 [1998], Art. 5 Hinduism in the Indian DiaspDra in Trinidad 3 establish nDt Dnly the parity but increasingly Caste as a hierarchical DrganizatiDn Df the superiDrity Df Hinduism. clDsed DccupatiDnal groups was impDssible under plantatiDn cDnditiDns. Caste At the end Df indentureship, the The questiDn Df caste and its retentiDn Dr distributiDn Df land was at the will Df the nDn-retentiDn amDng the Indian DiaspDra authDrities and did nDt take into. and in particular within Trinidad has been a cDnsideratiDn the caste distributiDn. Villages I: matter Df debate and Df sharply DppDsing were never tDtally iSDlated but cDntinually views amDng schDlars, particularly given the exchanged gDDds and services with the wider impDrtance Df caste fDr Hinduism in India. cDmmunity. GeDgraphical, mDbility The prDblem is cDmplicated by the lack undermined caste restrictiDns, while the Df precise data as to' the caste appurtenance main avenue Df sDcial mDbility, educatiDn, Df thDse Indians who. did arrive. while it was selective, was nDt selective The figures given by the ProtectDr Df accDrding to' caste criteria. Immigrants fDr Trinidad (1877-1918) are: No. caste DrganizatiDn exists. There is the Artisan caste 7 %, the Agricultural castes therefDre no. way Df enfDrcing caste 30%, Muslims (who. are considered slightly DbligatiDns including in the area Df meat IDwer) 14% and LDW Castes (slightly IDwer aVDidance Dr Df pDllutiDn.5 Vegetarianism again) 35 %. 2 Brahmins make up 13 % Df is mDre likely to' signal DrthDdDxy than the tDtal. caste. AlcDhDI aVDidance is mDre rare. Krishna Haracksingh basing himself Dn LibatiDns Df alcDhDI are sDmetimes made a study dDne in Fiji argues that caste althDugh, like animal sacrifice, increasingly representatiDn in the indentured pDpulatiDn frDwned upDn, and Hindus have been knDwn was rDughly the same as in India. It was to. keep rum ShDPS, particularly in Indian therefDre a "slice Df life transpDrted.,,3 villages. NDn.;.Indians have Dften cDuntered with Caste can be assumed Dr can be the argument that high castes were nDt awarded. It was pDssible fDr a higher caste amDng the indentured labDurers since ~ to' be assumed Dn emigratiDn. That it was crossing the "Kali-pani" - the Dark Waters dDne .is suggested by the terms used in - wDuld have been cDnsidered pDllutiDn. Guyana: "Ship Brahmin" and "Ship The broad Varna Castes were represent­ Kshatruya".6 The term "Ship Brahmin" has ed as well as SDme tribals Dutside Df the its equivalent in Trinidad: "Red HDuse Varna categDries. HDwever,jati Dr sub-caste Brahmin" indicating that the changing Df representatiDn was unequal and in SDme caste membership Dccurs. Caste within the cases nDn-existent. MDreDver in the,case Df Hindu cDmmunity is mDst Dperative with female immigratiDn there was a larger regard to' ritual. prDpDrtiDn Df IDwer castes.4 Caste and The insistence Df the cDIDnial particularly jati (sub-caste) endDgamy was gDvernment that permissiDn fDr the Pundit to' impDssible. While caste (Varna) endDgamy act as the marriage Dfficer as was dDne in CDuid be partly kept where marriages were Dther religiDns cDuld Dnly be accDrded if arranged, this is difficult where marriages Hindus spDke with Dne vDice, favDured no. IDnger are. Arranged marriages are tDday' centralized administratiDn and a quasi-clergy rare amDng middle class Hindus Dr Hindus similar to' the DrganizatiDn Df Christian,,? in urban areas. While parents in rural areas churches. The Pundit as Brahmin was still attempt to' arrange marriages, the TV, therefDre strengthened and had as its ease Df transpDrt, the decline Df the rural cDrDllary the decline Df nDn-Brahmin ritual areas have served to' weaken parental specialists. With Pundits being the majDr. authDrity particularly in the area Df marital ritual specialists thrDughDut Trinidad chDice. Hinduism, Brahminical Hinduism became https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/jhcs/vol11/iss1/5 DOI: 10.7825/2164-6279.1178 2 O'Callaghan: Hinduism in the Indian Diaspora in Trinidad 4 Marion O'Callaghan "practically the only form of Hinduism. often still are) regarded as "mlecchas" However even the Pundit as Brahmin or impure and certainly not a part of . continues to be a subject of dispute in their own religious identity. 10 particular between the Sanatan Dharma This accords with the situation in Maha Saba and emerging sects or competing Trinidad except that upper-caste Hinduism is Hindu leaders. no longer caste defined, but increasingly Outside of ritual, caste and quasi-caste defines official Hinduism.. This process relationships are created as part of the accelerates as the saliency of caste even as a legitimation of social, economic, or political vague clustering of status within the Hindu status. Important leaders may be designated community disintegrates, and as Brahminism as Brahmins and can not only expect the is restricted to a ritual role. "Official" deference due to Brahmins but are Hinduism has, however, not succeeded in incorporated into Guru-Chela client eliminating "unofficial Hinduism" whether relationships. These relationships include in forms of devotion, sacrifice, or assistance particularly in time of need with pilgrimage. This unofficial Hinduism the requirement of loyalty. But designation maintains forms of Shramanic Hinduism and is also of Sudras as an indication of low establishes linkages with the Shouter Baptists 7 social status rather than descent.

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