20170516-Travel-Advisory-Iranian

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

20170516-Travel-Advisory-Iranian LATEST TRAVEL ADVISORY POLITICAL RISK TRAVEL ADVISORY • 16 MAY 2017 Iranian Presidential Election KEY POINTS • On May 19th, Iran is due to hold elections to choose the next President of the Islamic Republic of Iran. • In the past, the presidential elections have been strongly contested between moderate and hardline politicians. • The presidential election is likely to showcase Iranian sentiments towards the United States, following the 2015 nuclear deal. SITUATIONAL SUMMARY Political: On 19 May, Iranian citizens will vote throughout the country for a new president. Presidential elections occur every four years, and in 2013 Hassan Rouhani won in a landslide victory. On 20 April 2016, six presidential candidates were chosen by Iran’s clerical watchdog, the Guardian Council, to run in the election. Former hardline President Ahmadinejad, in power from 2005 to 2013, was barred from running. This was seen as a personal snub from Khamenei, who had previously criticized Ahmadinejad for running again. It is widely believed that current President Rouhani will win a second term in office. Rouhani’s main opponent is thought to be the conservative cleric and politician Ebrahim Raisi, who has been endorsed by Khamenei. Key issues in the ensuing presidential debates are likely to focus on the role of Iran in the Middle East, the Iran-US relationship, and Iran’s nuclear program. Contact: +44 ( 0 ) 1202 795 801 SOLACEGLOBAL.COM 1 of 3 POLITICAL RISK TRAVEL ADVISORY • 16 MAY 2017 SOLACE GLOBAL COMMENT Politics in Iran is heavily directed by religion. Although the president is elected as the country’s senior politician, their power is severely curbed by the Religious Council and the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei. The main role of the president primarily encompasses domestic policies and legislation. Foreign policy, economics, and military affairs are governed by the Religious Council, the Supreme Leader and the Revolutionary Guard. However, the president can influence such policies to an extent, especially if they are adept at dealing with the religious authorities. Indeed, the relationship between the Supreme Leader and the President can be heavily influential in Iranian policy making. The leading candidate in the forthcoming election is incumbent President Hassan Rouhani. Rouhani is a moderate candidate, who previously ran on a reformist platform. During his time in office, Rouhani has attempted to facilitate greater political and social freedom in Iran, while also pushing for better relationships with the West. Rouhani has in the past been backed by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei, most recently in September 2016. However, the Ayatollah has since dropped his support for Rouhani in favour of Ebrahim Raisi. Rouhani is thought to have a majority in terms of the popular vote. Rouhani’s main opposition comes from the senior cleric Ebrahim Raisi. Raisi is the leading hardline candidate, and is very close to Ayatollah Khamenei. Indeed, it is believed that Raisi is the preferred successor to Khamenei. As such, Raisi appeals to the religious authorities in Iran, and is likely to gain the vote of religious conservatives and hardliners in Iran. Multiple clerical groups have pledged support to Raisi; on 01 May 2017, the influential Jame Modarresin seminary group from Qom chose Raisi as their favoured candidate. There are four more presidential candidates: Iran’s former Vice President Eshaq Jahangiri, former conservative culture minister Mostafa Mirsalim, former pro-reform Vice President Mostafa Hashemitaba, and Mayor of Tehran Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf. On 15 May 2017, Bagher Qalibaf withdrew his candidacy. These candidates seem not to have the popular or religious support needed to launch an effective enough campaign to dislodge Rouhani. This being said, Eshaq Jahangiri has gained popularity due to good performances in the televised debates. Jahangari was seen as a placeholder candidate, aiming to supplement the reformist candidacy of Rouhani. His successes indicate the public discontent towards Rouhani. There are several key areas of political debate which are likely to define the upcoming presidential election. The first is the state of the Iranian economy. President Rouhani has been criticised by both Khamenei and Raisi over Iran’s economic performance. Although the country has been making economic gains, these have been slower than predicted. In addition, Iran has a problem with unemployment. Estimates suggest that 3.2 million Iranians are jobless, out of a population of 80 million. Ebrahim Raisi has pledged to create six million jobs over four years, although this seems unrealistic as the yearly record for job creation is only six hundred thousand. Another area of debate is over social freedoms. Rouhani has recently criticised judicial and security forces for invasions of the publics rights and privacy. This seems likely to win Rouhani popular support. Possibly the largest issue of political contention is over Iran’s relationship with the West. President Rouhani seems keen to continue his diplomatic negotiations with the United States and other Western states. Indeed, the 2015 nuclear deal, which resulted in the lifting of sanction on Iran, has been heralded as Rouhani’s greatest victory. However, this deal needed the consent of Ayatollah Khamenei, who only gave it very reluctantly. The slow progress achieved since this deal may mean the Supreme Leader reneges on his consent, preferring a more traditionally isolationist approach. In contrast to Rouhani, Raisi is far more cautious of Iran-US negotiations. Raisi has indicated that further diplomacy between the two could be viewed as Iranian capitulation. This is more in line with the thinking of the religious establishment and Ayatollah Khamenei. It is believed that there is widespread disappointment with the 2015 nuclear deal and Rouhani. This is because ordinary Iranians, who make up Rouhani’s support base, have yet to feel any significant positive impacts from the deal. This will be used to advance the prospects of Raisi. In the lead up to the presidential election, there has been widespread controversy over the initial banning of live TV debates. This was reportedly done to reduce the risk of candidates stoking up their supporters. Due to the public outrage, this decision was reversed, and on 28 April the first live TV debate occurred. The outcome of the debate seemed to be a political stalemate, with Rouhani being heavily criticised over the lack of reforms following the 2015 Nuclear deal. There has been no clear winner of the debate. The final TV debate occurred on 12 May 2017; this resulted in increasingly angry exchanges between candidates, with Rouhani being targeted by most candidates. There have also been accusations that elements of Rouhani’s campaign have been Contact: +44 ( 0 ) 1202 795 801 SOLACEGLOBAL.COM 2 of 3 POLITICAL RISK TRAVEL ADVISORY • 16 MAY 2017 censored by the state media; On 6 May 2017, a campaign video for Rouhani was only aired after the broadcasters cut out elements deemed politically insensitive. One major element of the upcoming presidential election is how it will affect Iran’s relationship with the US. President Rouhani has already shown that he is willing to negotiate with the US. These attempts are likely to continue should he be re-elected. However, increasing US hostility from the Trump White House may force Rouhani to take a more hardline approach to such negotiations. In addition, conservative candidates such as Ebrahim Raisi may stop such negotiations altogether, preferring instead to continue Iran’s nuclear program. These political developments are as much dependent on US policy, as they are on the outcome of the upcoming election. A second major issue in the Iranian presidential election will be Iran’s role as a regional power in the Middle East. While Iranian foreign policy is primarily determined by the Supreme Leader and the Religious Council, the President does have some influence in Iranian international affairs. Iran is currently involved in three regional conflicts: Iraq, Syria, and Yemen. In Iraq and Syria, Iran is a major combatant, fielding the Revolutionary Guards and training Shiite militias. Indeed, the President of Iran will be responsible for continuing friendly relationships with the heads of state in Iraq and Syria. In Yemen, Iran funds the Shiite Houthi militias, in an overt display of competition with Saudi Arabia. This presidential election is likely to give some indication of how Iranian authorities seek to proceed with the Yemen campaign and engage with the region as a whole. There is a fear over serious civil unrest in the lead up to, and aftermath of, the election, similar to those seen in relation to the 2009 election of President Ahmadinejad. This resulted in severe repressions from Iranian security services. There has also already been a marked increase in security presence in Tehran. This was shown following the barring of former President Ahmadinejad from running in this election. Police in Tehran blocked the street outside Ahmadinejad’s house, in order to stop his supporters from gathering outside. This police and security presence will only increase in the lead up to the vote. SECURITY ADVICE MODERATE POLITICAL RISK Travellers are advised of the threat of potential unrest before and after the election on 19 May. While there are no specific threats of unrest, protests and localised political violence is very possible. Travellers should make all sensible efforts to avoid large public gatherings and maintain situational awareness. Routes should be planned to avoid large open areas near key government buildings as these are particularly likely to attract crowds and protests. While crowds and protests may initially seem peaceful, they have the potential to turn violent. Due to the potential for unrest, there is likely to be a heightened police and military presence in main cities in Iran. This may lead to some travel disruption. Travellers are also advised of the potential for terror attacks during this period also.
Recommended publications
  • The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’S Revolutionary Guard
    The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’s Revolutionary Guard SAEID GOLKAR AUGUST 2021 KASRA AARABI Contents Executive Summary 4 The Raisi Administration, the IRGC and the Creation of a New Islamic Government 6 The IRGC as the Foundation of Raisi’s Islamic Government The Clergy and the Guard: An Inseparable Bond 16 No Coup in Sight Upholding Clerical Superiority and Preserving Religious Legitimacy The Importance of Understanding the Guard 21 Shortcomings of Existing Approaches to the IRGC A New Model for Understanding the IRGC’s Intra-elite Factionalism 25 The Economic Vertex The Political Vertex The Security-Intelligence Vertex Charting IRGC Commanders’ Positions on the New Model Shades of Islamism: The Ideological Spectrum in the IRGC Conclusion 32 About the Authors 33 Saeid Golkar Kasra Aarabi Endnotes 34 4 The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi Executive Summary “The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps [IRGC] has excelled in every field it has entered both internationally and domestically, including security, defence, service provision and construction,” declared Ayatollah Ebrahim Raisi, then chief justice of Iran, in a speech to IRGC commanders on 17 March 2021.1 Four months on, Raisi, who assumes Iran’s presidency on 5 August after the country’s June 2021 election, has set his eyes on further empowering the IRGC with key ministerial and bureaucratic positions likely to be awarded to guardsmen under his new government. There is a clear reason for this ambition. Expanding the power of the IRGC serves the interests of both Raisi and his 82-year-old mentor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic.
    [Show full text]
  • Blood-Soaked Secrets Why Iran’S 1988 Prison Massacres Are Ongoing Crimes Against Humanity
    BLOOD-SOAKED SECRETS WHY IRAN’S 1988 PRISON MASSACRES ARE ONGOING CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2017 Cover photo: Collage of some of the victims of the mass prisoner killings of 1988 in Iran. Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons © Amnesty International (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2017 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 13/9421/2018 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS GLOSSARY 7 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 METHODOLOGY 18 2.1 FRAMEWORK AND SCOPE 18 2.2 RESEARCH METHODS 18 2.2.1 TESTIMONIES 20 2.2.2 DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE 22 2.2.3 AUDIOVISUAL EVIDENCE 23 2.2.4 COMMUNICATION WITH IRANIAN AUTHORITIES 24 2.3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 25 BACKGROUND 26 3.1 PRE-REVOLUTION REPRESSION 26 3.2 POST-REVOLUTION REPRESSION 27 3.3 IRAN-IRAQ WAR 33 3.4 POLITICAL OPPOSITION GROUPS 33 3.4.1 PEOPLE’S MOJAHEDIN ORGANIZATION OF IRAN 33 3.4.2 FADAIYAN 34 3.4.3 TUDEH PARTY 35 3.4.4 KURDISH DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF IRAN 35 3.4.5 KOMALA 35 3.4.6 OTHER GROUPS 36 4.
    [Show full text]
  • Rouhani: Delivering Human Rights After the Election
    Rouhani: Delivering Human Rights June 2017 After the Election Iranian President’s Pathway to Fulfill His Promises Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI) New York Headquarters: Tel: +1 347-689-7782 www.iranhumanrights.org Rouhani: Delivering Human Rights After the Election Copyright © Center for Human Rights in Iran Rouhani: Delivering Human Rights After the Election Rouhani’s pathway to fulfill his promises: Utilize his power, negotiate the system, hold rights violators responsible, engage and empower civil society June 2017 The re-election of President Hassan Rouhani on May 19, 2017 was due in large part to the perception by the Iranian citizenry that his government would do more to improve human rights in Iran than his rivals—an outcome clearly desired by a majority of voters. During Rouhani’s campaign rallies, not only did he make explicit references to issues of political and social freedom and promises to uphold such freedoms in his second term, his supporters also repeatedly made clear their demands for improvements in human rights. Despite Iran’s tradition of giving the incumbent a second term, Rouhani’s re-election was uncertain. Many Iranians struggling with high unemployment and other economic problems did not see any improvement in their daily lives from Rouhani’s signature achievement—the nuclear deal and easing of interna- tional sanctions. Yet even though the other candidates offered subsidies and populist proposals, and Rouhani’s economic proposals were modest, he won by a large margin—far greater than his win in 2013. In addition to his rejec- tion of populist economics, Rouhani was the only candidate that talked about human rights—and the more he focused on this issue, the more his support coalesced and strengthened.
    [Show full text]
  • Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
    MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion.
    [Show full text]
  • INSS Insight No. 1482, June 6, 2021 from Election to Selection: Iran's Path to a New President
    INSS Insight No. 1482, June 6, 2021 From Election to Selection: Iran's Path to a New President Raz Zimmt The decision by Iran’s Guardian Council to disqualify the vast majority of the candidates in the coming presidential elections, including former speaker of the Majlis Ali Larijani, and Eshaq Jahangiri, First Vice-President under President Rouhani, in effect leaves the hardline cleric Ebrahim Raisi as the only candidate with real chances of winning the elections. This decision is another reflection of the regime's efforts to strengthen the conservative hegemony in the political elite, especially in advance of the struggle over the succession of Iran's leadership. The regime's blatant intervention in the election process indicates that it is determined to maintain conservative control of power centers even at the cost of further undermining public confidence, and that it estimates that it is capable of suppressing any possible protest. On May 25, 2021, following the screening of all the presidential candidates, Iran’s Guardian Council announced it had approved seven final candidates, out of the 592 candidates (including 40 women) who registered for the elections scheduled for June 18. That the vast majority of the candidates were disqualified came as no surprise. Since the beginning of the 1980s, only a few candidates have passed the screening process under the 12-member Guardian Council, half of whom are clerics appointed by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, and half of whom are jurists appointed by the Judiciary Chief and approved by the Majlis. This time too, it was expected that the Council would disqualify any candidate it saw as someone who might undermine conservative hegemony in Iranian politics.
    [Show full text]
  • La Elección De Hassan Rouhani En 2013 Y El Desarrollo De La Política Interna
    El Colegio de México Centro de Estudios de Asia y África FACCIONALISMO POLÍTICO EN IRÁN: LA ELECCIÓN DE HASSAN ROUHANI EN 2013 Y EL DESARROLLO DE LA POLÍTICA INTERNA Tesis presentada por DOLORES PATRICIA MARÍN DÍAZ para optar al grado de MAESTRÍA EN ESTUDIOS DE ASIA Y ÁFRICA ESPECIALIDAD: MEDIO ORIENTE DIRECTOR: DR. LUIS MESA DELMONTE Ciudad de México, 2017 Agradecimientos En primer lugar, quisiera agradecer a mi familia, a mis padres Catalina y Patricio, que me han apoyado en cada una de las decisiones que he tomado en la vida, sin que el hecho de estudiar una maestría en la Ciudad de México fuera una excepción. Gracias por su apoyo incondicional y por las incontables muestras de cariño a lo largo de este proceso y de todos los que tuvieron que ocurrir antes para poder llegar hasta aquí. Gracias también a Guille y Diana, que son elementos primordiales de esta familia y que me han apoyado en todo momento. Al profesor Luis Mesa, no sólo por haber dirigido este trabajo de investigación, sino por el interés y esfuerzo que puso como asesor y como maestro y por la pasión contagiosa con la que impregna cada una de sus clases. A él, toda mi admiración y cariño. A los profesores del CEAA, que contribuyeron a mi formación compartiendo sus conocimientos, especialmente al profesor Khalid Chami, quien nos mostró la diversidad de facetas del (los) mundo(s) árabe(s) a las que uno puede tener acceso a través de la lengua; y cuyas enseñanzas trascienden el salón de clases. A mis lectores, la profesora Marcela Álvarez y el profesor Moisés Garduño, por haberse tomado el tiempo para leer y comentar la investigación, y por haber compartido sus conocimientos a lo largo de este camino.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections in Iran 2017 Presidential and Municipal Elections
    Elections in Iran 2017 Presidential and Municipal Elections Frequently Asked Questions Middle East and North Africa International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org May 15, 2017 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who will Iranians elect on May 19? .............................................................................................................. 1 What is the Guardian Council, and what is its mandate in Iran’s electoral process? ................................... 1 What is the Central Executive Election Board? What is its mandate? ......................................................... 2 What is the legal framework for elections in Iran? ...................................................................................... 2 What does the Law on Presidential Elections entail? ................................................................................... 3 What electoral system is used in Iran? ......................................................................................................... 3 Who is eligible to vote?................................................................................................................................. 3 Who can stand as a presidential candidate? ................................................................................................ 4 How is election
    [Show full text]
  • The Relationship Between the Supreme Leadership and Presidency and Its Impact on the Political System in Iran
    Study The Relationship Between the Supreme Leadership and Presidency and Its Impact on the Political System in Iran By Dr. Motasem Sadiqallah | Researcher at the International Institute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah) Mahmoud Hamdi Abualqasim | Researcher at the International Insti- tute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah) www.rasanah-iiis.org WWW.RASANAH-IIIS.ORG Contents Executive Summary ....................................................................................... 3 I- The Status and Role of the Supreme Leadership and the Presidency in the Iranian Political System ................................................................................. 4 II- The Problems Involving the Relationship Between the Supreme Leader and the Presidency .............................................................................................. 11 III- Applying Pressure Through Power to Dismiss the President .....................15 IV- The Implications of the Conflict Between the Supreme Leader and the Presidency on the Effectiveness of the Political System ................................. 20 V- The Future of the Relationship Between the Supreme Leader and the President ........................................................................................ 26 Conclusion .................................................................................................. 29 Disclaimer The study, including its analysis and views, solely reflects the opinions of the writers who are liable for the conclusions, statistics or mistakes contained therein
    [Show full text]
  • Leadership Divided? Nima Gerami
    The Domestic Politics of Iran’s Nuclear Debate LEADERSHIP DIVIDED? NIMA GERAMI LEADERSHIP DIVIDED? The Domestic Politics of Iran’s Nuclear Debate NIMA GERAMI The Washington Institute for Near East Policy www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 134 | February 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Tehran newspaper headlines following signing of the Joint Plan of Action in Geneva. Design: 1000 Colors Contents Acknowledgments | v Executive Summary | vii 1. Introduction | 1 2. Limits on Iran’s Nuclear Debate: Secrecy and Self-Censorship | 3 3. Contextualizing Nuclear Decisionmaking: The Key Stakeholders | 9 4. The Political Landscape: Elite Factionalism and the Nuclear Debate | 19 5. Critical Junctures: Internal Divisions and Nuclear Policy Shifts | 31 6. Conclusion: Lessons Learned | 40 About the Author | 42 Figures Fig 1. Overview of Nuclear Decisionmaking in Iran | 11 Table 1. Formal Members of the Supreme National Security Council | 12 Acknowledgments I would like to express my gratitude to the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, particularly Patrick Clawson, Michael Eisenstadt, and Mehdi Khalaji, for their encouragement, insights, and support during the preparation of this study.
    [Show full text]
  • Middle East, North Africa
    MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA Iran: Conflicting Assessment of China Talks OE Watch Commentary: Iran’s new “strategic partnership” agreement with China made international headlines last July but, in the months since, negotiations have been mired in the details. The negotiations began during the administration of Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005-2013) but, as implied in the excerpt of this article from Donya-e Eghtesad, perhaps Iran’s top financial newspaper, may outlast his successor Hassan Rouhani, whose second term will end in 2021. That Donya-e Eghtesad highlights the divergence between Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif and his deputy for economic affairs reaffirms the pattern in which Iran’s financial papers dryly skewer the Iranian government’s official positions without comment by juxtaposing inconsistencies. While the excerpt suggests a lack of consensus on drafts that must be worked through before anything can be finalized, the article also suggests that the threat of U.S. sanctions has also Iran President Hassan Rouhani and Chinese President Xi Jinping sign cooperation agreements in Beijing, 11 June 2018. slowed China’s willingness to deal with Iran. This in turn suggests Source: Islamic Republic News Agency, https://img9.irna.ir/d/r2/2020/07/16/3/157216967.jpg that while Tehran highlights its partnership with China as a means to counter the United States, the view from Beijing is more nuanced and appears to prioritize economic opportunity above strategic factors. End OE Watch Commentary (Rubin) “The only thing that can be done now is to wait.” Source: “Mozakirat-e Iran-Chin Motavaqaf Nashodeh Ast (Iran-China Talks Have Not Stopped),” Donya-e Eghtesad, 5 November 2020.
    [Show full text]
  • Middle East, North Africa
    MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA Iran: Sanctions Don’t Impact Military Spending OE Watch Commentary: It is not often that senior Iranian military leaders sit down with the Western press but on 24 February, Hossein Dehghan did just that with the Financial Times from his office in Tehran. Dehghan is a former Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) air force officer whom President Hassan Rouhani appointed to lead the ministry of defense in his first cabinet. He currently serves as an advisor to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. The Iranian press widely covered the interview in which Dehghan emphasized that the Iranian military budget had continued to grow despite US sanctions, as reported in the excerpted passage from Mehr News. His statement, which seems to telegraph to the West that US sanctions will not achieve their aims, seems at cross purposes with Iran’s other frequent information operations theme, that sanctions have undercut the health of Iranians because Hossein Dehghan sits for an interview, with a portrait of the late Qassem Soleimani in the background. Source: https://media.mehrnews.com/d/2020/02/24/3/3393218.jpg of their inability to purchase necessary medicines. After all, if Iran has several extra billion dollars with which to fund the IRGC and other military organizations, that money might easily be utilized to purchase humanitarian goods through the Swiss humanitarian channel. Iran’s increased military budget raises questions about what the Iranian military hopes to do with its enhanced budget. Dehghan did insist that Iran would neither reconsider its support to Hezbollah and other regional proxies nor would it stop work on its ballistic missile programs.
    [Show full text]
  • Country Report Iran May 2017
    _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Country Report Iran Generated on November 13th 2017 Economist Intelligence Unit 20 Cabot Square London E14 4QW United Kingdom _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For 60 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The Economist Intelligence Unit delivers its information in four ways: through its digital portfolio, where the latest analysis is updated daily; through printed subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through research reports; and by organising seminars and presentations. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 20 Cabot Square The Economist Group London 750 Third Avenue E14 4QW 5th Floor United Kingdom New York, NY 10017, US Tel: +44 (0) 20 7576 8181 Tel: +1 212 541 0500 Fax: +44 (0) 20 7576 8476 Fax: +1 212 586 0248 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Hong Kong Geneva The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 1301 Cityplaza Four Rue de l’Athénée 32 12 Taikoo Wan Road 1206 Geneva Taikoo Shing Switzerland Hong Kong Tel: +852 2585 3888 Tel: +41 22 566 24 70 Fax: +852 2802 7638 Fax: +41 22 346 93 47 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] This report can be accessed electronically as soon as it is published by visiting store.eiu.com or by contacting a local sales representative.
    [Show full text]