Changing Gender Roles Among the Bribri and Boruca Women of Costa Rica

113 Cuadernos de Antropología No.19, 113-122, 2009

BETWEEN TRADITION AND MODERNITY: CHANGING GENDER ROLES AMONG THE BRIBRI AND BORUCA WOMEN OF COSTA RICA

Daisy Stevens Rojas *

ABSTRACT

This work discusses the changing social roles of women from the Bribri and Boruca indigenous people located in the Central Valley region of Costa Rica. Ethnographic data collected over several years from women who have left indigenous villages as well as those who have remained reveals how roles, relationships and representation among the groups have been affected. Keywords: Indigenous women, Bribri, Boruca, Costa Rica.

RESUMEN

Este trabajo discute los roles sociales cambiantes de las mujeres en las co- munidades indígenas Bribri y Boruca localizadas en la región del Valle Central de Costa Rica. Los datos etnográficos recolectados a través de los años a partir de mujeres que han dejado aldeas indígenas, así como de las que han permanecido en las mismas, revela cómo los roles, las relaciones y la representación entre estos grupos se han visto afectadas. Palabras claves: Mujeres indígenas, Bribri, Boruca, Costa Rica.

* Daisy Stevens Rojas. Estadounidense. Bachelor of Arts, Departments of Anthropology and Latin American Studies, University of Virginia. Correo electronico: [email protected] 114 Cuadernos de Antropología

Introduction zzoli, 1975). We must recognize that outside categorization does not often match Living among the Bribri and Boruca what people think of themselves. In my indigenous people of Costa Rica, who live experience as an American woman raised in and around the town of Buenos Aires, in western culture, my understanding was Costa Rica, I have set forth some conclu- limited at first. “In the U.S., to be ‘indige- sions and theories regarding social orga- nous’ is to have a genealogical heritage lin- nization, women’s participation in and king offspring to a tribal group. This can contribution to indigenous life, as well as extend several generations with a descen- their changing responsibilities in the face dant never having lived on a reservation of modernity. Initially I find it necessary or in a traditionally ‘Indian way’” (Rojas, to identify what indigenous means in lo- 2008). In my own culture the definition of cal terms. First there is the issue of resi- indigenous has more to do with bloodlines dency. The identified indigenous territo- than lifestyle. This is different among the ries included in this study are the villages people who live in indigenous villages in of Boruca, Térraba, Turrialba (Boruca) the Central Valley region, for whom ‘in- and Salitre (Bribri). Another indigenous dianness’ has links to kinship organization people, the Cabécar, were not included in and the manner in which one lives. It may this study because I did not have the op- be a social category as well where upper portunity to talk with anyone from this class and city dwelling groups characte- group; but among all three groups there is rize those who live in poor rural areas as intermarriage and mutual acceptance (Bo- indigenous. Among people identified as indigenous by state categorizations and STEVENS: Between Tradition and Modernity: Changing Gender Roles among the Bribris and Boruca... 115

even by anthropologists at the Universi- duties include: meal preparation, tending ty of Costa Rica, I had difficulty meeting to their own domestic animals (men keep individuals who considered themselves theirs’ separately), gathering and storing to be indigenous. This conundrum was food staples, processing male-provided hard to overcome as an outsider to the supplements, caring for young children, communities until I came to understand educating young women, and keeping what the determinants were from the house and laundry clean. Additionally people living within them. Among these women regularly aid other women in the are: living away from others in forested community with these same tasks. And areas, relying almost entirely upon ‘natu- always, the very important task of cooking ral resources’ and limited agriculture, few continues on a raised hearth for most of modern conveniences, and kinship based the day. One midday meal which I enjoyed networks. As an outside observer from included harvested vegetables, rice and the United States, I myself relied on these some crayfish contributed by the men. kinship networks to perform observation These activities are vital to the commu- and research among my interlocutors. nity and equally important as men’s acti- Over the course of 4 years I lived with vities. Individual families help each other, and visited friends and family members men and women sharing tasks, food, and of my husband. A born native of Buenos shelter as needed. Not a barter system, Aries, he assisted in gaining me access to but certainly a system of interdependen- the intimate lives of these women which cy and mutual obligation. Kinship relatio- otherwise would not have been possible to nships are based on matrilocal residence me. Over time I was welcomed to the ho- and women tend to have ‘ownership’ over mes of eleven women with various familial the home. In one residence the ‘doña’ of relatedness from each of the mentioned the home, Rosa, cared for her elderly mo- villages. With their permission, no names ther, her husband and child, her sister and were withheld. I have tried to treat their sister’s husband (who had a disability), and generous information with discretion and her two brothers who came for frequent respect. visits (to use the words “care for” is a bit misleading and implies that the subjected Traditional Roles of Women individuals required aid without exchange. In fact the sister and elderly mother Once it had been discovered what in- did not live in the same house, but had digenous meant in local terms, I was fi- smaller residences of their own located nally able to investigate women’s roles nearby.). They participated in labor com- within the indigenous community. Daily munally with Rosa, and contributed vege- and regular activities among women in tables, housekeeping, child care and other the village are part of the way in which helpful tasks/items if available and as the their roles in the community are mani- tasks presented themselves. In contrast, fested. Not only does their labor reinforce the male family members did not perform participation and membership, it also has any ‘women’s work’ in exchange for the much to do with the continuance of the food that they received from Rosa’s kit- particular indigenous social system. These chen, but frequently they brought goods 116 Cuadernos de Antropología

from town, or items sent by their wives. ticipation in the group through communal Although the gender roles are traditionally labor activities verifies their membership completely segregated, there seems to be and justifies their representation within an equal measure of respect for each gen- the group to the same degree as does the der. I did not investigate men’s particular communal labor of men. However the activities except those which intercepted structure fails when these aspects are not with women’s, but neither group seemed in place. If members leave the village to to devalue the other or place themselves work or seek an education, they can no higher than the other. In other words, the- longer participate in communal labor and re did not seem to be a status competition thus lose their representation within the between genders. Because of this pheno- community. menon and the differently organized labor This problem leads to a conflict- bet roles with these indigenous groups, a con- ween national identity and local identity. clusion can be made that the social orga- While my research focuses on women’s nization within indigenous culture is not experiences, it is important to note that similar to the hierarchical western social every member seemed to struggle with structure with which I, as an American, this problem. To gain representation am most familiar. In contrast, an equal va- through the state system, an individual lue seems to be placed on different within- must participate in the system through group categories. education and working for wages (paying taxes, engaging in consumerism, etc). Ac- Between Worlds quiring property (either business or land), justifies one’s position within the system, The two categories of men and women and gains them eligibility to represent the are not the only categories which are vi- community they live in at the state level. tal to group organization. Others may in- In contrast, within the Bribri and Boruca clude healers, children, teachers, etc. But groups communal labor and communal for purposes of explanation, and because I property are imperatives for group repre- am limited to what my research revealed, sentation; further, individual competition gender categories are the only ones which is seen as destructive to group dynamics. I will use to demonstrate the dynamics of I have used a diagram to explain the diffe- indigenous social structure. Women’s par- rence in as simple terms as possible.

Stratiﬁed state organization based on individual competition Indigenous community organization STEVENS: Between Tradition and Modernity: Changing Gendered Roles among the Bribris and Boruca... 117

Additionally, members of the respec- Conflicting Gender Roles tive indigenous communities only have representation while they remain invol- Indigenous female youth are experien- ved in the daily life of the community and cing this identity conflict in very intima- through collective voice. This representa- te ways. Opportunities for education and tion does not transfer to single individuals paid labor outside of the indigenous com- who leave the community. Thus at the munities require women to redefine them- state level, the manner of gaining repre- selves. The added responsibilities for wo- sentation is in direct conflict with the type men who choose to seek employment and of acceptable indigenous within-group re- education off the reservations mean that presentation. An example of this occurred they have less time for traditional roles at the 2nd Congress of Latin American and less support from community mem- Anthropology held in San Jose Costa Rica bers. For many it is almost impossible to in July 2008. An individual from the Bo- remain living with the community while ruca community spoke up regarding the pursuing outside interests. Not only is it lack of available state-sponsored resour- difficult due to transportation problems ces for the indigenous community. While (most of the territories do not have ade- he may have been recognized as an accep- quate roads and are far from urban areas), table representative of his group from the but the requirements of outside pursuits outsider’s point of view because he had are difficult to balance with community -re both state-sponsored education as a de- quirements. For this reason young women greed sociologist and affiliation through may leave the village as they become more kinship and blood ties, he was no longer engaged in outside activities. Without be- considered an inside member of the group ing able to contribute to or interact with from an indigenous perspective because the group, they lose membership and may he was speaking as an individual on behalf eventually be disqualified from claiming of the group rather than with the group, indigenous status among other members. and he was not participating in daily com- And as out-migration becomes more and munal work/life (ALA, 2008). Another more popular, it also becomes necessary. example of within-group discrimination In this paradoxical circumstance, the Bri- due to outside living by a member occu- bri and Boruca groups are beginning to rred when my husband attended a village lose the ability to maintain resources and meeting regarding a water shortage. His acceptable living conditions due to the suggestion to move the collection cistern loss of renewable labor from the younger further down the side of the mountain to generations. Among the Bribri in Salitre, collect water more efficiently was ignored. one family sent their two daughters to In conversation with his mother, Rosa, it the town of Buenos Aires to work and get was revealed that his participation in the an education so they could aid the fami- meeting was resented by other villagers ly household in maintaining basic needs because he no longer lives or works in the (Acuña-Agüero, 2007). But once outside community (Acuña-Agüero, 2008). the territory, even if leaving for reasons in- tended to be beneficial to the community, many women find the focus on individual 118 Cuadernos de Antropología

performance and possibility for status ele- areas and offer possibilities for stipends, vation along with modern conveniences low interest loans, and the purchase of te- unavailable in the village, attractive lures. rritory land for qualified individuals (Rojas The two daughters do not want to return Acuña, Geiner, 2007). Choosing ethnicity to village life now that they have lived in on a case by case basis is a personal deci- the township. One even resents returning sion faced by many as they negotiate life for visits because she says she gets “trapped” in the state structure separately from their there (Acuña-Torres, 2007). The ‘modern life in the indigenous community. woman’ persona has created a shift in the responsibilities of young women as they pur- World in Transition sue lives outside the territory. Following the lives of four of the wo- New roles require more focus on in- men who have left the indigenous terri- dividual needs and long-term goals. tories, I was able to observe whether they Women rely more and more heavily had completely abandoned any associa- on outside income, most specifically tions with the communities in which they their own. But despite this added had been raised or if they were able to requirement of drawing an income, incorporate some aspects of indigenous the role of food preparation and principles into their ‘modern’ lives. On my child rearing is not removed from family trips to Villa Hermosa, I visited and women’s duties. This is in many ca- talked with the two sisters originally from ses an added stress which may cau- Salitre who had moved to Buenos Aries. se the younger generation to put off Along with these, another two sisters, marriage and childbearing due to Gisselle and Shirley, originally living past the conflicting roles and responsibi- Boruca in the mountainous area near Bue- lity. (Rojas, 2008) nos Aires, each left their homes to pursue education beyond elementary instruction. Ethnic Choices Initially they also moved to the township of Buenos Aires to attend secondary A problem many young indigenous school. In some ways they continued the women face is the dual ‘stigma’ of ethnic indigenous practice of participation in, categorization and poverty. Outside vi- and benefits from, shared resources on a llage life, the status associated with indi- smaller scale. For the older sister Gisselle, genous affiliation is often not favorable. living with her older brother during her For this reason many women living away teenage years, had provided a transitional from the territory will reject their indige- arrangement where aspects of the older nous identification for their own purposes community life were woven together with while seeking integration in the majority new responsibilities. The brother, who population. Local characterizations of in- had also left the community to attend se- digenous peoples include: drunk, sneaky, condary school, worked during the day to lazy and dishonest (Rojas Morales 2007). contribute to the small household through Conversely, government programs to aid monetary support (Rojas Acuña, Gisselle, indigenous peoples are prevalent in certain 2009). Town living did not allow for lives- STEVENS: Between Tradition and Modernity: Changing Gendered Roles among the Bribris and Boruca... 119

tock or extensive crop growing, but mo- ted that other aspects of community ex- ney could be substituted to purchase the periences, responsibilities and represen- goods normally provided through these tation vary depending on the proximity avenues. Likewise for the household, Gis- to other group members and the personal selle provided food preparation, laundry interest of the individual women. and cleaning responsibilities before atten- Whether living within the Bribri and ding day classes. In this way, some of the Boruca communities or having moved out roles normally attributed to women were of the villages completely, some labor as- not erased from her daily life. Subsequen- sociated with women’s roles has not disap- tly moving to the United States after gra- peared. Regardless of the affiliation, - wo duating from secondary school, Gisselle men in both situations are still primarily currently works 2 jobs and maintains her responsible for: meal preparation, caring own apartment without monetary con- for young children, household cleanli- tributions from other family members. ness and laundry. But their representation Instead she sends money to her mother’s through this labor outside of the indige- home and to her sister Shirley who stayed nous community is almost nonexistent. behind. However she has continued to Additionally, the experience of communi- pattern the behaviors of previous genera- tas described by Victor Turner as “…an tions of women and those who still remain intense community spirit, the feeling of living in the indigenous territory. I am great social equality, solidarity, and to- able to visit her often and see that she con- getherness” is not lost among those who tributes household cleaning, laundry and have ventured away from traditional indi- cooking responsibilities for the household genous female social roles (Turner, 2005). of her boyfriend even while she maintains Although the experience of communitas her own residence. Her sister Shirley, and the subsequent validation of mem- who has remained living in the township bership present in within-group commu- of Buenos Aires, finished her education nal labor activities among women from and took on temporary outside employ- the Bribri and Boruca groups is difficult ment. She has continued to benefit from to find in daily activities of those who do monetary contributions and assistance not live in the indigenous territories, op- from Gisselle and their older brother as portunities for communitas through orga- she attempts to find secure employment. nized ritual experiences do present them- Shirley visits the original family home on selves. As women gather together in food a regular basis as her schedule allows and preparation for rites of passage, religious contributes labor of a similar nature to occasions and at organizational meetings Gisselle on behalf of, and together with, the experience is again enjoyed. Just as her mother, grandmother and youngest in traditional practice, these experiences sister (Rojas Acuña, S., 2009). These sis- generally take place among female based ters, similarly to the two from Salitre, have kinship networks. On my last visit, three devised ways of integrating the roles and generations of women had an opportunity responsibilities of indigenous women as for communitas in preparation for lunch. well as the responsibilities of their chosen They worked together in the kitchen se- life directions. However it should be no- parately from the men, and also from me. 120 Cuadernos de Antropología

Speaking Bribri, they communicated mi- family and group members. But experien- nimally, but laughed and moved through ces such as communitas in the kitchen du- their labor in choreographed steps prepa- ring festival times is still maintained along ring a meal for others to enjoy. with cooking, housekeeping and childrea- ring duties which are understood to be included in majority population ideas of modern femininity. While some may say that traditional indigenous roles are be- coming obsolete, this study reveals that despite the subtraction of certain labor activities, and an issue with the labeling of ‘indigenous’, vital characteristics remain intact and continue to support the female social roles attributed to the Boruca and Bribri communities as they navigate through continual change. Observing the decisions made by these women as they navigate between tradition and moderni- Mother and daughter work together in the kitchen ty and between the differing cultural requirements of their “inside” home society Conclusions and the “outside” world, I recognize the way they are being shaped by, and shaping Defining Boruca and Bribri indigenous their own culture. It occurs to me that women in the modern world is a slippery they are necessarily merging indigenous endeavor. Not only are there differing defi- ways of being with lifestyles of the outside nitions of what indigenous means, but also world which allows aspects of tradition to the subject’s desire to claim affiliation is at remain intact for future generations. issue. Additionally the rapid rate of change as individuals negotiate their life in a fluc- tuating environment poses a significant Bibliography challenge to an investigation. The conclusions drawn herein are applicable only Acuña-Agüero, C. (2007). Personal inter- within the moment and among the specific view with male family member living in individuals studied. With this disclaimer, Rio Azul Salitre Costa Rica, conducted some generalities can be acknowledged. January 2007. Certainly a conflict exists for these women as they attempt to merge traditional roles Acuña-Agüero, R. (2008). Personal inter- with acceptable roles defined by the state. view with a female family member living Some concessions which have been made in Villa Hermosa Costa Rica, conduc- through this compromise are the tradition ted January 2008. of educating school-age female children, planting and harvesting crops, caring for Acuña-Torres, J. (2007). Personal inter- livestock, and in many cases, living among view with female family member living STEVENS: Between Tradition and Modernity: Changing Gendered Roles among the Bribris and Boruca... 121

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