Changing Gender Roles Among the Bribri and Boruca Women of Costa Rica

113 Cuadernos de Antropología No.19, 113-122, 2009 BETWEEN TRADITION AND MODERNITY: CHANGING GENDER ROLES AMONG THE BRIBRI AND BORUCA WOMEN OF COSTA RICA Daisy Stevens Rojas * ABSTRACT This work discusses the changing social roles of women from the Bribri and Boruca indigenous people located in the Central Valley region of Costa Rica. Ethnographic data collected over several years from women who have left indigenous villages as well as those who have remained reveals how roles, relationships and representation among the groups have been affected. Keywords: Indigenous women, Bribri, Boruca, Costa Rica. RESUMEN Este trabajo discute los roles sociales cambiantes de las mujeres en las co- munidades indígenas Bribri y Boruca localizadas en la región del Valle Central de Costa Rica. Los datos etnográficos recolectados a través de los años a partir de mujeres que han dejado aldeas indígenas, así como de las que han permanecido en las mismas, revela cómo los roles, las relaciones y la representación entre estos grupos se han visto afectadas. Palabras claves: Mujeres indígenas, Bribri, Boruca, Costa Rica. * Daisy Stevens Rojas. Estadounidense. Bachelor of Arts, Departments of Anthropology and Latin American Studies, University of Virginia. Correo electronico: [email protected] 114 Cuadernos de Antropología Introduction zzoli, 1975). We must recognize that outside categorization does not often match Living among the Bribri and Boruca what people think of themselves. In my indigenous people of Costa Rica, who live experience as an American woman raised in and around the town of Buenos Aires, in western culture, my understanding was Costa Rica, I have set forth some conclu- limited at first. “In the U.S., to be ‘indige- sions and theories regarding social orga- nous’ is to have a genealogical heritage lin- nization, women’s participation in and king offspring to a tribal group. This can contribution to indigenous life, as well as extend several generations with a descen- their changing responsibilities in the face dant never having lived on a reservation of modernity. Initially I find it necessary or in a traditionally ‘Indian way’” (Rojas, to identify what indigenous means in lo- 2008). In my own culture the definition of cal terms. First there is the issue of resi- indigenous has more to do with bloodlines dency. The identified indigenous territo- than lifestyle. This is different among the ries included in this study are the villages people who live in indigenous villages in of Boruca, Térraba, Turrialba (Boruca) the Central Valley region, for whom ‘in- and Salitre (Bribri). Another indigenous dianness’ has links to kinship organization people, the Cabécar, were not included in and the manner in which one lives. It may this study because I did not have the op- be a social category as well where upper portunity to talk with anyone from this class and city dwelling groups characte- group; but among all three groups there is rize those who live in poor rural areas as intermarriage and mutual acceptance (Bo- indigenous. Among people identified as indigenous by state categorizations and STEVENS: Between Tradition and Modernity: Changing Gender Roles among the Bribris and Boruca... 115 even by anthropologists at the Universi- duties include: meal preparation, tending ty of Costa Rica, I had difficulty meeting to their own domestic animals (men keep individuals who considered themselves theirs’ separately), gathering and storing to be indigenous. This conundrum was food staples, processing male-provided hard to overcome as an outsider to the supplements, caring for young children, communities until I came to understand educating young women, and keeping what the determinants were from the house and laundry clean. Additionally people living within them. Among these women regularly aid other women in the are: living away from others in forested community with these same tasks. And areas, relying almost entirely upon ‘natu- always, the very important task of cooking ral resources’ and limited agriculture, few continues on a raised hearth for most of modern conveniences, and kinship based the day. One midday meal which I enjoyed networks. As an outside observer from included harvested vegetables, rice and the United States, I myself relied on these some crayfish contributed by the men. kinship networks to perform observation These activities are vital to the commu- and research among my interlocutors. nity and equally important as men’s acti- Over the course of 4 years I lived with vities. Individual families help each other, and visited friends and family members men and women sharing tasks, food, and of my husband. A born native of Buenos shelter as needed. Not a barter system, Aries, he assisted in gaining me access to but certainly a system of interdependen- the intimate lives of these women which cy and mutual obligation. Kinship relatio- otherwise would not have been possible to nships are based on matrilocal residence me. Over time I was welcomed to the ho- and women tend to have ‘ownership’ over mes of eleven women with various familial the home. In one residence the ‘doña’ of relatedness from each of the mentioned the home, Rosa, cared for her elderly mo- villages. With their permission, no names ther, her husband and child, her sister and were withheld. I have tried to treat their sister’s husband (who had a disability), and generous information with discretion and her two brothers who came for frequent respect. visits (to use the words “care for” is a bit misleading and implies that the subjected Traditional Roles of Women individuals required aid without exchange. In fact the sister and elderly mother Once it had been discovered what in- did not live in the same house, but had digenous meant in local terms, I was fi- smaller residences of their own located nally able to investigate women’s roles nearby.). They participated in labor com- within the indigenous community. Daily munally with Rosa, and contributed vege- and regular activities among women in tables, housekeeping, child care and other the village are part of the way in which helpful tasks/items if available and as the their roles in the community are mani- tasks presented themselves. In contrast, fested. Not only does their labor reinforce the male family members did not perform participation and membership, it also has any ‘women’s work’ in exchange for the much to do with the continuance of the food that they received from Rosa’s kit- particular indigenous social system. These chen, but frequently they brought goods 116 Cuadernos de Antropología from town, or items sent by their wives. ticipation in the group through communal Although the gender roles are traditionally labor activities verifies their membership completely segregated, there seems to be and justifies their representation within an equal measure of respect for each gen- the group to the same degree as does the der. I did not investigate men’s particular communal labor of men. However the activities except those which intercepted structure fails when these aspects are not with women’s, but neither group seemed in place. If members leave the village to to devalue the other or place themselves work or seek an education, they can no higher than the other. In other words, the- longer participate in communal labor and re did not seem to be a status competition thus lose their representation within the between genders. Because of this pheno- community. menon and the differently organized labor This problem leads to a conflict bet- roles with these indigenous groups, a con- ween national identity and local identity. clusion can be made that the social orga- While my research focuses on women’s nization within indigenous culture is not experiences, it is important to note that similar to the hierarchical western social every member seemed to struggle with structure with which I, as an American, this problem. To gain representation am most familiar. In contrast, an equal va- through the state system, an individual lue seems to be placed on different within- must participate in the system through group categories. education and working for wages (paying taxes, engaging in consumerism, etc). Ac- Between Worlds quiring property (either business or land), justifies one’s position within the system, The two categories of men and women and gains them eligibility to represent the are not the only categories which are vi- community they live in at the state level. tal to group organization. Others may in- In contrast, within the Bribri and Boruca clude healers, children, teachers, etc. But groups communal labor and communal for purposes of explanation, and because I property are imperatives for group repre- am limited to what my research revealed, sentation; further, individual competition gender categories are the only ones which is seen as destructive to group dynamics. I will use to demonstrate the dynamics of I have used a diagram to explain the diffe- indigenous social structure. Women’s par- rence in as simple terms as possible. Stratiﬁed state organization based on individual competition Indigenous community organization STEVENS: Between Tradition and Modernity: Changing Gendered Roles among the Bribris and Boruca... 117 Additionally, members of the respec- Conflicting Gender Roles tive indigenous communities only have representation while they remain invol- Indigenous female youth are experien- ved in the daily life of the community and cing this identity conflict in very intima- through collective voice. This representa- te ways. Opportunities for education and tion does not transfer to single individuals paid labor outside of the indigenous com- who leave the community. Thus at the munities require women to redefine them- state level, the manner of gaining repre- selves. The added responsibilities for wo- sentation is in direct conflict with the type men who choose to seek employment and of acceptable indigenous within-group re- education off the reservations mean that presentation.

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