EU Digital Policy and International Trade
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Data Localization the Unintended Consequences of Privacy Litigation
American University Law Review Volume 67 | Issue 3 Article 6 2018 Data Localization The ninU tended Consequences Of Privacy Litigation H Jacqueline Brehmer American University Washington College of Law Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/aulr Part of the Computer Law Commons, and the Privacy Law Commons Recommended Citation Brehmer, H Jacqueline (2018) "Data Localization The ninU tended Consequences Of Privacy Litigation," American University Law Review: Vol. 67 : Iss. 3 , Article 6. Available at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/aulr/vol67/iss3/6 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in American University Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Data Localization The ninU tended Consequences Of Privacy Litigation Keywords cybersecurity threats, data localization, data privacy, Electronic Communications Privacy Act, Microsoft Ireland This comment is available in American University Law Review: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/aulr/vol67/iss3/6 NOTE DATA LOCALIZATION: THE UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES OF PRIVACY LITIGATION H JACQUELINE BREHMER* This Note addresses a key unintended consequence of recent data privacy litigation before the European Court of Justice and the U.S. Supreme Court. Two cases—Data Protection Commissioner v. Schrems and United States v. Microsoft Corp.—contravene the principles upon which the internet was founded by removing legal and scalable mechanisms for cross-border data transfers. While these cases do not directly create data localization regimes, they highlight the irreconcilably different approaches to data privacy held by the United States and the European Union and eliminate valid options for transfer such that localization is the only remaining scalable solution. -
Lega Nord and Anti-Immigrationism: the Importance of Hegemony Critique for Social Media Analysis and Protest
International Journal of Communication 12(2018), 3553–3579 1932–8036/20180005 Lega Nord and Anti-Immigrationism: The Importance of Hegemony Critique for Social Media Analysis and Protest CINZIA PADOVANI1 Southern Illinois University Carbondale, USA In this study, I implement Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony critique to analyze the anti- immigration rhetoric promoted by the Italian ultraright party Lega Nord [Northern League]. Specifically, this case study focuses on the discourse that developed on the microblogging site Twitter during the Stop Invasione [Stop Invasion] rally, organized by Matteo Salvini’s party on October 18, 2014, in Milan. I argue that hegemony critique is helpful to investigate political discourse on social media and to theorize the struggle surrounding contentious topics such as immigration. The method, which is multilayered and includes content analysis and interpretative analysis, allows for the exploration of a considerable data corpus but also an in-depth reading of each tweet. The result is a nuanced understanding of the anti-immigration discourse and of the discourse that developed in favor of immigration and in support of a countermarch, which progressive movements organized in response to Lega’s mobilization on the same day in Milan. Keywords: Lega Nord, ultraright media, far-right media, anti-immigrationism, Twitter, critical social media analysis, mobilization, Gramsci, hegemony critique The rise of ultraright movements in Western Europe and the United States is an indication of the continuous crisis of capitalism and neoliberal ideologies. The financial and economic downturn that plagued Europe and North America beginning in late 2008 and the consequent Brussels-imposed austerity in the European Union have exacerbated the rift between the haves and the have-nots. -
Circular Economy Action Plan for a Cleaner and More Competitive Europe
Circular Economy Action Plan For a cleaner and more competitive Europe #EU GreenDeal 2 Contents 1. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................... 4 2. A SUSTAINABLE PRODUCT POLICY FRAMEWORK ................. 6 2.1. Designing sustainable products .................................................................. 6 2.2. Empowering consumers and public buyers .................................................... 7 2.3. Circularity in production processes ............................................................................... 8 3. KEY PRODUCT VALUE CHAINS .................................................................................................. 10 3.1. Electronics and ICT ............................................................................................................................. 10 3.2. Batteries and vehicles ........................................................................................................................... 11 3.3. Packaging .......................................................................................................................................................... 11 3.4. Plastics ................................................................................................................................................................... 12 3.5. Textiles ....................................................................................................................................................................... 13 3.6. -
Making the Cut? | SPECIAL REPORT | Sept
DATA PRIVACY & SECURITY SPECIAL REPORT SEPT. 24, 2020 After EU judges struck down the Privacy Shield data-transfer agreement, what’s next for US tech Making giants, thousands of other companies and regulatory the Cut? regimes around the world? INSIGHT | COMMENTARY | ANALYSIS Editor’s Letter Lewis Crofts MLex Editor-in-Chief We have arranged it in three thematic sections to reflect the multiple moving parts of the topic: 1) the EU court’s decision and immediate effects on Facebook and other companies; 2) the scramble by the US and EU to work out what to do about replacing the binned agreement and making SCCs more robust; and headache. A bombshell. A seismic shift. 3) the concerns and responses by other affected However dramatic you might like your countries around the world — including the UK, A metaphors, there is little doubt that EU Japan and Australia. judges delivered an extraordinarily significant We trust you enjoy reading this report and ruling on July 16. In striking down Privacy Shield, find it a useful guide to a complex, evolving issue. the EU-US data-transfer framework, they instantly The reporting here is a brief example of the threw into doubt the operations of more than insight and predictive analysis that MLex brings 5,000 US companies that relied on it. subscribers to our data privacy and security The ruling — essentially based on the failure service every day. of the mechanism to protect EU citizens’ data The stories included were all published from US government snooping — doesn’t as events unfolded, bringing our subscribers prevent companies transferring data between unrivalled insight into the significance of the EU and other foreign countries under developments and the likely next steps in an issue “standard contractual clauses.” But these can’t that will affect the operations of many thousands protect data in countries, including the US, that of businesses around the world. -
Action Against Trafficking in Human Beings by Italy
G R E T A GROUP OF EXPERTS ON ACTION AGAINST TRAFFICKING IN HUMAN BEINGS GRETA(2018)28 Report concerning the implementation of the Council of Europe Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings by Italy SECOND EVALUATION ROUND Adopted 7 December 2018 Published 25 January 2019 Secretariat of the Council of Europe Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings (GRETA and Committee of the Parties) Council of Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex France [email protected] www.coe.int/en/web/anti-human-trafficking GRETA(2018)28 3 _______________________________________________________________________________________________________ Table of contents Preamble ............................................................................................................................. 4 I. Introduction ................................................................................................................ 5 II. Main developments in the implementation of the Convention by Italy ....................... 8 1. Emerging trends in trafficking in human beings .................................................................. 8 2. Developments in the legal framework................................................................................ 9 3. Developments in the institutional framework .................................................................... 11 4. National Action Plan ...................................................................................................... 12 5. Training of relevant professionals -
The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV
School of Economics and Finance The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV Ruben Durante, Paolo Pinotti and Andrea Tesei Working Paper No. 762 December 201 5 ISSN 1473-0278 The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV∗ Ruben Durantey Paolo Pinottiz Andrea Teseix July 2015 Abstract We investigate the political impact of entertainment television in Italy over the past thirty years by exploiting the staggered intro- duction of Silvio Berlusconi's commercial TV network, Mediaset, in the early 1980s. We find that individuals in municipalities that had access to Mediaset prior to 1985 - when the network only featured light entertainment programs - were significantly more likely to vote for Berlusconi's party in 1994, when he first ran for office. This effect persists for almost two decades and five elections, and is es- pecially pronounced for heavy TV viewers, namely the very young and the old. We relate the extreme persistence of the effect to the relative incidence of these age groups in the voting population, and explore different mechanisms through which early exposure to en- tertainment content may have influenced their political attitudes. Keywords: television, entertainment, voting, political participa- tion, Italy. JEL codes: L82, D72, Z13 ∗We thank Alberto Alesina, Antonio Ciccone, Filipe Campante, Ruben Enikolopov, Greg Huber, Brian Knight, Valentino Larcinese, Marco Manacorda, Torsten Persson, Barbara Petrongolo, Andrei Shleifer, Francesco Sobbrio, Joachim Voth, David Weil, Katia Zhuravskaya, and seminar participants at Bocconi, CREI, NYU, MIT, Sciences Po, Brown, Dartmouth, Sorbonne, WZB, Surrey, Queen Mary, Yale, EIEF, LSE, Namur, and participants at the 2013 AEA Meeting, the 2013 EUI Conference on Communica- tions and Media Markets, and the Lisbon Meeting on Institutions and Political Economy for helpful comments. -
Canadian Cross-Border Data: Your Data May Be Heading South Even When You Are Not
Canada Institute | May 2019 Canadian Cross-Border Data: Your Data May Be Heading South Even When You Are Not By Jacqueline Orr Canadian data: what goes where? Canada is fast becoming a technology powerhouse with cities across the country such as Waterloo, Calgary, Toronto, Montreal, and Edmonton transforming into tech hubs. They promise that their research centers and internet companies are going to light the way for Canada’s innovation economy. But the state of Canada’s internet is increasingly becoming an oxymoron. While Canada’s internet economy might be self-sustaining, the Canadian internet itself is not. Issues of territoriality are fluid and unbound. This is because Canada’s network infrastructure relies on American networks to transfer and store data. But, when Canadian data enters the United States, it becomes foreign data and is not protected by the same privacy rights as those accorded to U.S. domestic data and its owners. CIRA, the Canadian Internet Registration Authority, states that three-quarters of the Canadian population spends three to four hours a day online.1 CIRA also reports 64 percent of Canadians are concerned about the security of their personal information when it is routed through the United States. Are these concerns justified? This Canada Institute briefing explores key questions about cross-border data travel to better understand the risks and opportunities facing Canadians in an increasingly inter-connected world. There is a glossary at the end of the document. Is it legal for the U.S. government to collect data from Canadians? Yes. U.S. government agencies may collect any foreign data that crosses into U.S. -
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right. -
A/74/130 General Assembly
United Nations A/74/130 General Assembly Distr.: General 30 July 2019 Original: English Seventy-fourth session Item 109 of the provisional agenda* Countering the use of information and communications technologies for criminal purposes Countering the use of information and communications technologies for criminal purposes Report of the Secretary-General Summary The present report has been prepared pursuant to General Assembly resolution 73/187, entitled “Countering the use of information and communications technologies for criminal purposes”. In that resolution, the General Assembly requested the Secretary-General to seek the views of Member States on the challenges that they faced in countering the use of information and communications technologies for criminal purposes and to present a report based on those views for consideration by the General Assembly at its seventy-fourth session. The report contains information on the views of Member States submitted pursuant to the aforementioned resolution. __________________ * A/74/150. V.19-08182 (E) 190819 200819 *1908182* A/74/130 Contents Page I. Introduction ................................................................... 4 II. Replies received from Governments ............................................... 4 Argentina ..................................................................... 4 Armenia ...................................................................... 6 Australia ..................................................................... 8 Austria ...................................................................... -
Italian National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights
ITALIAN NATIONAL ACTION PLAN ON BUSINESS AND HUMAN RIGHTS 2016-2021 FOREWORD BY THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION, THE HON. PAOLO GENTILONI I am pleased to present the first Italian National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights. The Plan for 2016-2021 is the final achievement of a multi-faceted activity of the Inter-ministerial Committee for Human Rights (CIDU) in line with the implementation of the “Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights” unanimously endorsed by the UN Human Rights Council in 2011. An ad hoc working group has been established, coordinated by CIDU and composed of representatives of several ministries and institutions, for the elaboration of the present Plan. Its contents have also emerged from wide consultations with experts, business representatives, trade unions and non- governmental organizations. In a spirit of sharing, the Plan has also been published online for public consultation from July 27 to September 10, which has allowed to enrich its contents with comments received from civil society and many other actors who had the opportunity to individually contribute. The Plan is an instrument to move towards the new needs of interaction between human rights and the economic dimension, in line with the “UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights”. This approach, which has received new force with the UN Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development, sees Italy in the forefront as country committed to give its own contribution. In the framework of the Plan, promotion and respect for human rights - with particular consideration to the most vulnerable groups - are primary vehicles to rebalance the distortions and inefficiencies produced within the economic and productive contexts that have proved not to be efficient in this regard. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Culture, Values and Social Basis of Northern Italian Centrifugal Regionalism
Culture, Values and Social Basis of Northern Italian Centrifugal Regionalism. A Contextual Political Analysis of the Lega Nord Roberto Biorcio, Tommaso Vitale To cite this version: Roberto Biorcio, Tommaso Vitale. Culture, Values and Social Basis of Northern Italian Centrifugal Regionalism. A Contextual Political Analysis of the Lega Nord. Contemporary Centrifugal Region- alism: Comparing Flanders and Northern Italy, Royal Flemish Academy of Belgium for Science and the Arts Press, pp.171-199, 2011. hal-01044408 HAL Id: hal-01044408 https://hal-sciencespo.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01044408 Submitted on 23 Jul 2014 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. CULTURE, VALUES AND THE SOCIAL BASIS OF NORTHERN ITALIAN CENTRIFUGAL REGIONALISM. A CONTEXTUAL POLITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE LEGA NORD Roberto Biorcio (*) and Tommaso Vitale (°) (*) Università di Milano – Bicocca, Dipartimento di sociologia e ricerca sociale (°) Centre d’études européennes, Science Po, Paris 1. INTRODUCTION In the last twenty years, the issue of the autonomy of the northern regions has always been on the Italian political agenda, even if with ups and downs. The traditional “Southern Question” has been supplanted in the public debate by the so-called “Northern Question”.