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Resistance Gazes in Recent Music Videos

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Resistance Gazes in Recent Music Videos Resistance Gazes in Recent Music Videos #$%& '(#'$) Abstract. A number of recent music videos by women subvert the male gaze (Mulvey) through a number of techniques I construe as “resistance gazes.” *ese videos subvert the hypersexualization, infantilization, objecti+cation, and victimi- zation regularly seen in music videos using imagery that resonates with broader cultural movements such as ,metoo and ,timesup. Laura Mulvey +rst de+ned the male gaze in [t]here is a fetishization of particular "12! as a dominant trope in +lm and media gendered subjects: face and body are pre- in which women are rendered as objects. She sented to the audience as pleasurable ob- states: jects through the use of big close-ups, so- lighting, and a shallow focus to minimize In a world ordered by sexual imbalance, distracting background, thus construct- pleasure in looking has been split be- ing the object of the gaze as spectacular, tween active/male and passive/female. passive, emotionally receptive, isolated/ In their traditional exhibitionist role, removed from the world. women are simultaneously looked at and displayed, with their appearance coded Like Bannister, Jennifer Hurley broadens for strong visual and erotic impact so the subject of the gaze to all genders, that they can be said to connote a to-be- suggesting that this practice a0ects “not looked-at-ness. only girls and women who are actively constructing their gendered subjectivity in Many scholars have adapted and built upon music video’s ‘gaze.’” this original conception of the male gaze, In this article I build upon these and other particularly in relation to music video. Lisa post-Mulveyian perspectives on the male Lewis asserts that early videos on MTV gaze and how it might be adapted to the spe- relied on “coded images of the female body ci+c context of music video. I begin by iden- and conventionally positioning girls and tifying four speci+c ways in which the male women as objects of male voyeurism.” Ann gaze regularly a0ects women in music video: Kaplan devotes an entire chapter of her "172 hypersexualization, infantilization, objecti+- book to understanding “how the televisual cation, and the victim trope. A-er providing apparatus constructs the female body” on clear examples for each of these in the fol- MTV. lowing paragraphs, I will argue that many re- Writing more recently, Matthew Bannister cent music videos, especially by women and/ identi+es particular camera techniques as- or LGBTQ+ artists, subvert these and other sociated with the male gaze in music video, facets of the male gaze through a number of claiming that techniques I construe as resistance gazes. !"#$% &'( )*+ !,-$'. $!&.+ . / #"!!+2 !" © 45 )*+ 4,&2( ,6 )2"#)++# ,6 )*+ "'$-+2#$)5 ,6 $77$',$# This content downloaded from 144.92.108.30 on Wed, 19 May 2021 18:38:32 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms !9 !"#$% &'( )*+ !,-$'. $!&.+ ":.9 / ;<==>? 9@9" The Male Gaze in Music Video Elfman) proclaims his love for these “little girls” as he engages in sexually harassing In the video for Miley Cyrus’s “Wrecking behavior with several young women. *eir Ball,” the viewer sees Cyrus “displayed” (in youth is emphasized visually through cos- Mulvey’s parlance) as a hypersexualized tume: including a girl scout uniform, pajama object. In shots such as that seen in Figure ", party, and a young woman licking a lollipop the camera focuses on her naked body—es- in a white dress with her hair in pigtails with pecially her breasts and buttocks—in a man- ribbons. *eir small stature is also depicted ner that resonates with Jacqueline Warwick’s visually, as the women are always smaller assessment of the male gaze in music video, than the protagonist. Toward the end of the in which “spectators are compelled to look video, one of the women actually shrinks at images in +lm from the point of view of down to +t inside the protagonist’s hand. *e heterosexual men, regardless of their actual protagonist’s facial expressions and general gender identities and sexual preferences.” countenance depict him as a predator and Figure 9 shows an infamous example of the “little girls” as his prey. infantilization in Oingo Boingo’s "17" video A more contemporary example of in- for “Little Girls.” *e video’s protagonist fantilization occurs throughout Girls’ (played by the band’s lead singer, Danny Figure ". Hypersexualization in Miley Cyrus, “Wrecking Ball” (9@"B, ":":). Figure 2. Infantilization in Oingo Boingo, “Little Girls” ("17", ":!B). This content downloaded from 144.92.108.30 on Wed, 19 May 2021 18:38:32 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms '(#'$) : Resistance Gazes in Recent Music Videos !B Generation’s video for “Gee.” Writing about Figure :. *e young woman is dragged this video, Soyoung Kim states, “Female art- through a variety of violent situations: she ists are o-en depicted as a hybrid between is shot at, handcu0ed, physically abused, children and sexually developed adults, . and thrown in and out of moving vehicles, essentially infantilizing mature adult women, all of which we see from the point of view making them seem like utterly clueless (POV) perspective of one of the criminals, children who must depend on older men to played by *e Weeknd. Even at the end of teach them about love.” *e musicians in the video, when all of the criminals have Girls’ Generation are not only infantilized— been killed and *e Weeknd lays dying, the they are also objecti+ed. In Figure B, we see young woman has no agency. *e Weeknd’s that the women are literally treated as ob- last act is to give her the key to her hand- jects (mannequins), carried by a young man cu0s, suggesting that even though he is near around a store. death, he still has more power and agency *e victim trope, in which women are over the young woman, the victim. helpless to defend themselves from male *is article is ultimately not about the aggressors, constitutes a fourth (though male gaze in music video; rather, it aims to probably not +nal) way in which the male highlight the steps women and LGBTQ+ folk gaze acts upon women in music video. *e have taken to resist it. In the rest of this ar- narrative action in *e Weeknd’s “False ticle, I will discuss some recent music videos Alarm” is divided between a bank heist, that subvert the male gaze through a number a police shootout, and the capture of the of techniques that I summarize as resistance helpless-looking young woman shown in gazes. Figure B. Objecti+cation in Girls’ Generation, “Gee” (9@@1, @:@:). Figure :. *e victim trope in *e Weeknd, “False Alarm” (9@"F, @::9). This content downloaded from 144.92.108.30 on Wed, 19 May 2021 18:38:32 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms !: !"#$% &'( )*+ !,-$'. $!&.+ ":.9 / ;<==>? 9@9" Resistance Gazes video and other media evokes tropes of hypersexualization and objecti+cation by Resistance gazes act in opposition to hyper- focusing on sex as a realized male fantasy sexualization, infantilization, objecti+cation, rather than a representation of love and victimization, or other facets of the male relationships. Two di0erent music videos gaze. *ey are most o-en found in music with the same title—Jill Sobule’s “I Kissed videos created by women and/or LGBTQ+ a Girl” ("11!) and Katy Perry’s “I Kissed a artists. Lisa Lewis claims that women’s resis- Girl” (9@@7)—both illustrate this clearly. tance to dominant male narratives (what she In Sobule’s video, the budding relationship calls “the female address”) arose as a separate that develops between her character and textual practice shortly a-er MTV began, the neighbor, both of whom are married citing Cyndi Lauper’s “Girls Just Wanna to men, is impaired by infantilization. *e Have Fun” ("17B) as a watershed video. cartoonish setting, bright colors, and fan- Murali Balaji identi+es music videos as sites tastical dream scenarios, along with shots of resistance for Black women particularly, of Sobule playing guitar in her bedroom highlighting Melyssa Ford’s dancing as a way and sitting in an oversized chair (Figure !a), to resist “being objecti+ed and controlled” ultimately present the women’s relationship throughout Mystikal’s “Shake Ya Ass.” as fantasy. Perry’s video uses hypersexual- Shanara Reid-Brinkley similarly +nds narra- ization and objecti+cation, which, alongside tives of resistance throughout Black women’s the lyrics “I kissed a girl and I liked it / performance in music video, further prob- don’t mean I’m in love tonight,” subjects the lematizing the hostility toward said resis- relationship to the male gaze (Figure !b). tance she witnesses in online chat boards. *e comparatively conspicuous sexualiza- In the following sections, I will attempt to tion in Perry’s video might say just as much build on this scholarship by highlighting sev- about censorship in the mid-"11@s; Sobule’s eral speci+c cases of women’s and LGBTQ+ video either did not, or could not, do this in folks’ resistance to the male gaze in recent "11! and get played on MTV. music videos, providing visual and musical “Girls Like Girls,” written and codirected analysis to bolster my claims. by Hayley Kiyoko, begins with a gratuitous Resisting Hypersexualization panning shot up a young woman’s bare legs all the way up to her bloodied face (Fig- A common depiction of lesbian relation- ures Fa and Fb, respectively). In depicting ships and female pansexuality in music a woman as both hypersexualized and as a Figure !b. Hypersexulization in Katy Perry, “I Kissed a Girl” (9@@7, ":!F). Figure !a. Infantilization in Jill Sobule, “I Kissed a Girl” ("11!, ":B:).
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