Standards and the Common EU Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI)
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Fusiongps???] Are Worse Than Prostitutes
From: Nellie Ohr (b)(6) Sent: Monday, December 4, 2017 9:06 PM To: Holtyn, Lisa (OCDETF) Subject: Re: Invitation: The Oligarchs Strike Back? The Challenge of Anti-Corruption Reform in Ukraine – Thursday, December 7, 4:00 pm-5:30 pm Thanks for the heads-up! It's pretty depressing to attend these things :-) I hope you are well -----Original Message----- From: Holtyn, Lisa (OCDETF) (OCDETF) To: Nellie Ohr ; Ohr, Bruce (ODAG) (ODAG) Sent: Mon, Dec 4, 2017 4:47 pm Subject: FW: Invitation: The Oligarchs Strike Back? The Challenge of Anti-Corruption Reform in Ukraine – Thursday, December 7, 4:00 pm-5:30 pm Thought this might interest you both, time-permitting. From: Hudson Institute [mailto:[email protected]] Sent: Monday, December 04, 2017 4:45 PM To: Holtyn, Lisa (OCDETF) (b)(6) Subject: Invitation: The Oligarchs Strike Back? The Challenge of Anti-Corruption Reform in Ukraine – Thursday, December 7, 4:00 pm-5:30 pm □□□ The Oligarchs Strike Back? The Challenge of Anti- Corruption Reform in Ukraine 106 Thursday, December 7th 4:00 to 5:30 pm Register Hudson Institute Stern Policy Center Add to Calendar 1201 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W. Suite 400 Washington, DC 20004 Four years after Ukraine's Revolution of Dignity began, Ukraine continues to work on an ambitious refmm agenda tackling conuption and stimulating the economy. Thanks to public pressure, civic engagement, and encomagement from international financial organizations, the government has introduced an open procurement process, created oversight and enforcement bodies throughout government, and required public officials to declare their wealth and assets. However, progress has slowed as anti-conuption agencies including the National Anti-Conuption Bureau (NABU) and Specialized Anti-Conuption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO) have come under attack from pariies within the government as well as the oligarchic interests that remain entrenched in the countly. -
Organized Crime 1.1 Gaizer’S Criminal Group
INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 4 CHAPTER I. ORGANIZED CRIME 1.1 Gaizer’s Criminal Group ..................................................................................6 1.2 Bandits in St. Petersburg ............................................................................ 10 1.3 The Tsapok Gang .......................................................................................... 14 Chapter II.CThe Corrupt Officials 2.1 «I Fell in Love with a Criminal» ................................................................20 2.2 Female Thief with a Birkin Bag ...............................................................24 2.3 «Moscow Crime Boss».................................................................................29 CONTENTS CHAPTER III. THE BRibE-TAKERS 3.1 Governor Khoroshavin’s medal «THE CRIMINAL RUSSIA PARTY», AN INDEPENDENT EXPERT REPORT «For Merit to the Fatherland» ..................................................................32 PUBLISHED IN MOSCOW, AUGUST 2016 3.2 The Astrakhan Brigade ...............................................................................36 AUTHOR: ILYA YASHIN 3.3 A Character from the 1990s ......................................................................39 MATERiaL COMPILING: VERONIKA SHULGINA HAPTER HE ROOKS TRANSLATION: C 4. T C EVGENia KARA-MURZA 4.1 Governor Nicknamed Hans .......................................................................42 GRAPHICS: PavEL YELIZAROV 4.2 The Party -
ON the EFFECTIVE USE of PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 © 2021 Andrew Peek All Rights Reserved
ON THE EFFECTIVE USE OF PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 2021 Andrew Peek All rights reserved Abstract This dissertation asks a simple question: how are states most effectively conducting proxy warfare in the modern international system? It answers this question by conducting a comparative study of the sponsorship of proxy forces. It uses process tracing to examine five cases of proxy warfare and predicts that the differentiation in support for each proxy impacts their utility. In particular, it proposes that increasing the principal-agent distance between sponsors and proxies might correlate with strategic effectiveness. That is, the less directly a proxy is supported and controlled by a sponsor, the more effective the proxy becomes. Strategic effectiveness here is conceptualized as consisting of two key parts: a proxy’s operational capability and a sponsor’s plausible deniability. These should be in inverse relation to each other: the greater and more overt a sponsor’s support is to a proxy, the more capable – better armed, better trained – its proxies should be on the battlefield. However, this close support to such proxies should also make the sponsor’s influence less deniable, and thus incur strategic costs against both it and the proxy. These costs primarily consist of external balancing by rival states, the same way such states would balance against conventional aggression. Conversely, the more deniable such support is – the more indirect and less overt – the less balancing occurs. -
Russian-Speaking
NOVEMBER 2017 ‘RUSSIAN-SPEAKING’ FIGHTERS IN SYRIA, IRAQ AND AT HOME: CONSEQUENCES AND CONTEXT FULL REPORT Mark Youngman and Dr Cerwyn Moore Centre for Russian, European and Eurasian Studies Department of Political Science and International Studies University of Birmingham This report was produced out of the Actors and Narratives programme, funded by CREST. To find out more information about this programme, and to see other outputs from the team, visit the CREST website at: https://crestresearch.ac.uk/projects/actors-and-narratives/ About the authors: Mark Youngman is an ESRC-funded doctoral student and Cerwyn Moore a Senior Lecturer in the Centre for Russian, European and Eurasian Studies at the University of Birmingham. Disclaimer: This report has been part funded by an ESRC IAA award and part funded by the Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (ESRC Award: ES/N009614/1). It draws on the existing work of the authors, and supplements their work with original research and ongoing data collection of Russian-speaking foreign fighters.www.crestresearch.co.uk The cover image, Caucasus Emirate, is a remixed derivative ofProposed divisions of the Caucasus Emirate by ArnoldPlaton, under CC BY-SA 3.0. Caucasus Emirate is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0. by R. Stevens, CREST. ©2017 CREST Creative Commons 4.0 BY-NC-SA licence. www.crestresearch.ac.uk/copyright CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...............................................................................................................4 PART I: ASSESSING THE ‘RUSSIAN-SPEAKING’ -
Caucasian Review of International Affairs (CRIA) Is a Quarterly Peer-Reviewed, Non- Profit and Only-Online Academic Journal Based in Germany
CCCAUCASIAN REVIEW OF IIINTERNATIONAL AAAFFAIRS Vol. 4 (((3(333)))) sssummersummer 2020201020 101010 EU DEMOCRACY PROMOTION THROUGH CONDITIONALITY IN ITS NEIGHBOURHOOD JANINE REINHARD EU ENGAGEMENT IN CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN GEORGIA : TOWARDS A MORE PROACTIVE ROLE MEHMET BARDAKÇI RELIGION AND ITS IMPORTANCE IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS : A CASE STUDY OF 2008 RUSSIAN -GEORGIAN WAR INES -JACQUELINE WERKNER FROM RACKETEER TO EMIR : A POLITICAL PORTRAIT OF DOKU UMAROV , RUSSIA ’S MOST WANTED MAN KEVIN DANIEL LEAHY THE CRISIS OF GAZPROM AS THE CRISIS OF RUSSIA ’S “E NERGY SUPER -STATE ” POLICY TOWARDS EUROPE AND THE FORMER SOVIET UNION ANDREY KAZANTSEV EURASIAN BARGAINING , AGRICULTURE , AND THE DOHA ROUND SARITA D. JACKSON WAS KOSOVO ’S SPLIT -OFF LEGITIMATE ? BACKGROUND , MEANING AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE ICJ’ S ADVISORY OPINION HEIKO KRUEGER UKRAINE : A CHALLENGE FOR U.S., EU & NATO REGIONAL POLICY TAMERLAN VAHABOV ISSN: 1865-6773 www.cria -online.org EDITORIAL BOARD: Dr. Tracey German (King’s College Dr. Robin van der Hout (Europa-Institute, London, United Kingdom) University of Saarland, Germany) Dr. Andrew Liaropoulos (Institute for Dr. Jason Strakes (Analyst, Research European and American Studies, Greece) Reachback Center East, U.S.) Dr. Martin Malek (National Defence Dr. Cory Welt (George Washington Academy, Austria) University, U.S.) INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY BOARD: Prof. Hüseyin Bagci , Middle East Prof. Werner Münch , former Prime Technical University, Ankara, Turkey Minister of Saxony-Anhalt, former Member of the European Parliament, Germany Prof. Hans-Georg Heinrich, University of Vienna, Austria Prof. Elkhan Nuriyev , Director of the Centre for Strategic Studies under the Prof. Edmund Herzig , Oxford University, President of the Republic of Azerbaijan UK Dr. -
Speaking of Suicide Bombers, I Stumbled Across
Understanding Suicide Terrorist Bombings in Russia PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 155 May 2011 Mark Kramer Harvard University Suicide terrorist bombings have been a frequent phenomenon in Russia over the past decade. The large majority of these attacks have occurred in the North Caucasus— particularly Chechnya, Dagestan, and Ingushetia—but many such bombings have also been perpetrated in Moscow, including the powerful explosion inside the international arrivals hall of Domodedovo Airport in January 2011 that killed 37 people and wounded some 180. What lies behind these attacks? Generalizations about the motives of a large group of people are always hazardous, no more so than in this case. Except in the relatively few instances when attempted suicide bombings have been unsuccessful and the would-be attackers have not been killed by security forces, the perpetrators of suicide bombings are not around to reveal why they acted as they did. Some, but not all, of the suicide terrorists in Russia leave video recordings or notes that explain why they took such drastic action. But even when attackers’ posthumous testimony is available, it is often incomplete, deceptive, or obfuscatory. The testimony can be valuable, but in many cases it gives no more than a rough idea of why the attackers wanted to kill and die for their cause. Despite the difficulties of assessing the motives of suicide terrorists in Russia, a few points can be stated with certainty. First, nearly all of the attackers have been of North Caucasus origin or working with terrorist groups based in the North Caucasus. Second, since late 2007 the majority of suicide bombers have been from Dagestan and Ingushetia, although a considerable number of such attacks have still been perpetrated by Chechens. -
Chechnya's Status Within the Russian
SWP Research Paper Uwe Halbach Chechnya’s Status within the Russian Federation Ramzan Kadyrov’s Private State and Vladimir Putin’s Federal “Power Vertical” Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 2 May 2018 In the run-up to the Russian presidential elections on 18 March 2018, the Kremlin further tightened the federal “vertical of power” that Vladimir Putin has developed since 2000. In the North Caucasus, this above all concerns the republic of Dagestan. Moscow intervened with a powerful purge, replacing the entire political leadership. The situation in Chechnya, which has been ruled by Ramzan Kadyrov since 2007, is conspicuously different. From the early 2000s onwards, President Putin conducted a policy of “Chechenisation” there, delegating the fight against the armed revolt to local security forces. Under Putin’s protection, the republic gained a leadership which is now publicly referred to by Russians as the “Chechen Khanate”, among other similar expressions. Kadyrov’s breadth of power encompasses an independ- ent foreign policy, which is primarily orientated towards the Middle East. Kadyrov emphatically professes that his republic is part of Russia and presents himself as “Putin’s foot soldier”. Yet he has also transformed the federal subject of Chechnya into a private state. The ambiguous relationship between this republic and the central power fundamentally rests on the loyalty pact between Putin and Kadyrov. However, criticism of this arrange- ment can now occasionally be heard even in the Russian president’s inner circles. With regard to Putin’s fourth term, the question arises just how long the pact will last. -
Two Years After the Murder of Natalia Estemirova: the Investigation Continues Along a False Path
TWO YEARS AFTER THE MURDER OF NATALIA ESTEMIROVA: THE INVESTIGATION CONTINUES ALONG A FALSE PATH Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servi- Article 1: All human beings are born free and tude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to torture equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Article 6: Everyone has the right to recognition every- another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this where as a person before the law. Article 7: All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimina- Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other tion to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination. Article 8: Everyone has the right to an effective rem- on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person edy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. by law. Article 9: No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liber ty and security of person. -
Russia's Dagestan: Conflict Causes
RUSSIA’S DAGESTAN: CONFLICT CAUSES Europe Report N°192 – 3 June 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. A FRAGILE INTER-ETHNIC BALANCE.................................................................... 2 A. INTER-ETHNIC COMPETITION OVER LAND AND STATE POSITIONS...............................................2 B. THE 2007 ELECTIONS .................................................................................................................4 1. Removing inter-ethnic competition from electoral politics..................................................4 2. Electoral violence and results ...............................................................................................5 III. ISLAMISM IN DAGESTAN AND CHECHEN CONNECTIONS.............................. 6 A. CHECHEN AND DAGESTANI ISLAMISTS IN THE 1990S .................................................................6 B. THE “HUNT FOR THE WAHHABIS” SINCE 1999 ...........................................................................8 C. SHARIAT JAMAAT’S GROWING INFLUENCE .................................................................................8 D. RENEWED TENSIONS WITH CHECHNYA .....................................................................................10 IV. VIOLENCE AGAINST STATE AUTHORITIES ...................................................... -
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Memorial Human Rights Center 127051 Russia, Moscow, Malyj Karetnyj per. 12 tel. (495) 225-31-18 Web-site: http://www.memo.ru/ Report for the next round of consultations on Human Rights European Union – Russia The situation in the conflict zone of the North Caucasus June 2009 – October 2009 Moscow 2009 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………..…..1 Activization of armed underground………………………………………………….……2 The reaction of the governmental authorities………………………………….…………3 Human Rights activists under attack…………………………………………….………..3 Ingushetia………………………………………………………………………….…….…..5 Dagestan…………………………………………………………………………….……….7 Chechnya……………………………………………………………………….……………8 Decisions of the European Court of Human Rights……………………………………..10 Recommendations…………………………………………………………………………11 Introduction The North Caucasus remains one of Russia's least prosperous regions in the field of human rights. Although the situation in various republics and regions of the North Caucasus differs remarkably, some general factors, spread over a large territory of the North Caucasus adversely influence the development of the situation. These are: − the ongoing fighting. Right now armed underground forces, using terroristic methods, oppose the Russian state on the North Caucasus. The power structures, in turn, implement a politics of state terror; − the impunity for mass crimes, committed by state representatives during a "counterterrorist operation". This way, the fate of the absolute majority of thousands of people, that have forcibly "vanished" on the territory of Chechnya since 2000, has not been established. The database of the HRC "Memorial" contains more than three thousand cases on those kind of forced "disappearances", and no one has so far been punished for these crimes; − the corruption, whose level is high even against the background of the rest of Russia; − the arbitrariness of the officials; − a high unemployment rate; – the conflict between the supporters of the "traditional" Islam for the North Caucasus and the relatively new, fundamental Salafism movement of Islam. -
“As If They Fell from the Sky”
“As If They Fell From the Sky” Counterinsurgency, Rights Violations, and Rampant Impunity in Ingushetia Copyright © 2008 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-345-5 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org June 2008 1-56432-345-5 “As If They Fell From the Sky” Counterinsurgency, Rights Violations, and Rampant Impunity in Ingushetia Map of Region.................................................................................................................... 1 I. Summary.........................................................................................................................2 II. Recommendations.......................................................................................................... 7 To the Government of the Russian Federation..................................................................7 To Russia’s International Partners .................................................................................. 9 To the Council of Europe................................................................................................. 9 III. Methodology................................................................................................................11 IV. -
The Role of Islam in Political Life in the North Caucasus the Cases of Dagestan and Chechnya
Francesca Romana Bastianello The role of Islam in political life in the North Caucasus The cases of Dagestan and Chechnya Introduction With the collapse of the Soviet Union many political players in interethnic and interreligious republics have turned to religion for legitimization and political mobilization. This religious revival was especially felt in the Muslim Republics of the ex USSR, including the Republics of Chechnya and Dagestan, among the most ‘Islamic’ areas in the Union, in spite of 70 years of Soviet anti-religious rule and especially thanks to their strong Sufi character. In spite of several common aspects, at the moment of transition Chechnya and Dagestan had also important differences, essential in the understanding of the evolution of the events from the end of the first Chechen war onwards. Firstly, while in Chechnya the socialist political elite was replaced, in Dagestan it remained in power retaining the typical soviet mistrust of anybody not under its full control and extreme hostility to, and suspicion of Islam. Secondly, Dagestan chose to remain part of the Russian Federation and not to declare independence as Chechnya did. Thirdly, we have to consider the multi-ethnic composition of Dagestan as opposed to the homogeneity of Chechnya that had a notable influence in the politicization of Islam since almost each major nationality seceded from the Dagestani religious board and established its own Muftiate. 1 However, politics had remained secular in both republics until the end of 1994 and only the first Chechen war changed the situation. This paper aims to analyze the Islamization of politics in both Dagestan and Chechnya and the role played by the radical movement of Wahhabism.