The French Communist Party and Britain in the Second World War
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The French Communist Party and Britain in the Second World War Gavin Bowd The French Communist Party (PCF) is not normally associated with Britain: commentators have preferred to concentrate on its relationship with the Soviet Union, its role in the anti-colonial struggle, and its hostility to Americanisation and European unification. The PCF is compared far more often with the Italian Communist Party, than with its poor neighbour across the Channel, the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB).1 However, in the course of the Second World War, the PCF’s relationship with Britain illustrates the tortuous trajectory of the Communist movement and offers insights into its role in the French Resistance, with all the changes of alliance and re-writing of recent history that this entailed. Documents and publications of the PCF and CPGB help to trace transnational exchanges that were ultimately determined by dramatic shifts in geopolitics. Against Perfidious Plutocracy At first, the signature of the Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact, then the Franco-British declaration of war, did not tear apart the Communist movement. Although L’Humanité and Ce Soir were banned on 26 August 1939, the Communist deputies still approved money for the war effort on 2 September. It was believed that the pact with Hitler was a tactical move to defend the homeland of Bolshevism: war against 1 See Stéphane Courtois and Marc Lazar, Histoire du Parti communiste français (Paris: PUF, 1995), and Marc Lazar, Maisons rouges. Les Partis communistes français et italien de la Libération à nos jours (Paris: Aubier, 1992). Nazism would continue in the West. However, on 7 September, Joseph Stalin made clear to the Comintern that the Allies’ ‘imperialist war’ had to be opposed at all costs. What is more, on 26 September, a pact of friendship placed Nazi Germany firmly in the ‘peace’ camp. During the weeks that followed, the invasion of the Baltic States illustrated the carving up of Eastern Europe which had been secretly agreed by Molotov and Von Ribbentrop. On 26 September, the PCF was dissolved. Its Comintern mentor, Eugen Fried, moved to Brussels to direct operations in Western Europe, and was joined by French leaders Jacques Duclos and Maurice Tréand. In France, the remaining leadership was dislocated, its membership drained by mobilisation and mass disenchantment. The Party which had made a major breakthrough in 1936 was rapidly reduced to a few thousand members. On 1 October, Jacques Duclos demanded that France open peace negotiations with Hitler: this request was met with increased repression and arrests of Communist deputies, councillors and trade unionists. On 4 October, with the help of a Party commando, Maurice Thorez deserted from the army and made for Brussels, from where he would continue to Moscow. Communist ‘treachery’ seemed confirmed in the eyes of the French authorities. As for the CPGB, the new ‘anti-imperialist’ line, which made Britain and France ultimately responsible for the conflict, led to the replacement of its general secretary, Harry Pollitt, by the ultra-orthodox R. Palme Dutt. On 26 October, L’Humanité re-appeared illegally. The changes of the last two months were manifest, with words like nazi and hitlérien disappearing from its vocabulary. Instead, on 30 October 1939, the Party newspaper declared itself ‘contre la guerre des capitalistes. Pour détruire la puissance des oligarchies, qui en sont responsables’.2 In this issue, Thorez’s remarks on Britain were in the new anti- imperialist line, presenting perfidious Albion as the enemy of France. Every time capitalist France had tried to profit from her victory in 1918, Britain had been there to do a deal with Germany. This selfish and destructive foreign policy had continued with Britain’s hostility to the Spanish Republic. Now appeasement had given way to aggression. Thorez concluded: Nous aimons le peuple anglais que nous ne confondons pas avec le gouvernement conservateur d’Angleterre, comme je le disais au banquet de la presse anglo-américaine en mai 1936. Nous aimons tous les peuples, nous ne confondons pas le peuple allemand avec ses maîtres du moment et nous agissons en défense du peuple français en ne voulant pas que la jeunesse de notre pays soit jetée en holocauste aux capitalistes anglais en lutte d’intérêts avec les capitalistes allemands. Nous souffrons de voir qu’un Daladier peut froidement sacrifier des vies françaises à des intérêts qui ne sont pas ceux du peuple de France.3 At the beginning of November, Sam Russell, Paris correspondent of the Daily Worker, himself seeking refuge in Brussels, was offered a journalistic scoop: an interview with the deserter Thorez. In 1991, Russell recounted his secret rendez-vous with le fils du peuple: Il fait déjà noir et il tombe une pluie battante. Je suis à côté de Tréand qui ne dit rien et nous roulons une heure jusqu’à un endroit que je n’ai jamais pu 2 L’Humanité clandestine, ed. by Germaine Willard, 2 vols (Paris: Messidor, 1975), I, 55. 3 L’Humanité clandestine, I , 51–53. identifier, à l’extérieur de Bruxelles, en tout cas, probablement aux alentours d’une grande ville [Bruges]. On s’arrête finalement devant une maison: c’est là ! Nous entrons, je m’assois et je patiente quelques minutes. Thorez descend les marches de l’escalier, me salue, décontracté, presque guilleret, me dit qu’il a préparé des réponses, qu’il est prêt à me consacrer un moment autour d’un café, si j’ai d’autres questions. Je lis mon texte, qui est déjà dactylographié; nous discutons, je prends pas mal de notes et, après une heure et demie, nous nous quittons.4 The interview was published on the front page of the Daily Worker on 4 November, under the headline, ‘Outlawed French leader tells why he is hunted’. It caused consternation in France, leading the far right deputy, Pierre Taittinger, to tell the Chamber: ‘A quoi bon interdire L’Humanité si la presse communiste anglaise est autorisée en France!.’5 Extracts of the interview were reproduced in the seventh clandestine issue of L’Humanité, on 17 November (three days after Thorez gave a report on the French situation to the Comintern Executive Committee in Moscow). The paper was proud to cite Russell’s remark that ‘jamais je ne vis Thorez plus confiant en son Parti, dans ses camarades et dans l’avenir du Peuple Français’. The General Secretary informed his readers that the forces of reaction in France, including Daladier and the Parti socialiste, were infuriated by the PCF’s denunciation of the Allies’ true war aim: ‘la destruction de la mère-patrie du socialisme, l’Union soviétique’. Thorez pledged to 4 Guillaume Bourgeois, ‘Entretien avec Sam Russell’, Communisme, 87, (2006), 11-19. 5 Bourgeois, ‘Entretien avec Sam Russell’, 17. continue the struggle, asserting that he had deserted in order to ‘rester à [s]on poste dans la guerre des classes’.6 These attacks on an inter-imperialist war were echoed in the Daily Worker. In December, after a meeting in Paris between the moderate TUC leader Walter Citrine and the French labour minister Charles Pomaret, the Communist daily accused Citrine of plotting to drag millions of Anglo-French trade unionists behind the Anglo-French imperialist war machine. Citrine reacted by successfully suing for libel. But the PCF adopted a more national-cum-chauvinist rhetoric to fit the Comintern line. During the drôle de guerre, the PCF attempted to gain support among French soldiers and their families by claiming they were paid and fed much less than their so-called allies from across the Channel. On 28 January 1940, L’Humanité contrasted ‘menu anglais et rata français’: ‘La nourriture des troupes anglaises comporte hors-d’œuvre, jambon, viande et légumes, fruits, mais le soldat français doit se contenter d’un rata à peine plus varié que celui qu’on sert dans les prisons’7. On 1 May 1940, just before the invasion of France, L’Humanité du Soldat continued to stoke up resentment against the British, in this case visiting female volunteers: De riches Anglaises insultent nos malheurs par leurs parades en uniforme. Leurs indécentes coquetteries mettent en évidence la soumission de la France envers les ploutocrates britanniques. Asservis économiquement, militairement et politiquement, notre pays est transformé en ‘dominion’ anglaise.8 6 L’Humanité clandestine, I , 67–68. 7 L’Humanité clandestine, I, 118. 8 Archives du Parti Communiste Français (Bobigny): 3 MI 6/140 [emphasis in original] (hereafter APCF). Communist vitriol did not spare their erstwhile allies in the Front Populaire. In February 1940, under the title ‘Syntaxe’, L’Humanité instructed its readers: ‘Ne dites pas “le citoyen BLUM” mais dites: “le City-oyen BLUM”’.9 On 17 June 1940, as Pétain declared that ‘il faut cesser le combat’, L’Humanité asked: ‘Est-ce que la Cité de Londres obtiendra la continuation du massacre de nos frères et de nos fils, pour permettre à l’Angleterre impérialiste, avec ses 40 millions d’habitants, d’en exploiter 400 millions [in an expanded Empire]?.’10 In the course of June, Jacques Duclos and Maurice Tréand followed the Wehrmacht into Paris in a Soviet diplomatic car. On arrival, the leadership called for fraternisation with German troops and put out feelers to the German ambassador, Otto Abetz, with a view to legalisation of the Party and its press. Indeed, the PCF denounced the call for resistance emanating from London. On 1 July 1940, the front page headline of L’Humanité was ‘PAS POUR L’ANGLETERRE’11. Three days later, the paper claimed that the French people ‘demande d’énergiques mesures contre tous ceux qui, par ordre de l’Angleterre, impérialiste, voudraient entraîner à nouveau les Français dans la guerre.