The Place of Man in the Development of Darwin's Theory of Transmutation Part I
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The Place of Man in the Development of Darwin's Theory of Transmutation Part I. To July 1837 SANDRA HERBERT Department of History University of Maryland, Baltimore County This article forms the first half of an essay on the place of man in Charles Darwin's exploration of the species question. The second half of the essay will appear in a future issue of this journal. The following portion of the essay carries the discussion to the spring of 1837, the date when Darwin first affirmed a transmutationist position. In it I try to show that the subject of man was not one of those lines of inquiry which drew Darwin to transmutationist conclusions, and, conversely, to suggest what sorts of inquiries did lead him to such conclusions. The argument is organized as follows: Part I. Darwin's views on man prior to 1837: (a) orientation toward religion, politics, and career as an under- graduate; (b) observations on man during the voyage of the Beagle; (c) personal change of mind. Part II. Sources of Darwin's conversion to a transmutationist position: (a) evidence of notes dating from the voyage; (b) Darwin's Ornithological Notes and related lists; (c) the role of professional zoologists; and, (d) composition of the Journal of Researches. DARWIN's VIEWS ON MAN PRIOR TO 1837 Orientation toward Religion, Politics, and Career as an Undergraduate As with most people, not much is known about Darwin's youthful philosophical orientation beyond what the subject cared to relate, in this case in an autobiography written in later life. 1 In reviewing the facts of Darwin's early life, however, one is immediately struck by the apparent contradiction between his intellectual heritage as the grandson of the freethinker Erasmus Darwin and his declared intention, as pro- posed to him by his father, of entering Cambridge University in order to become a member of the English clergy. The source of the contra- 1. Charles Darwin, The Autobiography of Charles Darwin, ed. Nora Balow (New York: Norton, 1958). Journal of the History of Biology, vol. 7, no. 2 (Fall 1974), pp. 217-258. Copyright © 1974 by D. Reidel Publishing Company, Dordrecht-Holland. SANDRA HERBERT diction was Charles's father, Robert Waring Darwin, who, though an unbeliever himself, and unlike his brother-in-law Josiah Wedgwood, did not alter child-rearing practices to fit his personal beliefs. Ideolo- gically Charles thus fell heir both to the liberal traditions of the Darwin- Wedgwood clan and, at least potentially, to the theological tradition represented by the Thirty-Nine Articles of the Church of England. Yet Charles was very clear in the Autobiography that he was sent by his father to study for the clergy; he did not choose it. Having found himself disinclined toward medicine at Edinburgh University, however, and being entirely dependent on his father for support, he was in no position to object. Fortunately, there exist a few indications of Darwin's own attitudes toward his assigned career in a series of letters which Darwin wrote to his cousin William Darwin Fox. Fox was in much the same situation as Darwin, since he too anticipated combining a clerical post with the pursuit of natural history. Being a year ahead of Darwin in school, Fox faced the final year of reading theology and the accompanying search for a position before Darwin, and Darwin was eager to learn his cousin's opinions of the theological matters he was reading and his success at obtaining a post. 2 From letters, however, it would appear that Darwin's interest in these matters was entirely practical; questions of belief simply did not arise. In these early letters the nearest Darwin came to expressing religious interest was on the occasion of the death of Fox's sister, when, Darwin offered consolation in traditionally religious language. 3 Other indications of Darwin's early taste or distaste for religion are rare, though among the extant materials from the pre-Beagle period there do exist Darwin's notes on William Paley's Evidences of Chris- tianity. 4 Paley's book, which had been written "to promote the relig- 2. See Darwin to Fox, January 2, 1829, and March 12, 1829, on Fox's reading in divinity, Darwin-Fox Correspondence, Christ College, Cambridge. 3. Darwin to Fox, April 23, 1829, Darwin-Fox Correspondence. "I feel most sincerely & deeply for you & all your family: But at the same time, as far as anyone can, by his own good principles & religion be supported under such a misfortune, you I am assured, well known where to look for such support. And after so pure & holy a comfort as the Bible affords I am equally assured how useless the sympathy of all friends must appear although it be as heartfelt & sincere, as I hope you believe me capable of feeling." 4. Darwin MSS, vol. 9I, University Library, Cambridge (hereafter abbreviated ULC). The chapter headings in Darwin's notes do not correspond to those in the Evidences but the arguments are clearly Paley's. See William Paley, A View of the 218 Man in the Development of Darwin's Theory of Transmutation ious part of an academical education," was required reading for Cambridge undergraduates. Pleased with Paley's skill at argument, Darwin also read the more famous Natural Theology on his own. s While overall the Natural Theology is the more important work, there are a few indications that the Evidences made some impression on Darwin. For example, in the Autobiography Darwin referred to his "inventing day-dreams of old letters between distinguished Romans and manuscripts being discovered at Pompeii or elsewhere which confirmed in the most striking manner all that was written in the Gospels. ''6 According to canons put forward in the Evidences such daydreams, fulfilled, would stand as ideal corroboration of the truth of Chris- tianity. In a larger perspective, Paley's approach to religion was eighteenth- century in its concern for simple truth or falsity. (Christianity, inciden- tally, was taken as emblematic of religion, for, in Paley's words, "if the Christian religion be not credible, no one, with whom we have to do, will support the pretensions of any other.") 7 In reading Paley's arguments for the truth of religion, Darwin was seemingly taken with his skill in setting up disjunctions. In his notes Darwin concentrated specifically on Paley's argument that, granted His existence, Jesus was either the son of God as he claimed or "an imposter or an enthusiast & deceived himself. ''8 Darwin's approach to Paley was the appropriate one, since the essential merit in Paley's mode of argument was the identification of all logical possibilities and then the progressive elimination of one after another until only one remained. This simplicity of judgment with respect to religion remained with Darwin. When during the voyage on the Beagle he turned against the Old Testament on geological and moral grounds 9 and, after the voyage, found the argument from design less than universal, he became as easily Evidences of Christianity (1974) in The Works of William Paley (Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson & Peter Brown, 1831). Paley's The Prin'tiples of Moral and .Political Philosophy (1801) was also required reading. 5. Autobiography, p. 59. 6. Ibid., p. 86. 7. Paley, Evidences, p. 297. 8. Darwin MSS, vol. 91, ULC. Compare with Evidences, Part 2, Chap. 5, p. 364. 9. Autobiography, p. 85. The "geological" grounds very.likely refer to Darwin's change of opinion the Beagle voyage concerning the geological significance and historicity of the Noachian flood; the "moral" grounds refer to his dissatisfaction with the Old Testament image of God as a "revengeful tyrant." 219 SANDRA HERBERT convinced of the falsity of religion as, at one time, at least passively, he had been persuaded of its truth. Thus Darwin's undergraduate educa- tion influenced the terms of his response to religion, both while he was for it and when he turned against it. On the political side, there is nothing to suggest that Darwin forsook the liberalism of the Darwin-Wedgwood families. Indeed, according to Paul H. Barrett, Darwin while a student at Edinburgh University in his teens resigned from the Plinian Society in protest at the reprimand a student received for espousing materialist views, m° This early evidence of Darwin's espousal of the liberal belief in the right of free speech supports the view that it was Darwin's most cherished political belief. Indeed, as his now famous letter to Karl Marx suggested, he seems to have regarded free thought and free speech as the chief political requirement for the gradual enlightenment of mankind, u Another liberal position which Darwin had occasion to defend early in life was that against slavery, which was abolished within the British Empire in 1834. Darwin's antagonist on the slavery issue was Robert Fitzroy, the captain of the Beagle, who was politically conservative and personally contentious. As a conservative Fitzroy defended the institution of slavery, and since the two men frequently conversed aboard ship (Fitzroy treating Darwin as his sole equal), their differences in political opinion periodically threatened the harmony of their relationship. Nevertheless, Darwin's fidelity to the political liberalism of his family traditions apparently did not lead him to more universal philosophical conclusions. One cannot make the case for Charles Darwin which Samuel LiUey has made for his grandfather Erasmus that it was the subject's larger philosophical beliefs, in Erasmus' case a belief in pro- gress, which prompted thoughts on evolution. 1~ To return to the subject of Darwin's career, we can see that his ambitions lay with science even as an undergraduate.