295

FINAL NOTES.

T h e present survey of the culture-forms of Vaitupu has • provided an illustration of a principle clearly enunciated by Dixon,* that it is on material culture alone that environ­ ment exerts a direct and perceptible influence, while on the social and religious aspects its influence is “ both less obvious and less inherent,” and further that these latter, “ being amenable to such a variety of other influences, the weak pressure of enviornment may be entirely neutralized and overcome.” The illustration provided is in the retention of culture-forms of the immediate past under the disturbing influence of foreign domination. We find the easy conquest of religious forms by proselytizing mission-workers closely followed by the submergence of the whole former social structure— a submergence so complete that even the most tedious and painstaking enquiries fail to reveal more than a few of the most salient features. Ceremonies involved in ancient rites and customs, games, courtship, marriage, birth, adult initiation, and death, have disappeared com­ pletely, leaving nothing more than a half-understood word here and there amid their still less-understood substitutes. Only such practices as were intimately incorporated in the methods of providing for physical needs— food, sexual rela­ tions, and self-preservationf— that is, broadly speaking, the main elements of the material culture, have been retained. It may be held against this argument that it was in opposition to the social and religious culture-forms only that the proselytism mentioned above was directed, and that this explains the fact that most of the forms of material culture still exist. It should be remembered, however, that these also have been subjected to a kind of proselytism—that represented by European trade; and, in many places, they

* Dixon, Roland B., The Building of Cultures. f Self-preservation from death by sickness and disease in this instance. Cf. Dixon, op. cit. p. 41. 296 Culture of Vaitupu, Ellice Islands. are now yielding.* The contention outlined above depends on the fact that they have resisted the diffusion of foreign substitutes for a longer period than any of the social or religious elements have done. The point will be made sufficiently clear by reference to the comparative amount of space devoted to the three aspects of culture in these notes. This is not to suggest that the notes cover the whole of the available field, but that they fairly represent, in proportion, the existing evidence of the pre-European culture. It is true that most of the space under the actual heading of Material Culture deals with obsolete elements, but so also does that devoted, not only to notes on Religion, but also to all the Songs and most of the Folklore, which would be included under social elements. Furthermore, it has been found impossible to include in these notes a vast amount of information dealing with textile manufactures— mats, baskets, kilts, etc.— impor­ tant forms of material culture which still flourish in competition with trade substitutes. In the remainder of this concluding section an attempt will be made to piece together the scraps of information which have been gleaned from time to time with reference to birth, adult initiation, relationship, courtship, marriage, old-time customs, social organization, and death in pre- European days.

Birth. A point in the life-cycle which seems to present a clear beginning is the first indication of pregnancy. From the time of the marriage of a couple until the definite pregnancy of the bride, presents of food were exchanged between the families of the bride and the bridgroom. The bridegroom’s father, his sisters, and his father’s brothers contributed on the one side, and the bride’s mother, brothers, and mother’s sisters on the other. This was called te fakautautanga o te kauae. The word kauae (jaw-bone) survives to the present day as a term for the exchange of food-presents

* E.g. the use of metal tools, the substitution, at Funafuti Island, of the steel hook for the lou, or wooden hook for taking Ruvettus, and the trolling-method with European equipment for the hereditary snaring-method in taking the pāla fish; and, in Fiji, the recent wide­ spread use of corrugated-iron roofing to replace thatch, Final N otes. 297

after a marriage, but its signification is unknown. Other practices between this and the birth of the child have already been dealt with in the chapter on Obstetrics. Mention was also made there of the birth-feasts, for two of which all the same individuals mentioned above provided. There seems to be here a definite indication of dual organization and matrilineal descent.* If this was due to traces of dual organization among the earliest Polynesian migrants it is precisely in a marginal culture like that of Vaitupu that one would expect to find the evidence surviving, even though absent in nuclear areas like the neighbouring Samoa. It might be said that the Vaitupu social structure in this respect was at a stage of transition from matrilineal to patrilineal descent, wherein the point of equilibrium had not long been passed in favour of patrilineal descent. The name of the final birth-feast, recorded in the chapter on Obstetrics, is te fakatekanga o te ala. This may be trans­ lated “ the casting off of the way ” ; and the fact that this is the last of the three birth-feasts, that to it the bridegroom’s family alone contributes, and that it takes place immediately before the child is taken over by the bridegroom’s sisters in turn, may indicate that it alludes to the casting off of the influence and rights of the mother’s family. Then began te fakasaelenga o te faele (the causing-to- walk-about of the mother-of-the-new-born) which means that the mother had to follow her child for feeding purposes to the houses of its father’s sisters. These took the child in turn, each keeping it in her own house for as long a time as the others would permit. In former times the period of fakasaelenga would sometimes last for more than a month, according to the number of the husband’s sisters. Nowadays the period lasts only for a few days, usually one day with each aunt. Here occurs an interesting point which I do not remember having seen recorded from elsewhere; the sisters (tuangane) of the young father, in the classificatory sense (i.e. including adopted sisters, and many whom Euro­ peans would call cousins, even to the second and third degree) all have a large say in the preparation of the feast of the

* Cf. Rivers, The History of Melanesian Society, vol. 1. See also below, the term ilamutu and tuatina for nephew—mother’s brother relationship. 298 Cu ltu re of V a it u p u , E llice I sl a n d s . fakatekanga and in the making of mats and other requisites for the new-born infant, but only those representing the various degrees of cousinship are actually concerned in the fakasaelenga ceremony. That is to say, the husband’s uterine sisters do not keep the child in their houses on this occasion. The mother, in former times, in going to feed the infant in the house of that husband’s sister in which it was domiciled, temporarily would exchange skirts (titi) with the husband’s sister concerned. This exchange would be repeated at every visit. The whole ceremony of the fakasaelenga seems to have been developed to emphasize the ascendancy of the father’s family; and the point to be noted is that, such emphasis being necessary, patrilineal descent could not have been very firmly established over a long period. A child whose father had no sisters and who, therefore, could not undergo the fakasaelenga ceremony was referred to scornfully as tama- po (child of the night). This epithet was much more opprobrious than the term fua-taka (bastard) ; for a child born out of wedlock was not necessarily a tama-po, since, if its father acknowledged his responsibility, his sisters would act in the same manner as if the parents were man and wife. The next ceremony was a feast held on the cutting of the infant’s first tooth (e fau te nifo o somo).* From the time of weaning till the age of adolesence, the child appears to have lived a life of almost unrestricted freedom. Boys and girls played together indiscriminately, imitated their elders, and accumulated a vast stock of empirical knowledge. The description given by Margaret Mead of the life of children in the islands of Eastern Samoa, insofar as it regards their mental development, might well have been written of Vaitupu.f There is little direct evidence of sexual experimentation among children at this period, but the indications of sexual precocity are so obvious that one is led to infer that it undoubtedly occurs. Such indirect evidence as is obtainable, however, would indicate that the

* For further details of the nursing of the child see chapter on Obstetrics. f Margaret Mead, Coming of Age in Samoa. F in a l N otes. 299 experimentation begins in the early stages of adolescence of both sexes, with members of the opposite sex of the gene­ ration above. Homosexual practices appear to be more prevalent among adolescent girls than among boys of the same generation. There seems to be no reason to believe that this aspect of child development was different in ancient times except in that the shame now demanded by Christian ethics, and the consequent secrecy, were probably absent. When a child reached the age of puberty, the chief would direct that it be given, if a boy, a broussonetia kilt (takai) to wear; if a girl, a malena, which was a simple plaited waist-string of the bleached skin (td) of coconut leaflets, from which hung, in front, a few locks of human hair, barely sufficient to cover the pubic region. The boy’s first donning of the takai was the primary step of his initiation to manhood, and great was the family’s pride in him (ko Iasi te alofa o te kainga ki ei). Shortly after this he would be directed to cease wandering and confine himself to the family dwelling to prepare his body by a~ rich and copious diet to endure the full initiation by tattoo into manhood’s estate, and to gladden’s men’s eyes withal. The whole of this preparation was denoted by the verb “ o kula.” A girl, if a dearly beloved or favourite child (tama fangasele) would, at this time, be set on a dark overhead platform in the house and copiously fed for the purpose of beauti­ fication (fangai fata), a custom several times previously referred to in these notes.*

T a tto o in g . When, in the opinion of the high chief (tupu) the majority of the boys of that generation were in a fit state of preparation, he would announce, “ Te utau o tupulanga tena ka td,” (That generation will now be tattooed). The tattooer (tufunga td utau) was informed by the boy’s father or by an elder of the father’s family, and he set about preparing his materials. These consisted of four or five tattooing pens (pakiau), a wooden mallet (kau pangopango), a brush (solo), and a coconut-shell vessel of colouring- matter (taelama). The pakiau was constructed in a manner

* Cf. Grimble, Arthur, “ From Birth to Death in the Gilbert Islands,” J.R.A.I., vol. 51, January-June, 1921. 300 C u ltu re of V a it u p u , E l lic e Isl a n d s . similar to the construction of the surgical lancets described in the chapter on Surgery. It consisted of a handle, to the end of which was lashed a shaft of bird-bone about one inch in length, which terminated in an edge set parallel to the handle, about a quarter of an inch wide and serrated into three sharp points.. The hau pangopango was identical with the mallet described in the chapter on Surgery. The brush consisted of a short piece of the adventitious root of pandanus, one end of which was macerated so as to free the fibres, while the other end served as a handle. A mixture of the powdered charcoal of the nuts of Hernandia peltata (puka) with water, provided an effective colouring material. The youth, or maiden (for both were tattooed) was made to lie on a specially prepared bed. Before commencing work the tufunga donned his magic eye-shade (mataili).* Then, holding a pakiau so that it protruded from between the thumb and forefinger of his right hand while the brush (solo) was held between the joints of the second and third fingers of the same hand, he commenced the operation. Members of the patient’s family were present in force, but, except for four or five adults who held the subject to prevent movement, sat around the house, outside. Just before the operation commenced, these onlookers shouted in unison, in a high falsetto, “Kona fui u-u-uli!” and from the tufunga came the response, “Kona fui pel” This might be repeated at intervals during the operation.-}- The first line of the design was marked out with the colouring-matter applied to the skin with a thin stick. Then the tufwngu beat on the handle of the pakiau with the kau pangopango so that the sharp points of the blade pierced the skin and forced in the colour­ ing matter. As the pakiau carried the design forward under continued tapping with the mallet, the brush, which was in line with the handle, but below it, and in close proximity to the skin, was used to mop up the blood which exuded in the track of the pakiau. As the first incision was made, the tattooer exclaimed, “ Langi te mako, koulua, a te pakiau ko faulu ” (Raise a song, you people, for the pen has entered).

* For illustration of mataili from Funafuti Island see Hedley, op. cit. p. 246, fig. 11. f The meaning is somewhat obscure, but it would seem to he an incantation for the success of the operation, that the result might be a black design standing forth clearly. F in a l N otes. 301

Those outside then set up a loud song and continued singing for the duration of the operation. The object of this was said to be, not only to distract the patient’s mind from the pain of the operation, but also to drown the sound of any cries he might utter, so that the family would not come to shame in the eyes of its neighbours. When the points of one pakiau became blunt, another would replace it. The operation was continued until the sun was low in the heavens, when the tufunga signified its completion for that day by inserting all his instruments in the strands of his mataili. The majority of men were tattooed only on the sides of the chest and on the sides of the back in the region of the dorsal curve. The design on the chest was called kalukalu, while that on the back was fale-vaka. Some men were tattooed on the arms also, while women, besides having the kalukalu and fale-vaka, had also designs on the lumbar region and on the legs. It was said that, in general, the members of the family of a tufunga had more elaborate tattoo designs than other people. There is also some evidence that the families of chiefs were accustomed to mix their own colouring-material. A present of food was given to the tufunga at the end of the day’s work, and this would be taken off to his house while the family proceeded to feast. The kalukalu on one side would be considered sufficient for one day’s work. This was left to heal, and then the fale-vaka on that side would be completed. When this had healed, the other side was done in a similar manner. Mean­ while, the subject was confined to the house, away from the eyes of strangers. I was unable to obtain sufficient evidence to reconstruct any of the designs, but an old man who inherited the lore of a tufunga tā utau from his father, when shown Hedley’s reproduction of a design seen on Funafuti Island,* indicated that it did not differ greatly from that common on Vaitupu. There are only two sources of evidence with regard to tattooing— one, an old man, Soli, about ninety years of age, and the other, Apisai, perhaps fifteen to twenty years younger— and these are definitely contradictory on an

op. cit. p. 239. 302 C u ltu re of V a it u p u , E llice I sl a n d s . important point. Soli probably saw some of the last opera­ tions performed, but Apisai has undoubtedly inherited the technique of the tufunga. The point in which they differ is the age at which this initiation into manhood was carried out, Soli claiming that it was not long after puberty, and Apisai that it did not occur until about the thirtieth year or after.* If Apisai be in the right, the kula and tattoo ceremonies did not occur until sometime after marriage, whereas, if Soli’s account be correct, a man was tattooed before marriage and a girl shortly after. Judging from the general character of these two informants and from the respective reliability of their previous statements on other matters, I should think that the greater reliance can be placed on Apisai’s account. A person who had not been tattooed was forbidden to speak at a gathering of his or her elders. The attempt to do so would instantly earn the rebuke from one in authority, “ Koe e tusa mo se ulafi, se tusa koe mo se laea.” (You are like an ulafi [a plain-coloured fish], you are not like a laea [a highly-coloured fish]), or “ E a koe na, e isi sau fale-vaka?” (What’s the matter with you there, have you any fale-vaka [tattoo design] ?) ; whereupon the imper­ tinent one would subside.

R elationship . The following terms of relationship were obtained by the genealogical method recommended by Rivers. They are all in daily use except the ilamutu-tautina (sister’s son- mother’s brother) relationship, which seems to have dropped out of ordinary use gradually during the last three or four generations. A clear understanding of the channels and combinations of relationship is necessary to a comprehension of some points in the social organisation, customs of inheritance, and the brother-sister tapu.

* The ages were indicated by my informants by reference to equivalent examples from the present generation. Final N otes. 303

Father, Tam ana. Wife’s sister’s child, Tama (faka- Son (m.s.*), Tama (tama tanga- tau-tama). ta). Mother’s sister’s child, Taina or Daughter (m.s.), Tama (tama fa- tuangane (as above). fine). Father’s father, Tupuna. Mother, Matua. Son’s child (m.s.), Mokopuna. Son (w.s.*), Tama (tama tanga- Father’s mother, Tupuna. ta). Son’s child (w.s.), Mokopuna. Daughter (w.s.), Tama (tama fa- Mother’s father, Tupuna. fine). Daughter’s child (m.s.), Moko­ Elder brother (m.s.), Taina. puna. Younger brother (m.s.), Taina. Mother’s mother, Tupuna. Elder brother (w.s.), Tuangane. Daughter’s child (w.s.), Moko­ Younger sister (m.s.), Tuangane. puna. Elder sister (m.s.), Tuangane. Husband, Avanga (or loko, obso­ lounger brother (w.s.), Tuanga­ lete). ne. Wife, Avanga (or loko, obsolete). Elder sister (w.s.), Taina. Wife’s father, Tamana (faka-tau- Younger sister (w.s.), Taina. tamana). Father’s brother, Tamana. Daughter’s husband (m.s.), Tama Brother’s child (m.s.), Tama. (faka-tau-tama). Father’s brother’s wife, Matua. Wife’s mother, Matua (faka-tau- The relationship is referred matua). to more precisely as faka-tau- Daughter’s husband (w.s.), Tama matua. ( faka-tau-tama). Husband’s brother’s child, Tama Husband’s father, Tamana (faka- (faka-tau-tama). tau-tamana). Father’s brother’s child, Taina or Son’s wife (m.s.), Tama (faka- tuangane . . . taina if of same tau-tama). sex, tuangane if of opposite sex. Husband’s mother, Matua (faka- (The relationship is referred tau-matua). to more precisely as taina-sala Son’s wife (w.s.), Tama (faka- or tuangane-sala). tau-tama). Father’s sister, Matua. Wife’s brother, Mā. Brother’s child (w.s.), Tama. Sister’s husband (m.s.), Md. Father’s sister’s husband, Tama­ Wife’s male cousin, Md (faka- na (faka-tau- tamana). tau-md). Wife’s brother’s child, Tama Wife’s sister, Loko (obsolete). ( faka-tau-tama). Sister’s husband (w.s.), Loko (ob­ Father’s sister’s child, Taina or solete). tuangane (as above). Husband’s brother, Loko (obso­ Mother’s brother, Tuatina. lete) . Sister’s child (m.s.), Ilamutu (ob­ Brother’s wife (m.s.), Loko (ob­ solete) . solete). Mother’s brother’s wife, Matua Husband’s sister, Md. (faka-tau-matua). Husband’s female cousin, Md Husband’s sister’s child, Tama ( faka-tau-md). (faka-tau-tama). Brother’s wife (w.s.), Loko (ob- Mother’s brother’s child, Taina or lete). tuangane (as above). Wife’s sister’s husband (no word) Mother’s sister, Matua. Husband’s brother’s wife (no word) Sister’s child (w.s.), Tama. Son’s wife’s parents (no word). Mother’s sister’s husband, Tama­ na (faka-tau-tamana).

m.s.—man speaking; w.s.—woman speaking. 304 Cu ltu r e of V a it u p u , E llic e Isl a n d s .

C o u r t sh ip . As was mentioned above, sexual experimentation pro­ bably commences at an early age, and there is nothing which might lead one to infer that this aspect of development differed to any extent in past times. Temporary liaisons between boys and girls from puberty onwards are the rule; and, before maturity, a young man or a young woman will have become personally intimate with the majority of those from whom, his or her mate will eventually be chosen. The custom of moe-totolo, referred to by Margaret Mead (op. cit.) in Eastern Samoa, whereby a young man will creep into a house in the dead of night and enter the mosquito net of the desired one, exists to-day, and, as evidenced by some of the old songs, also flourished in pre-European times.* Often, his advances being thwarted in one house, he will try another, even venturing, on occasion, to indulge his sexual appetite with the wife of another, in some instances, when she is lying beside her sleeping husband. It would seem to be the somewhat primitive expression of that unceasing quest for the perfect mate which Mussett and D. H. Lawrence have thought to be universal. The attitude of the community is one of tolerance, as toward a long-established custom; and I know of no single instance in which parents have brought a complaint before the native court against a young man for thus intruding in their house for the purpose of sleeping with their daughter, although an offended husband will sometimes prosecute an intruder whom he has caught in flagrante delicto with his wife. The insufferable indignity of a point-blank refusal is usually avoided, except in the case of moe-totolo, by employ­ ing a mutual friend as intermediary. Temporary friendships are thus assiduously cultivated by young men with the known friends, both male and female, of the desired one for the time being. Inquiries among the oldest people have elicited evidence of several methods of formal courtship, precedent to mar­ riage, which were customary before the establishment of the church. These seem to have consisted of variable combinations of the elements to be recorded below.

See chapter on Songs, pp. 125-146, especially nos. 33 and 42. F in a l N o te s. 305

It seems to have been a function of the high chief to inaugurate important ceremonies in public life. Thus, when he saw that the breasts of the majority of the girls of a certain generation (tupulanga) were fairly well formed (ko fatu a ū) he announced “ Tupu ka tata,” (lit. the generation will be pulled), which meant that the girls were to be pulled up from the tupu a lalo (generation below, i.e. unmar­ ried) to the dignity of married women in the tupu a lung a (generation above). And, the word going from house to house, “ Tupu ka tata,” the girls concerned would be kept under somewhat stricter surveillance by their parents, for a girl’s chance of attracting a desirable husband would now depend, to some extent, on her display of the qualities of industry and obedience to her parents. The unmarried men (te fale-takanga or te kau-taka) of each clan* lived, at this time, in the clan meeting-house under the guidance of an old man. There were seven of these clans, and, on occasions like “ the pulling of a gene­ ration ” their natural rivalry would express itself in a competition between the young men of each as to which clan could attach in marriage the greatest number of young girls. Out of this developed the game called te pati, wherein the girls would line up on the malae at night to sing and dance and otherwise display their charms. The young men of the clans would stand round at a short distance, each clan forming a separate group and each under the care of its old preceptor. On the word given by an old man “ Te pati ka puke!” the young men of all clans would dash in, and each would try to seize and retain a girl. Fighting naturally ensued, but this was quelled by the old men. A count would then be made of the girls captured by each clan, and the name of the winning clan would be announced. Subsequently, the young men of each clan, with the girls they had captured, and the old preceptor for chaperon, would repair to a house on the beach away from the village, where they would sing and dance until some one exclaimed, “ Te ata po ko fanake ” (The shadow of night is passing). The girls would then return to the houses of their parents. A liaison formed during this ceremony might ripen into a desire for marriage on the part of the young man, in

See later, under Social Organisation, 306 C u ltu re of V a it u p u , E llice I sl a n d s . which case he would communicate his desire to his own parents, and, if no objection were offered, would commence sending presents of food (fakamoli) per medium of the old man, to the girl’s house. After a suitable interval, a formal request would be conveyed by the same intermediary to the girl’s parents. These would receive it with bowed heads, giving neither yea nor nay, for it was possible that there were other suitors, or, even if not, it was desirable that it should be thought there were; and that they themselves were not anxious to lose their daughter. If they were agree­ able, however, they would urge upon their daughter, in private, to accept her suitor. She might refuse, whereupon her father would attempt to use his authority. The old song commencing “ A tamana, sa lousia” (Ah father, do not force her)* commemorates just such an occasion, and my old informants state that it was frequently quoted in similar circumstances by a sympathetic mother. If the daughter were agreeable, the young man’s family was informed and the couple were said to noa te pulunga (become engaged). The words noa te pulunga were also used to describe the relationship between a boy and a girl whose fathers had made a pact for their betrothal in their extreme youth. Whistling as one walked past a girl’s house was a recognized method of indicating that one was her suitor. The girl might encourage the advances of one who thus constantly reminded her of his hopes by weaving for him a wreath of scented flowers (fou) and presenting it to him as he went by. Another custom of courtship, especially in the case of a very desirable girl whose parents had been receiving presents of food from a number of suitors, a custom which seems to have been designed to prevent a family from thus trading on their daughter’s charms, consisted in an arrangement between the suitors for a representative bearing the formal proposal of each to present himself, together with the other representatives, before the girl’s house. The girl would have been previously warned, and was expected to be present with a girl friend. On the formal demand being made that she make her choice, the friend would ask her in a

See chapter on Songs, p. 145, song no. 71. F in a l N o te s. 307 low voice, and, having received her reply, would announce, pointing to the representative of the suitor chosen, “ E fano loa ko” (It goes there).

M a rr iag e. Marriage (te fakatasinga) consisted in a feast (te kavenga) provided and eaten together by the families con­ cerned, at which certain customary warnings (polopolo- kinga) were given to the young couple. This was followed by a successions of feasts provided by the friends of the bride and bridegroom, and, as noted above under the sub­ head of “ Birth,” the ceremonial exchange of food presents between the families of the bride and bridegroom (te fakau- tautanga o te kauae) did not cease until the bride became pregnant. The fakatasinga, or making-one, was held in the house of the bride’s father. To it the contribution by the bride’s family would be approximately doubled by that of the bridegroom— to show the superiority of the male line, as one old man put it. Thus, if the bride’s family had brought 300 germinating nuts (tolunga te fua utanu—lit. a triplet of hundreds of utanu), the bridegroom’s people would bring 600 (ononga te fua— i.e. a sextet of hundreds). During the ceremony the bride’s family occupied one end of the house while that of the bridegroom occupied the other. The songs sung by each side were chiefly complimentary to the family of the other side, and, as is the custom on such occasions, begot an exchange of articles of value (mea tāua) such as necklace-pendants of pearl-shell. At an interval in the dancing and singing the bride’s father would stand, and, in the course of a speech to the bridegroom, would utter the following traditionary warn­ ings (polopolokinga) :— “ Tou kafanga ke mataefa." “ Let your coiled climbing-rope be wide.” “ Tou sua ke loa.” “ Let your husking-stick be long.” One old man claims that, besides being a warning to the bridegroom to feed their daughter well with the produce obtained by means of the implements named, these words conveyed an invitation to help himself liberally to drinking- nuts from the lands of his father-in-law if ever he should be thirsty in their vicinity. 308 Culture of Vaitupu, Ellice Islands.

Similarly, at another interval, an old man of the bride­ groom’s family would stand and address the bride, uttering the complementary warnings:— “ Tau kete malanga ke Iasi.” “ Let your carrying-basket be large.” “ Tau vene ke loa.” “ Let your carrying-strap be long.”* Any evidence on the part of the bride of a lack of enthusiasm for the activities of her husband’s family, if shown at this or any other time, or of reluctance to carry out her new duties, would earn for her the sententious quotation of an old saw by the members of the husband’s family:—

“ Vau o amio ake— e “ Come and put your mind I fekau sala o toku fale—e To the tasks of my house I te iku mata se piko.” And frown not thereon.” Polygamy was practised, but it was as much as the ordinary man could do to provide for one wife and her offspring. It is recorded of the last high chief of the old regime that he had three wives. Divorce consisted in a simple separation either by a husband’s sending his wife back to her people or by her leaving of her own free will and accord, when she was free to marry again without further ceremony.

Social Organization. Throughout these papers, reference has been made several times to clans and exogamous clans, and there seems to be some danger of confusion in that the terms have been applied to different entities. It has been found extremely difficult to disentangle the threads of the old social order from the forms superimposed throughout the last half- century by the new hierarchy. The notes under this section will record only in skeletal form a structure concerning which I have been unable to elicit more than the haziest details. It has already been mentioned that there were formerly two villages, Fale and Punatau.f In Fale and its environs

* Cf. description given by Dr. Charles Hose of the marriage rites of the peoples of the Bornean jungle. I regret that the work in which this appears is not to hand at the moment, and I am therefore unable to detail the reference. f See chapter on Houses and Housebuilding, also map. F in a l N otes. 309 were seven large meeting-houses, tausoa, which were named Avatele, Asau, Suloi, Tumaseu, Satalia, Naunaua, and Patiku. The names of two of these, Asau and Tumaseu, have survived to the present day to signify the rival sides of the malae (ngutu mcdae). It is thought that their principal function was originally to divide the population into sections for purposes of defence. At any rate, it is fairly definite that the members of each tausoa were responsible for the defence of a certain part of the island coast-line and approaches to the village. Now these have been called clans above since their membership was hereditary. A male child born to a Tumaseu father must belong to Tumaseu. If he were adopted by a family of Suloi clan he would then become a Suloi, and was forbidden to enter the Tumaseu tausoa. These clans, however, were neither exogamous nor endogamous. The family group-organization was defined in the chapter on Obstetrics, and there termed exogamous clan. It would now seem preferable to reserve the term clan for the group described above, and to call the family- group a sib. The high chief and his principal officials belonged to Avatele tausoa; minor chiefs were included in the member­ ship of the other tausoa, but the titles of officials within the tausoa itself have been forgotten. Quite apart from this clan-division was the chieftain­ ship with its assistant officials, all hereditary offices, but temporary. That is to say, a certain family might be replaced by another as a provider of high chiefs or others under the system, after the manner of the system of Tikopia.* The title applied to the high chief was tupu; his principal assistant was fangaulu; the second was taolua and the third taotolu. All memory of the functions of these individuals has been lost. The spirit of Polynesian demo­ cracy is evident, however, in that each, although definitely subordinate, was, to some extent, the scrutineer of his imme­ diate superior. It was as if the order protected itself against autocracy by making certain that each grade was

* Rivers, W. H. R., History of Melanesian Society. The high chieftainship of Tikopia appears to have been held in rotation for equal periods by three leading families representing the three districts of the island. The changes on Vaitupu were neither periodic nor dependent on locality. 310 Cu ltu r e of V a it u p u , E llice Isl a n d s . responsible to its immediate inferior for the execution of its duties. There was a further social division as regards the routine work of the village. The oldest man now living states that this was a comparatively recent introduction from Nukulaelae Island. It consisted of four divisions:— 1. Te ulu-a-kau, performing the functions of government and consisting of the chief and his officers: 2. Te kau velevele, responsible for the good order of things in general, the care of bush-tracks, and the prevention of theft; 3. Te kau-ao, responsible for all communal work; 4. Te kau-po, responsible for furnishing night-watches to guard against surprise by enemy war-canoes. The chief might appoint anyone to guard against a breach of his orders. This officer was termed leoleo, a term which has survived as the title for a policeman under the modern system.

C u st o m s . The evidence available is too scanty to give a connected account of the various customs in their social setting. For this reason they will be presented as separate notes in the manner in which they were originally recorded. 1. Inheritance— The title to land was usually invested in the oldest or most prominent male member of the family. In a case where this person, when about to die, feared that some member might be deprived of his rights by the action of his successor, he might make a separate division. That this process of division has gone on for a considerable period in spite of the theoretical unity of the family group is evidenced by the fact that there is now no single piece of land under individual ownership of a greater area than three or four acres, while the majority are much smaller, many being barely large enough to support more than a single coconut tree. The boundaries are marked by heaps of coconut-husks, bush-tracks, and certain old trees. Pulaka (Alocasia indica) and talo gardens are similarly divided. Inheritance of land came through a woman only if she were the sole child of a family. In such a case the ancestry of her heirs would be traced through her. The system of land-tenure and inheritance has remained unchanged, but F in a l N otes. 311 the process of division has been hastened in modern times by the practice of submitting claims by the junior members of a family to the jurisdiction of the Native Court. A man might bequeath part of his land to a friend outside his family, but this was rarely done. 2. Divination— Several methods of divination (kaiva) were practised. The names of four of these have been given me, but my informants were able to supply details of only two. (a) Te mea muli. This method was used in order to settle an argument. A coconut was spun on its point several times between the disputants, and he to whom its base pointed the more often when it ceased spinning was declared to be in the right. (b) A man about to fight or to undergo any other hazard would knot a white inner leaflet (moemoe) of an unex­ panded coconut-leaf about his neck and give it a tug. If it broke, it was an indication that he would die, but he would try another to make doubly sure. (c) Matakilikili was a method of divination with stones. (d) Kaiva ki te launiu was done with a coconut-leaf. 3. Ornamentation— Necklaces and tattoo have already been dealt with. Garlands (fou) were, and still are, made of the scented flowers of the pua (Guettarda speciosa) and tiale (Gardenia taitensis) threaded on to a band made of the white inner leaflets (moemoe) of an unexpanded coconut- leaf and interspaced at intervals with small pieces cut from a section of ripe pandanus fruit. The leaves of the bush-fern (maile) are also used. These are worn at dances and other ceremonies, and are used as love-gifts between young people. In olden times it was the practice to pierce the lobe of the ear and to distend it until the hole was several inches in diameter (fig. 149) by inserting various objects (fangai talinga—lit. feeding the ear). The names of some objects which were thus inserted have been preserved: tape (an ear-ring), kasanga (a coconut-shell ornament), and sei (a kind of sachet of heavily-perfumed leaves rolled in the shape of a cylinder). The ordinary broussonetia kilt (takai) of men and the titi, coconut- or pandanus-leaf skirt of women, were deco­ rated for special occasions with an upper layer of full-width 312 Cu ltu r e of V a it u p u , E llice I s l a n d s . pandanus leaves dyed in various shades with mangrove bark (tango) and the juice of Morinda citrifolia (nonu) root mixed with lime, which resulted in a brilliant red. 4. Te kapusinu— This is a peculiar custom, still in vogue, of bearing forward special items during a ceremonial presentation of gifts. The mass of people bearing the present commence singing when they are some distance away from the house of the person to whom the gift is being made. Each song is accompanied by a dance executed by the young men and women in line in front of the main body of the people. Each song and dance is succeeded by a short advance until they have arrived within a few yards of their destina­ tion. Then from the centre of the mass of people will appear a line of three or four men in file, each bearing in his hands a small item of the gift. Someone shouts “ Te kapusinu o Tateua ” (Tateua being the name of the recipient) and the file moves forward with knees bent and feet beating a smart staccato on the earth, bodies flexed forward and arms outspread. The leader performs various mountebank antics, even to somersaults, which are all copied exactly by the others in the file. Meanwhile another similar file emanates from among the retinue of the recipient of the present, and, facing the gift-bearers and advancing in an identical manner, faithfully copies all their antics until they stand still and hand over their gifts. Sometimes the gifts are retained and the receivers required to take them by force, when there will be mimic wrestling and fighting. At other times the gifts are tossed high in the air, and great is the discomfiture of any member of the receiving file who fails to catch his item as it comes down, and faces, in consequence, the loud laughter of the onlookers. It is ludicrous indeed to see fowls treated in this manner and, foregoing their usual cacophonous accompaniment to affairs of an exciting nature, submit themselves docilely to this manhandling, as to the manner born. 5. Brother-Sister tapu— What Grimble has called a man’s concubitants,*i.e. his potential, temporary concubines, were his brothers’ wives and his wife’s sisters in the classi- ficatory sense. These were called loko. And, vice versa,

* “ From Birth to Death in the Gilbert Islands,” J.R.A.I., vol. 51, January-June, 1921, p. 28. F inal Notes. 313 a woman’s loko were her husband’s brothers and her sisters’ husbands. The complementary side of this picture of apparent sexual licence was the formality of the relations between classificatory sisters and brothers (tuangane) (even to remote degrees of cousinship). A man was forbidden to sit on the same mat with his tuangane. He must not refer to anything pertaining to sex in her presence. He could not remonstrate with her even for indiscretions on her part which came to his knowledge. If he saw her approaching on a track, he must make a detour to avoid meeting her. Vice versa, a woman suffered the same restriction with regard to her tuangane. Either, however, might voice approval or disapproval with regard to the other’s choice of husband or wife, when marriage was contemplated. After marriage, on the other hand, the husband or wife of the tuangane became the md,* and was the object of the same avoidance as the actual tuangane. The word md is identical with that in ordinary usage to express a combination of some of the mental attitudes con­ noted with the words shame, fear, and reticence. 6. Customs of respect— If old men were present when a young man climbed for nuts, each nut thrown down must be accompanied by the words “ Tou, tou, tou, tou, la ” uttered in a high falsetto as the nut was falling. This was out of respect to their age. The same words were used when gathering nuts in an area (tia) sacred to some spirit,f when breaking nuts in a house in the presence of a person of rank, or when mindful of the aegis of a certain tutelar deity. If an old man were sitting in a house when a young man arrived, bearing drinking-nuts, the latter would detach four nuts from his carrying-load and, holding them out, would address the old man, saying “ Tateua, tau fdnga-na ” (Tateua, that is your bundle-of-four). The old man would reply “Avatu mo au tamaliki ” (Take them away for your children) to which the answer would be, “ I kai tau fdnga fua ” (No it is your four indeed) whereupon he would deposit them beside the old man. This procedure, it is said, never varied, and traces of it are discernible even in the hybrid customs of modern times.

* See terms of relationship, above, f See chapter on Religion, p. 149. 314 Culture of Vaitupu, Ellice Islands.

An old man, accustomed to receive such presents of drinking-nuts from one outside his family, would set to work and make a kafanga (coiled climbing-rope) and a teke (climbing-stick) for the donor. An old man might quell a faction quarrel in the meeting­ house by raising his hand and saying “ Te langato katea.” * It was considered disrespectful to carry anything on the shoulder when passing a superior. The load would be set down until he had gone b y ; or, if on a carrying-pole, it would be slipped down and held in the bend of the arm (fakaseke te amonga). The superior, on seeing this mark of respect, would say, “ E, ti aka tau amonga ki tou ua ” (Lift your load onto your shoulder— lit. to your neck). 7. Circumambulation— A peculiar custom was that in which the whole population except the high chief and his retinue would journey around the island in short stages, camping under coconut-leaf shelters for a day or two at each halt. This is often referred to, and was called (folifoli te fenita). The same idea is apparent in some of the old songs (e.g. song no. 3, p. 127, “ Fatu folifoli ki Vaitupu ”) and in the method of singing, which was to take the songs in the order in which they referred to places which would be passed on a journey round the island. There was undoubtedly some religious significance in the circumambulation. Evidence elicited with regard to certain old shrines recently discovered shows that the halting places were always at these shrines, which are situated along the north-east coast. Unfortunately, this evidence came to hand after the notes on Religion had been printed. Figs. 150 and 151 show a shrine (Te afu o Punga) which is situated three or four chains inland from a point on the coast opposite the reef islet, Mosana (see map). This consists of a rectangular vault six feet in length and two feet eight inches in breadth, oriented E.N.E. The sides and ends are formed by huge slabs of sedimentary coral buried to a depth of two feet eight inches. Old men inform me that it was formerly covered by a similar coral slab trimmed evenly with the sides and ends. This, and part of the ends, had been removed during a general destruction

* The word langato is obsolete, but probably signified a quarrel; katea means “ away.” F in a l N otes. 315 of these shrines (afu) after the advent of Christianity. Adjoining it is an oval of stones abutting on its ends and encompassing an ordinary grave-enclosure. Some distance to the left are the remains of another similar shrine. Fig. 151 shows the relative dimensions of these additional fea­ tures. Another shrine of approximately the same dimen­ sions, but lacking the adjoining oval of stones, was discovered about two hundred yards inland from a point some three hundred yards south-east of Te Matamotu (see map). This shrine was oriented N.N.E. Each of these contained a skeleton with skull to the eastern end. The inner enclosure of the oval mentioned above also contained a skeleton, but the remarkable feature about it was that the skull was to the western end. All the skeletons were about six inches below the surface, being covered, as in ordinary graves (see below) with coarse coral-shingle (kiliJcili). In Te Afu o Punga the skull and upper part of the body rested on a flat layer of sea-worn coral boulders. The friability of all the bones indicated considerable age. I was unable to obtain any information as to the pro­ cedure during a halt at one of these shrines, but it is thought that the vaka atua addressed the spirit it was believed to contain. Previous to the excavation of the sites, my informants insisted that they had never heard of any burial having taken place in an afu. Dr. Gill, writing in August, 1872, describes the “ pan­ theon ” at Niutao as “ consisting of an oval, low enclosure, composed of flat stones, some higher than others, each representing a distinct divinity; so that the sacred men standing inside the enclosure— the people, of course, outside —could worship all the gods at once.” * When the place known as Tuamakalili was reached in this circumambulatory movement, a halt would be made for several days, during which everyone would engage in such sports as tikaf and wrestling. As mentioned above, the high chief did not take part in this procession; but he would, on occasions, move in state from the main village of Fale to that of Punatau. There is some evidence that he was often carried on a

* Gill, Jottings from the Pacific, 1885; quoted by Hedley, op. cit. f See pp. 121, 122. 316 Cu ltu re of V a it u p u , E llic e Isl a n d s . kind of stage on which he reclined on his pale, which was a back-rest made of two forks of wood joined by two trans­ verse pieces, the upper of which was just high enough to support his neck while his buttocks rested on the stage. (The back-rest was also used within the house) (fig. 153). A mat was usually hung over the transverse pieces. In tales relating the movements of the high chief, mention is always made of the pale, which was carried after him by a special bearer wherever he went on foot. Other dignitaries also used pale. Fig. 153 was drawn from a model specially made for the writer.

F ig. 153. A back-rest (pale).

8. Punishment— The only punishments imposed for offences were of the vindictive kind. A man might be slain for theft by the person from whom he had stolen if the latter were strong enough to exercise his right. Adultery went unpunished unless a man actually took another’s wife off to the bush and hid with her there for some time. This was considered to be theft, and was punishable accordingly. Disrespect to the gods or a series of unconventional acts might, especially at a time of misfortune such as a bad fishing-season, be looked upon as an offence, and the community would avenge its misfortune and appease the wrath of the gods by setting the offender adrift in a canoe (faka-folau). F inal N otes. 317

Death and Bueial. An old man, describing the customs of former times, thus introduces a discussion on death and burial. “ Of an evening, sitting in one’s house, one might hear the saupapa, which was a great beating with the butts of coconut-leaf midribs on the village streets, accompanied by continuous wailing. ‘ M-m-m-m,’* one would say, ‘ tino o te kainga ko tosala’ (some one of that family has died).” Enquiries concerning the saupapa elicited the fact that it was probably to drive away the evil which was responsible for the death. Various forms of this evil were called uluulu, laumatangi, and sausauatua; but the signification of these terms is not known. Definite evidence of any ceremonies conducted over the corpse is lacking. It is related only that when a man died, the members of his family would make presents of valuable articles (mea taua) to his widow. The corpse was anointed with scented oil, often adorned with a necklace of highly-prized pearl-shell pendants, f and wrapped in a fine mat. A widow might indicate where her husband was to be buried. Usually an important male member of a family would be buried in the house, close to one side. It was the custom thereafter for the members of the family to live on the other side of the house and to offer, over his grave, all food and drink before it could be eaten. A special shelf (salili) on which these offerings were placed was sometimes attached to a post of the house near the grave. Ordinarily, however, a special grave was made on a burial-ground a short distance from where the death took place. Many of these old burial-grounds are still visible, although, in some places, they are covered by dense under­ growth. The graves consist of rectangular borders of small slabs of sedimentary coral. Some have a large slab for a headstone (paepae) slightly higher than the rest of the border and shaped (penapena) as shown in fig. 152. All are oriented almost due east; “ E liu a ulu ki te soponga o te la,” as the native phrase has it (the heads are turned to the rising sun).

* A plaintive humming sound known as faka-amu. t See chapter on Material Culture. 318 Culture of Vaitupu, Ellice Islands.

The grave was only a few inches deep and the corpse was laid in it usually with arms straight by the sides, but several have been seen where the skeleton had the hands on the upper part of the chest. It was covered with small fragments of white coral (kilikili) collected from certain places on the beach. The intimate relatives of the departed accompanied the corpse to the grave; here they shaved their heads with sharks’ teeth, and set up rough coconut-leaf shelters in which they lived until their hair grew again. Meanwhile the small stones on the surface of the grave were frequently scraped away (suke), the shroud of matting opened, and the upper part of the corpse anointed with scented oil. Libations of coconut-milk would also be poured over the grave, and offerings of food deposited thereon. This living by the grave was called tokonga, and when the period was finished the family returned to the village (ko matua toko­ nga). The grieving (fakatututu) however, went on for some further time, and friends would come to sleep in the house and help the mourners to bear their bereavement. Whenever a member of the family passed the grave, carrying drinking-nuts, he would detach four from his load, break one, pour its contents over the region of the head of the corpse, and deposit the other three alongside. Any one of the family passing subsequently would break one of the nuts deposited there and make a similar libation. It was the custom for women mourning their husbands or brothers to cut off their fingers with an imported stone adze (toki uli). One finger, beginning with the fourth, would be cut off for each relative. When the fourth, third, and second fingers had been removed from one hand, the next to be removed would be the fourth finger of the other hand.* Whitmee wrote of Vaitupu, in 1871, “ It was a common custom, before the introduction of Christianity, to cut off a joint of a finger on the death of a child, or any other member of the family especially beloved. On shaking hands I noticed almost every third woman had lost a finger or

* Cf. Jenness and Ballantyne, “ Language, Mythology and Songs of Bwaidoga, Goodenough Island,” J.P.S., March, 1927, p. 70. F in a l N otes. 319 more of the right hand, and some gave the left rather than expose the mutilated hand.” * Men did not thus mutilate their hands, but a husband, mourning his wife, would cut off the distended lobe of one ear.

It is fitting that these notes should close by recording an old navigator’s chant to make the wind blow. It is probably the last vestige of the great voyages accomplished by the ancestors of these people when, in the heyday of their glory, they used to “ play among the islands of the sea.” Te matungi sohosokolenga . . . e, Ili mai, ili mai. Te matangi to to fuiniu . . . e Ili mai, ili mai. Steady wind (sohosokolenga—joined, i.e. not gusty, but having the gusts joined together), Blow hither, blow hither. A wind (such as would cause) the coconuts to fall from the tree, Blow hither, blow hither.

* Whitmee, A Missionary Cruise in the South Pacific, 1871, p. 16; quoted by Hedley, op. cit. .