La Cuidad de los Reyes and los Amigos Policias

An Anthropological Approach to Everyday Practices of Security and Urban Space in Lima

By Therese Landås

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master in Anthropology of Development University of Bergen

2010

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION I

1 WHITE HORSES AND BARRAS BRAVAS: ALWAYS READY TO SERVE 1

URBAN DECAY 2

BARRAS BRAVAS 7

RECUPERATION OF A LOST IMAGE 14

WHITE HORSES 16

ARMORED RIDERS 22

PUBLIC EVENTS AND PRACTICES OF THE ORDINARY 24

INSUFFICIENT POLICE 27

2 POLICING: THE SYSTEM OF CITIZEN SECURITY 28

SEGURIDAD CIUDADANA 30

LA POLICÍA NACIONAL 33

SERENAZGO 35

JOINT WORK IN SECTOR 5.4 37

OJOS Y OIDOS - EYES AND EARS OF THE POLICE 40

POLICING IN PERU AND NORWAY COMPARED 46

TRUST AND DISTRUST 49

3 AT THE LIMIT: CORRUPTION AND ENTREPRENEURSHIP 51

EL LIMEÑO CRIOLLO 54

A HISTORY OF CORRUPTION 57

SOCIAL UNEASE 61

A DREAMER AND A DOUBTER 66

THIN LINES 68

4 THE CARCERAL HOUSE: ALWAYS IN PRESENCE OF STRANGERS 72

THE EXPANDING CITY 73

CRAYONED SPACES OF FEAR 74

CONTESTED SPACE 81

THE OTHER 83

THE DISCOMFORTING PRESENCE OF STRANGERS 85

SPATIAL PRACTICES 87

POLITICIZED SPACES 89

CONCLUSION 92

REFERENCES 97

This is for you, the citizens of la ciudad nublada.

Acknowledgements

My family and friends have followed me every step through my research. You have constantly inspired me, given me courage to, and belief in my research where I have put my heart out. You have demonstrated enthusiastically interest in my research. You have always had my back. You are the heart of this thesis.

I am at a loss for words for my gratitude for my family. In you I have always found inspiration and strength, mom, dad, Tonje, Torkjel, and Steffen. It is all possible because of you.

I thank my beloved familia Limeña, Luis Alberto, Ingrid, Enrique, Guillermo and Evelyn. My heart goes out for you.

I owe so much to my informants whom I respect so greatly. You have given me your trust and introduced me to complex processes in everyday life where you have expressed concerns for insecurity and justice.

The profundity of this master thesis is the police approach to security and I thank institutions such as la Policía Nacional del Perú and serenazgo for their cooperation. I especially thank la Policía Montada del Potao and Marrojo for giving me valuable insight on police practices. My amigos policias, Promoter Carlos, El Mayor at la Séptima, and their police colleagues in Lima, made it possible for me to achieve knowledge about complex relations within the police institution.

I owe tremendous gratitude to my supervisor Mary Bente Bringslid who has demonstrated patience, encouragement and excellent supervision throughout my research period. I also thank Cecilie Ødegård who has given me valuable feedback on my research. I really respect and appreciate her expertise on Peru.

I owe this master thesis to Antonio who, though the social unease in his heart, promotes citizens participation everyday with a desire to approach justice.

Muchisimas gracias.

Introduction

by power of inequality, and generated a Introduction sense of belonging in the city through criollo, descendants of Europe born in It is not easy to know what to make out of America, a mix of Peruvian and Spanish practices and narratives of security in Lima ancestry, traits and behaviour. In fact, the in Peru which are so firmly shaped by talk colonial encounter partake present talk of la inseguridad and la delinquencia, about crime in relation to specific insecurity and crime. I open this master behaviours such as reflected in talk about thesis by a chapter which presents events el Limeño criollo. centrated in spaces surrounding Lima Justice is a keyword and in the Cercado. The so called Centre of Lima is profundity of this thesis, where I look into rather el Centro Histórico de Lima and not the grey zone of order and disorder. I necessarily the heart of the metropolitan discuss security in relation to insecurity as which is so diverse and arguably consist of an aspect of inequality and source of social many dispersed centres. There is no doubt unease. With great respect for my that this city, located at the shore clip with informants, I have security at heart and a panorama view of the Pacific Ocean, and thus use pseudonyms throughout this its urban space, has a ghostly viceroyalty master thesis. The discussions are based on omnipresent reflected in its historical and the fieldwork I conducted in Lima from magnificent architecture from its past and August 2009 till January 2010. The foundation. Lima is the space and place for following months I have worked on power such as the Palacio de Justicia, the aspects of my field material where I have Palace of Justice, commissioned in the continuously learned the value of time, 1920s by President Augusto Leguía, who patience, and reflection in order to better dedicated much of his years modernizing discuss and understand aspects of security the city by making it look like a European in Lima. This master thesis was written capital. Perhaps it is a mimetic reflection within a rather short timeframe which or is a small scale replica of Palais de limits its discussions and maturity, Justice in Brussel (Gandolfo 2009). nevertheless, important aspect of security The criollo bourgeoisies in Lima and the urban context are brought appropriated the space surrounding Lima into prominence. Cercado under its golden age, before the massive in-migration to Lima. The colonial foundation of the city was shaped

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Introduction

BACKSTAGE THE PALACE OF illegal. In this master thesis I discuss JUSTICE aspect of this from police point of view. The Palace of Justice exemplifies similar I have spent some time in the city space of spatial intimacy and poses question of Lima in the blurred zone of justice. Parts of ambiguity and fragility of state monopoly my fieldwork were conducted backstage of violence and justice. In such spaces, the Palace of Justice in two ways. On one through peoples’ particularization and hand, backstage is perceived in the individual experience of everyday life in Goffmanian (1992) sense with respect to different places in Lima, I achieved much impression management. I went back stage knowledge of the blurred boundary of the by working in the gray zone of law and legal and illegal. Through engagement order. On the other hand, backstage is seen with people in different places of Lima, I in the common sense, referring to the gained knowledge of the complexity of backyard of the palace. Literally, I police practices in the turmoil of crime, conducted parts of my fieldwork in spaces violence, and corruption in urban space of behind the Palace of Justice, and I find it Lima. rather ironic that the building which It was especially when I met represents justice so firmly is located in Antonio, an informant I present in chapter proximity of injustice and insecurity. If the three, I learned about the thin lines front stage the Palace of Justice stands for between the legal and illegal, the law- lawfulness and justice, the back stage abiding citizen and the law breaker, which exemplify ambiguous relations and are terms at the heart of security. Antonio complex processes in urban life. is un policía suboficial técnico 1ra1 who The drawing el Plan del Indice never wear his uniform, except on special Delictivo de la Comisaría Cotabambas by occasions. He is a rather slender man, who John (drawing 4.4) exemplify my case in always appears in a classy style of shirt, a point. This mental and social map of the brown leather jacket-in-suit-style, with places in the surrounding area of matching brown leather shoes, and his Cotabambas demonstrates an everyday engagement with prostitution, robbery, 1 There are different police officers such as the falsification of documents, and police distinguition of policía oficial and policía suboficial. These have different categories and patrol just behind the Palace of Justice. grades which form a hierarchy within the National The sphere of justice seems to reflect a Police. certain intimacy between the legal and ii

Introduction black leather briefcase. His enthusiasm much of my time with Antonio who shines through in everything he does and jokingly was ordered by el Mayor to cuida his presence is to be found at events, at esa señorita. Antonio and I discovered we places, and with people which are had a lot to learn from each other and we considered important and prominent. found mutual benefits of exploring the Antonio introduced me to the world of issue of security. He admitted repeatedly to police officers coming of age and agents see me as a marketing strategy which was during an epoch of national unease. a typical thing for Antonio to say and do. He ran into me at the main office Nevertheless, he learned that I was for citizen participation in la Séptima engaged in many aspects of my research Region2, for Lima and Callao located at topic. After some time, this engaged police Av. España in Lima Cercado. This was officer I knew introduced me to less under an interview with el Mayor who at flattering experiences in the field as a the time was in charge at the office police officer. Antonio opened up about together with el Comandante, the chief in personal and complex experiences which I charge of citizen participation at la title “At the Limit”. Thus, I discuss social Séptima. It was an encounter of importance unease also from within the system itself. and it was an encounter which exemplifies so eloquently specific characterizations of URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY Antonio. His curiosity was provoked when I chatted along about my research topic, In my discussion of security, I am inspired experiences and knowledge gained, and by writings on urban anthropology and my desire to know more about seguridad urban sociology. The Practice of Everyday ciudadana, the security approach to citizen Life by Michel de Certeau (1984) and participation. He was in a hurry to get studies of crime and violence in City of some paperwork signed but stood Walls by Terese P.R Caldeira (2000) speechless for a few seconds which I only provide valuable perspectives on matters could interpret as an reaction of surprise of presented in this master thesis. Sharon his encounter with a young women and Zukin (1995]2003) propose an excellent foreigner engaged in his field of expertise. question in the context of urban studies and In the months that followed, I social relations which touches upon Whose became una amiguita policía and spent culture? Whose city? Urban anthropology was born in a

2 Hereafter I use la Séptima as a shortening term. tradition of complex societies of coping in

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Introduction a world of processes of globalization. Sahelian West Africa whom are considered Anthropologists are latecomers to the masters of words. Anthropologists write urban field. However, significant changes and represents, and are, in a way, masters generated anthropological interest and of words. In a Goffmanian terminology, concern for the mass exodus to the city and the anthropologist as fieldworker intends to consequences of these processes (Foster get behind the mask and enter the and Kemper 2002). The urban setting backstage to access knowledge which is poses questions of how to conduct not usually explicit in everyday life. My anthropological fieldwork, considering the backstage is the police. However, the classical methods established mostly in backstage shifts as my presence in the city non-urban context, in cities without is an opportunity to experience the front narrowing it down to neighbourhood stage of the police and experience the studies and without reaching superficial police interact with people in everyday life. understanding of mundane practices Though the police approach, ordinary (Basham 1978). With regard to this, the people in everyday life are an important terms place and space are of importance in approach to aspects of security and police my case, where particular places are seen work. in relation to individualized experiences in Anthropologist represents in urban space. various forms, and though representations Conducting anthropological are increasingly done through other fieldwork in urban context provokes mediums such as film and photography, curiosity and fascination, amongst others anthropological ethnographic because of the great diversity in the city. representations remain mostly about Nevertheless, it is a challenge for words. This master thesis is no exception. anthropological methods and practices of However, photography and drawings are participant observation and representation. representations which were included in the It is possible to identify two main practices field and in this (re)presentation. Dibujos, in anthropological practices of (drawings) and illustrations through ethnography. Generally speaking there are photography became an important the practice in the field and the communicative way for me to achieve ethnographic practice in textual insight and represent aspects of security in representation. Paul Stoller (1994) in an Lima. In fact, I gave four of my main interesting ethnography compares the informants a disposable camera and the anthropologist with the Griots in the task to take pictures of security related

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Introduction situations. A diversity of photos where (1984), walking in the city, touches upon taken and, ironically, the camera to one of aspects of this. Seeing Lima from Cerro the vigilantes was stolen. I could only San Cristoból, the hill close to the river imagine the photos he explained he had Rímac, 500 meters above the ocean, which taken such as the photo of his dog, Ocito, bore witness of the Spanish-indigenous guarding the house. Though I represent encounter in the 16th century, reminds me through various methods, this does not go off de Certeau seeing Manhattan from the without the notification of subjectivity in 110th floor of the World Trade Center. It is which I wish to quote the eloquent a way of seeing the whole, where looking sentence of Caldeira - “I came to realize in the direction of la Plaza de Toros de that as my English has an accent, so does Acho, the eyes meet a spot of landscape of my anthropology; it persists no matter tall buildings in Lima Cercado, San Isidro, from what perspective I look at it or in and Miraflores, the centres of business and which language I write it.” (2000:6) tourism. The surrounding brownish desert The method for my research was landscape stretches way further then the the ever so familiar practice associated to eyes can grasp, though it is easy to observe Bronislaw Malinowski, participant the great diversity of urban space and observation. I was engaged in the world of inequality. The Wandersmänner (de policing with additionally conduct of Certeau 1984), the walkers, practice space interviews and conversations with actors of in everyday life through footsteps, or in security. In everyday rhythms and Lima’s case, through journeys for instance experiences, I was able to use multiple in combis4. Seeing Lima as whole is indeed senses to experience the great variety when to witness the city’s diversity and it comes to security. Movement from inequality. However, walking in the city is district to another became journeys of a particular and near experience where conducting participant sensation3 where walking in the fortified Causerinas de change in city space could be heard, Santiago de Surco is different from smelled, observed, and felt. De Certeau walking in the shantytown of Pamplona

which, at distance, are two proximate 3 It is common for anthropologist to conduct districts. participant observation. In this matter, I am her I conducted my fieldwork with a referring to anthropology of sense which is of interest in this matter, and the present of the badge of anthropology, armed with pencils, anthropologist in the field where multiple senses 4 Combis are the vehicles in the private-public contribute to understandings. transportation system. v

Introduction crayons, and blank papers. I used the urban of January. My informant and PMP officer context for my fieldwork to gather was one of the three riders who January 6th information about practices and narratives 1988 dressed up as Reyes Magos and rode of security in Lima through conversations to the la Plaza de Armas in Historic Centre with people in different city spaces and of Lima with the message of peace and to through following public media in order to celebrate the Day of the Three Kings, achieve knowledge about contemporary which then became a tradition ever after. aspects of security. I found talk, amongst First chapter discusses aspects of police police as well as people in general, of practice through patrol and intervention seguridad ciudadana to be of special through events where PMP were present. I interest and slowly I started to narrow my was introduced to many aspects of security research interest towards agentes del and police practice in Lima in the orden, or people practicing policing which environment of beautiful horses, with a I use as a general term. Generally team of devoted riders, and a leader with speaking, though I discuss security great respect for horses. amongst others by looking at aspects of police work and the system of security, it is PROMINENT CONCEPTS insecurity which appropriates much space in this case study. People talk about an As a student of anthropology of omnipresent insecurity, lack of security, development I find the urban environment and a desire for justice. to be an interesting field to explore issues I achieved much experience and of inequality and social unease. It is knowledge of aspect of security through claimed that the urban setting is an arena engagement with la Policía Montada del for escalation of inequality and where Potao (PMP)5, the Horseback Riding ideas of modernity and development are Police from Potao. As the matter of fact, contested. It is also claimed that in cities, the first chapter departs with police security is fragile, such as in the case of practice represented by PMP. Pizarro and Lima and in many Latin American cities in his men founded the capital on horseback general. In this master thesis, I introduce which he gave the name la Ciudad de los aspects of security which I discuss in Reyes, the City of Kings, in honour of the relation to concepts and ways of Three Kings whom Catholics celebrate 6th understanding processes with regard to security in Lima. All concepts are

5 Hereafter I refer to them as PMP. presented in particular context in each

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Introduction chapter. Nevertheless, in this introduction I Practices of policing demonstrate want to present aspects of power, trust and aspects of power in the foucaultian sense distrust. These concepts are significant for where urban space of Lima is an arena for discussions of police practice and practices of power. The institutional order contemporary challenges to security. of system of security and architectural Throughout this master thesis particularities of urban space within and different aspect of power is discussed. The between different parts of Lima, classical definition of power is presented demonstrates the naturalization effect of by Max Weber as power over and the power. In the first chapter, however, I ability or capacity to influence others. present police practices in relation to Michel Foucault, however, presents power representation and effectuation of power. I in relation to a less explicit sense where follow up on the distinction of practices of power is even more important when it is patrol and intervention, a distinction not necessarily registered as power. Power expressed by a police informant, where is perceived as a necessity of order in intervention touches upon the explicit society. The police as institution and their practice of power in the weberian sense. practices in everyday life reflect both these Power is no doubt a complex matter, yet of aspects of power with regard to concerns great importance in understandings of for security. security in Lima. In fact, these perspectives Foucault’s interest in spatiality, on power are reflected in practices and surveillance, and governmentality are of narratives of security and insecurity in special interest. In these practices, power physical and social space of Lima. At the appears as a necessity and a part of order. one hand, the police, or agents of order, Foucault pays attention to concrete and seem to conduct power in specific ways practical aspects of power (Engelstad through a system of security to create and 1999). Bentham’a panopticon provides a maintain order. At the other hand, there are model of mechanism of controlling others criminals who appropriate city space in conduct such as represented through “the ways which produce disorder. Meanwhile, asymmetrical structure of visibility which it is possible to encounter certain is the key to the architectural design maps expectancies of when and where there is on the fixed asymmetrical distribution of order and disorder. power which defines every system of Harald Grimen (2009), in his book domination” (Patton in Moss 1998:68). hva er tillit, writes that his interest for fences arouse in 1980 when he studied

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Introduction with Michel Foucault in Paris, who looks practices of security where trust and at the significance of architecture in distrust have a complex coexistence. relations to human beings. My interest for It is useful to distinguish between walls began with my first encounter with trust towards persons and trust towards Lima in 2007 in which the architectural abstract systems (Giddens in Grimen design for security struck me as a contrast 2009). In similarity, distrust is an issue of to the open-garden-neighbourhood in the and between persons and institutions. Trust neighbourhood where I grew up. Walls, as towards institutions is a prerequisite for an architectural characteristic in certain democracy. It is possible to say that Lima areas of Lima, do have significance for is affected by a generalized distrust. These social relations between citizens. In Lima, are reflected in fear of crime and a critique even with precautions through security of inefficiency and corruption in the police measurements such as locked doors and institution. In chapter two there is a modest vigilant, many Limeños fear potential comparison between aspects of Norwegian crime. Grimen writes that forhåndsregler, police and that of Peru. The latter case precautions, costs. He is right, maintaining reflects rather individual distrust in walls are expensive and not everybody comparison to anonymous distrust in the affords such high-tech security Norwegian police. Meanwhile, distrust is measurements. In Lima, these walls are an important aspect of the system of obstacles in emergencies in which doctors security in Lima which engages people or firemen are unable get over the wall evermore in strategies for security. when assistance is needed. Benjamin Franklin (in Grimen NOTHING SENSATIONAL 2009:29) said that distrust and carefulness are parents of security. In the chapter This master thesis expresses and puts into “Policing”, I present aspects of the system words aspects of familiar practices of and of security in Lima, and I propose the narratives about security which circulate in question of how the system of security the city space of Lima. My main approach affects ordinary citizens. It is made clear to security is the police perspective. that policing and surveillance have become Naturally, this has consequences for what companions to everyday life. Confucius is included and excluded as aspects of once said (in Grimen 2009:11) that security. For instance, because of my weapon, food, and trust are necessary in police bias, I approach security from the order to govern a state. I look at dispersed “right side of the law”, though I discuss

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Introduction ambiguities of and within law and order. everyday life I wish to discuss. There is When I approach security, I wear police nothing sensational about these aspects of binoculars which view precisely these security. This master thesis does present actors as security and order in society. I am some significant aspects of security, and well aware that, for many people, security dispersed practises of it, pose questions is matters of family, friends, religion, and a about organized and anonymous distrust, dog such as Ocito to mention a few. Being which are perceived as parents to security. una amiga de la policía does, in its own This case of security in urban space way, allure my attention to institutions and articulates with other underlying political matters such as the police, though discourses of democracy and modernity. amidst this I do approach security in and Democracy and modernity is bound up everyday context and draw attention to with processes of individualization and individual actors of policing. institutionalization. The case of Lima There exists a system of security exemplifies the emancipation of which is shaped by and shape insecurity. urbanization as a challenge with regard to Practices of security, responds to the security. Formally, Limeños are free to insecurity in ways that generates particular move around and about in urban space, social and material consequence. Ordinary however, the freedom is reduced by people are silently and sometimes concerns for security threatened by crime, obliviously dragged into the system where violence, and corruption. The discourses of there are fine limits between the legal and fear delimit movement in everyday life and illegal. Insecurity leaves marks and traces shrink their universe of interaction. on ordinary people, on the system of The four chapters can be modelled security and on city space. These through four circles with the trust and consequences are personified through distrust at the core of security. The centre Antonio in whom the great complexity of circle is police practice of security which I security is given a human face. Urban present in chapter one. The surrounding space is an arena in which security is three circles represent the respectively expressed materially. Who is the law- three following chapters which shape and abiding-citizen and who is the criminal? reshape police practices. The system of How is security materialised and where security, social space, and urban space can and what is insecurity? How does this be perceived as spaces for practices of shape practices and narratives about security in Lima though they are not clear- security? These are ambiguous questions in cut arenas for police practice.

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1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve

I introduce aspects of police work 1 White Horses and and practice in urban space through police Barras Bravas: Always presence at a parade and a football game Ready to Serve which demonstrates aspects of police practice. I relate the two events to specific Police, the protagonist of security, practice kinds of police practices, which accounts security through assigned sectors and for the variety of security in Lima. I look at jurisdictions in coordination within and off how the police produce social space in the city, and they are assigned specific task light of two events. The first event, the of security on certain occasions. However, parade, is a classical event ceremonial and the police also work in social spaces which ritual wise. The football game, the second undergo changes depending on the event discussed here, reflects tensions in situation. Latin America is the world most social relations. They are two different urbanized continent (Stølen and Archetti kinds where one is more pragmatic, a job 1994). Social space in Lima, in to be done, and the other is a performance. resemblance to many other Latin American These are events perceived in relation to its cities, is characterized by urban spectators, and are indeed events as against marginalization and economic polarization. its audience. These were amongst others caused by the El Comandante Marrojo, who restructuring politics which has caused a taught me much about police practice on decrease of 20-25% in the standard of horseback, distinguished between police living for many Latin American countries practice in relation to patrullaje and (Stølen and Archetti 1994). Informal intervención, patrol and intervention. It can activities and crime are some of the be argued that the police understand consequences which have been observed themselves through these two police with an intensifying character – in this practices. With this distinction in mind, the social space I find the police role to be of discussion of these events is related to importance. It can be argued that policing particular characterizations of each event is practiced in specific social space and which exemplify specific aspects of police subscribe to the production of social space practice. At the one hand, there is the in each event. Of special interest is Henri representational side of policing, a Lefebvre (1991) who writes about the symbolic practice where the police present production of space where social space is and represent their forces through a public produced and reproduced. event. At the other hand, the police 1

1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve effectuate power through police practice. I a disposition of a hundred horses, though it discuss the parade as a typical event, was coincidentally the day I use in this characterized by symbolic aspects and analysis, that they did have a double meaning, whereas I look at police practices obligation. at football game as rather pragmatic and Before presenting the two events, I action oriented. Events, from a parade to a present aspects of urban space in Lima and football game in everyday life, through spaces of insecurity which generate a their particularities reflect important necessity for practices of security. I argue practices of security in the ordinary in that insecurity is a point of departure in Lima. The police parade can be discussed understanding security in Lima, in which in relation to the orderly situation it the qualities of urban space are of presents, compared to everyday life importance. The police, with prime experiences with ambivalence, contrasts, monopoly of violence, have a significant and dilemmas. At the football game, social role in city space as the city is the arena in tensions are clearly articulated. These which they present and perform security. discussions of public events make use of The police relate to space in particular Don Handelman’s (1990) perspectives on ways when security is practiced. That will logic and design, and ideas of ritual of be discussed further in following chapters. inversions and interactions of everyday In this chapter, I make some general life, such as the Brazilian case study by remarks on the spaces in which the two Roberto DaMatta (1991 in Hess and events unfolds. Rímac, Lima Cercado and DaMatta 1995). La Victoria, the geographical framework The relation of these events and for these events - in what kind of social everyday life is of importance, and though space do these events unfold? the two events are located in specific time and space, it is argued that these events are URBAN DECAY not exclusive. The police are represented in various parades, in fact, throughout the When the Spanish conquerors founded period I conducted fieldwork numerous Lima it was founded in the Rímac Valley parades where held such as the Day of the fulfilled with expectations for la Ciudad de National Police. Football games, in los Reyes, the City of Kings. Lima became similarity, are held quite frequently in the capital of viceroyalty. The capital was Lima such as the following Sunday which founded by Pizarro and his men on the PMP served once again as security with

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1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve horseback, such as reflected in the motto of of Metropolitan Lima, Alberto Andrade, the PMP – siempre a caballo, porque la launched a campaign of urban renewal of patria se hizo a caballo – always on the city centre with aesthetic visions of horseback, because the country was made recuperation of Lima’s lost splendour, on horseback (el Comandante Marrojo Lima, como era antes, Lima, the way it April 8th 2010). During the colonial period once was (Gandolfo 2009). La Cachina Lima grew with satellite settlement of which had been a vibrant market for stolen Rimac, developed across the river, and at goods was removed as well as beggars, the end of the nineteenth century the city prostitutes, and pirañitas, street children. expanded further with the creation of El Centro changed when Andrade put out suburbs of Barrios Altos and La Victoria his ideas - nevertheless, the surrounding for the poorer sections of the population spaces are rather vibrant today. The (Lloyd 1980). This marked a rupture of the historic suburbs of Rímac, Barrios Altos, enclosed fortified walls, built to protect and La Victoria are crowded and with what is today known as El Centro narrow passages, and today much of these Histórico de Lima, the Historic Centre of spaces are considered urban decays. Lima, which was becoming ever more December 8th, however, they were spaces densely populated, with the immigration of for specific policing. the nineteenth century (di Tolla 2009). The Rímac, Lima Cercado, and La historic centre represents, and is a visible Victoria, are spaces generally considered testimony of, historical periods starting off medio movidos, with reference to the street with the Spaniards particular emphasis on crime perceived as characterizing city the city and its spaces of power. space there. Medio movido is a term used In 1931 over half of the population to express that a place is peligroso, in Lima lived in the central district, and dangerous, with reference to much Miraflores, Barranco and Magdalena del movement and the probability of Mar were the seaside resorts for the delinquents, a rather lively place in terms wealthier city residents, though, in spite of of crime such as reflected in Limeño its affluence, Miraflores had its slum areas remarks such as expressed by a hairdresser (Lloyd 1980). Surrounding the historic in San Borja “La Victoria is not organized centre, visited by thousands of tourist - on the street corners they attack you” everyday, much of the historic city space (August 7th 2009:11). has fallen into decay. In 1996, the mayor

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1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve

Drawing 1.1 ”Lima”. This map reflects subjective ideas of the city and its spaces in terms of ideas of security. The map was drawn by Guillermo, a Limeño and a friend in his twenties. He drew this in the beginning of my fieldwork in which he drew associations and faces marked on the map, which expresses something about the districts and security. The port of Callao is perceived as insecure, the bandilleros in Surquillo generating insecurity, the green San Borja promoting security, and the cameras in San Isidro. These are perceptions and associations shared by many other Limeños who I worked with during my fieldwork.

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1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve

Photo 1.2 ”Barras bravas”. These jovenes are supporters of ’la U’ and entered the stadium at the North entrance (photo: Therese Landås).

Drawing 1.3 ”Bandilleros on street corners”. This drawing represents an idea of groups of youth who gathers in streets and on streets corners whom are perceived as a threat to security for people, such as this 16 year old young teenage mother in José Galvez.

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1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve

Guillermo express similar association of The everyday rhythm in time and places such as in the case of Surquillo space, the constant flow of day and night, which he marked as insecure and where he with the city as it arena, are important drew bandilleros as characterization of its security practices in city space in which social space. The reference to crime as people relate to the familiar through these lively has connection to perceptions of rhythms. Perhaps these rhythms resembles criminals as vivid such as understood with Jane Jacobs’ (1961) street ballet, “an the idea of el Limeño criollo. Criollo traits intricate ballet in which the individual are behavioural traits found on the coast, dancers and ensembles all have distinctive especially in the cities and indicate an parts which miraculously reinforce each adaptation to urban life (Lloyd 1980). I other and compose an orderly whole” was introduced to the idea Limeño criollo (:117). People organize their lives in behaviour in relation talk of crime as an accordance to familiar activities and the aspect of crime as creativity. socially constructed clock-time with vivid The Historic Centre of Lima is an days and deserted nights, or at least the city attraction for masses of people in terms of acceleration is slowed down at night. The commerce and its architecture attract many veil of darkness generate discourses of amongst others tourists. This part of Lima changing urban space, such as Henri has a central position as home for many Lefebvre’s (1996) fatal hour of ten o’clock spaces of power such as Plaza de Armas, at night in which space changes. There the Main Square, and el Palacio de circulates similar perceptions of time and Gobierno, the Government Palace. space in Lima where for instance criminals Generally speaking, it is a space with much have their own schedule. Johnny, a police movement and traffic. Rímac and La officer in San Borja, made a comment on Victoria are nevertheless considered police practice and everyday rhythms residential areas, surrounding the central where he expressed that “the delinquent commercial district, with traces of has his schedule as well – at dawn and in overcrowded living conditions of the the evening” (August 24th 2009). Urban poorest in 1920-1955 (di Tolla 2009). life is ascribed a certain order amongst Though the historic centre of Lima gained others because of practices of security and its UNESCO World Heritage status in components to insecurity. In Lima, security 1991, it has not yet been fully regenerated is contested in city space, a contestation such as reflected in degradation in certain manifested in urban space through tensions parts of Rímac and Barrios Altos. in social relations which generate spaces of

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1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve insecurity in the city. Familiarity in domestic relations and thus gathers with everyday life and an established city order youths with shared experiences (Fiona are not guarantees for security. Rather, the September 10th 2009). Fiona told an everyday rhythm is frequently interrupted anecdote from Villa María del Triumfo in by changes in social and spatial order of the area of el Paradero 8, in which she the city such as when Limeños perceive exemplified her concern for and created by their spaces to be threatened by certain youths. people at certain times. Security is threatened by disorder in time and space. “Los Galves came to bother (...) making noises, In fact, city space is an arena for urban life banging with the chains so that they [people] would fear. There were 70-80 at two at night. Yes, the in which the constant present of strangers police came, but imagine, they were so many that in in concentrated spaces forces people every the end they could not do anything” (Fiona so often to interact and cope with September 10th 2009) unfamiliarities. This happened around the area of the institution for young teenage mothers, BARRAS BRAVAS which nevertheless remained physically

unharmed that night. Allegedly, the centre In Lima, there are groups of youths which has gained respect because in some cases are identified as for instance pirañas, the bandilleros have children in this pandillos, bandilleros, and bandas. institution. In Lima, insecurity is related to Throughout my fieldwork I had sporadic youths and groups of youths whose visits to an institution for young teenage presence in streets and public life causes mothers in the pueblo joven Villa María other people to perceive them as threat. del Triumfo. In conversations with these The book Somos pandilla, somos chamba: girls and the director of this institution, I escúchennos (Munar, Verhoeven and learned about preoccupations for youths, Bernales 2004) discusses social especially male youths. One of the experiences of youth in Lima in which the concerns is reflected in experiences with writers present two groups of youths; group of youth who gathers on street chicos chamba, working boys, and corners (drawing 1.3). The director herself pandilleros, gangsters. The former are talked about a general situation for many perceived as teenage students and workers, youths who experience a lack of attention whereas the latter are presented as youths and support especially with regard to or gangs who for instance present

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1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve themselves as protectors of their barrio The aftermath of this episode though the neighbour rather perceive them resulted in talk about youth and violence. as disturbance. Interestingly enough, in this “They are not barras bravas, they are bands case, the neighbours organized of delinquents” stated the mayor of Lima neighbourhood rounds to implement order (el Comercio November 1st 2009). The as they do not appreciate the behaviour and barras bravas, which are identified as the the ways the gangs appropriated the barrio. main challenge at football games, are also The behaviour of these youths is the same group of people who are criminalized and people express fear of perceived as a general cause for insecurity violence caused by them. in daily life. Their behaviour is perceived In similarity, discourse of insecurity conflictual and people perceive their in Lima is shaped by perceptions the actions before, under, and after games to barras bravas, the supporter fans, mainly generate fear. When there is a game, characterized as younger boys who people fear that the barras bravas will dedicate their time to bandallismo. The vandalize urban space, perhaps with the murder of the 24 year old María Paola same intention such as in the anecdote of Vargas 24th of October 2009 created the bandilleros Los Galves who allegedly headlines in the news when the micro with caused disturbance in order to produce the license plate UO-7197, passing Javier fear. “Sometimes they pass here. I’m Prado moving towards La Molina, was worried for this part [the newly painted and filled up with members from the barras El reconstructed white wall] because they like Aguente and La Brigada (el Comercio to paint. I can’t do anything, they’ve got November 1st 2009). The police version arms, stones and things, they could kill states that the chauffeur was robbed 60 me” said Maycol, a private vigilant in San soles and the radio. El cobrador, the Borja, a week before the football game person collecting the buss fee, was forced which I present in this chapter (December to get of the micro. María Paola intended 2nd 2009). The barras bravas, even to get away from the unit of barras. While though they first and foremost gather intending to get of the micro, a barra around football games, are perceived to brava wanted to take her purse, which cause fear and insecurity in ordinary life. resulted in a struggle. The journey ended in death. The prime suspect of for the crime was a barrista from La ‘U’.

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Illustration 1.4 “A entire day on horseback”. This photo article about the horseback riding police was published in El Comercio December 27th 2009, and the main photo demonstrates PMP crossing the bridge from Rímac to Lima Cercado at the day of the parade.

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Photo 1.5 ”The White horse”. The horse in the front allegedly impressed the president (photo: Therese Landås).

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Photo 1.6 ”El Cuadro Blanco”. This photo was taken a few days before the parade at Potao where El Cuadro Blanco demonstrated acrobatic skills in front of national television at the morning show of the channel Panamericana. Though this specific team was not present at the parade the idea of el Cuadro Blanco is here compared to some aspects of the parade in terms of presentation of order ( photo: Therese Landås).

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Photo 1.7 ”Approaching the PMP before the parade”. PMP lined up while waiting for the parade to get started. Such as exemplified by this photo, people approached the PMP in order to get their photo taken with them (photo: Therese Landås).

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Photo 1.8 ”Approaching the PMP at el Estadio Nacional”. “Now we have 5 minutes to eat” said el Comandante Marrojo. In-between the two events, there was time for a little break with refreshments for both rider and horse, such as the horse and officer in this photo, before preparing for the football game (photo: Therese Landås).

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appropriated by hundred police horses and RECUPERATION OF A LOST IMAGE riders forming a little pre-parade parade

passing historic spaces such as la Quinta “The moral of the police, internal, it is bad to the ground. The police feels unprotected, badly paid Presa which was home of la Perricholi, and is asking ‘who will I protect?’ He has lost this the famous theatre actress. The everyday moral. It is necessary to recuperate the moral traffic was directed to alternative routs by which we have lost since the 80s” (el Comandante the help of the traffic police. City space Marrojo November 23rd 2009:194) was clearly transformed. The busy streets

El Gran Parada y el Desfile Militar, the just across the bridge to Rímac are usually grand parade and military procession, is a recognized for its chaos of crowd and public representation of state forces where heavy traffic. The presence of the hundred power, control and order are characteristics riders with their horses changed character for the social space of this event. of this city space, at least for a little while. Approximately 100 horses, an equal In Lima Cercado, PMP lined up with the number of serving officers, together with a horses placed side by side. In this team of veterinarians and helpers were particular moment interesting observations mobilized from Potao to participate in the were made notice of. People approached parade in el Centro de Lima. Preparations the police and their horses in what could for the event started of early morning by seem as a gesture of curiosity and decoration of the horses with colours of red fascination of the horses. Curiosity was and white, the colours of the national flag stated through the questions asked, and the of Peru. The officers were dressed in their fascination was demonstrated through green and gold uniform with beige people’s interest in getting their photo horseback riding pants and black boots. taken posing next to the police and their The sword hung down from the back of the horse. Obviously, it is not uncommon for saddle with the maroon, gold and white people to take interest in parades and to shabrak and the PMP logo. The journey want to have their picture taken. In fact, it started off in Rimac, passing Jirón is one of the main intentions for a parade to Cajamarca, el Centro de Lima la show off in front of the public. The chief Prefectura, la Plaza Bolognesi, la Avenida of PMP similarly stated that “the parade is Brasil, and the parade was realized in to show to society that we are always ready th Avenida la Peruanidad. The crowded to serve” (December 8 2009:210). streets by the bridge of Rimac became In everyday life, it is acknowledged that the police are confronting challenges

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1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve in terms of image of the institution. Many Sendero’s first attack in Ayacucho people express that they rather avoid the (Gandolfo 2009). This conflict intensified police. People talk about lack of and additionally moved into the capital, confidence between police and citizens. and la Calle Tarata in Miraflores is for The chief of the PMP stated that “the many a space with a ghostly appearance of police have lost a bit of the authority. The history in remembrance of el coche bomba, police pull back from the streets. What is the car bomb, in 1992. necessary is a strategy, an order” People have experienced much (December 2nd 2009). There are ideas violence and the state forces have had circulating about lack of control, order, and significant role in this violence. El honesty within the police. Interestingly Comandante Marrojo is a well respected enough, the parade has the objective to man with years of experience working as a present the forces in front of the state and horseback riding police officer. His point the public in well presented and well of view, a rather romantic view on horses organized manners. Under the parade, with perceptions of psychological effects which was realized at Avenida la on people, is valuable for the sake of an Peruanidad, the president, as head of the analytic discussion. With regard to this, he state, was present as well as ordinary made a distinction between intervención people. Order and correctness are central and patrullaje, intervention and patrol. He features of parades. It can be argued that believes in el impacto psicológico, the parades open up the possibility for the psychological impact of representing people to see the forces in civilized6 and security on the horseback and states that peaceful arena. Clearly this is a matter of people approach the horse while the police perspectives - such a parade might evoke serve by patrolling, whilst in intervention negative associations of the forces based there is a latent confrontation with people. on historical social and political instability. Of course this does not go without the For instance, those coming of age in 1980 more obvious reason for using horses experienced shift away from twelve years which are strong, large, a fast animal of military rule in the year of democratic which have been used throughout history. elections, meanwhile were experiencing In order to approach the citizen, el Comandante Marrojo explains that “in 6 The adjective civilized simply refers to the tranquil presence of the forces in which the forces Colombia they order 3000 horses from are not in position of defence or with intentions to Argentina last year. [It is] the form to confront citizen in questions of power and violence. recover and to approach themselves, the

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1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve community and the horseback riding WHITE HORSES police”. He says that “the civil population Image is a keyword for police presentation is terrorized” and that “in Colombia they of security and representation in the fear the Guerrero” (November 30th 2009). parade. Image is a condition for identity The horseback riding police believed that it and it can be argued that the police focus was possible to recover and bring closer on image is about building identity. The the relation between the community and classical argument about identity states that the police through amplifying the presence it only makes sense in relation to other of them patrolling with horses. In the identities and they are never firmly Peruvian case he believes that it is established for individuals and groups similarly of importance to recuperate the (Jenkins 2004). Image, like identity, is moral which the institution lost in the 80s, relational and touches upon processes of with the internal national conflicts, and he impression management. Erving Goffman has a vision of the horses as a (1992) uses impression management in communicative and respectful way to meet relation to systematic conducts which give people. In a way, this resembles the idea the impression one hopes to convey presented in 1996 by the mayor Alberto through playing on frontstage and Andrade and his urban renewal of the city backstage in interaction in everyday life. centre with aesthetic visions of The frontstage of the police is order and recuperation of Lima’s lost splendour. The control. Through their institution they alleged desire for recuperation of police establish a common frontstage where the moral, in similarity recuperation of Lima parade communicates police authority7. It spatial royalty, can be argued to be ideal can be argued that the police preoccupation glorifications of a past. In the case of for image partake processes of impression Andrade’s slogan “Lima, the way it once management to produce a better image or was” it is important to question whether or reputation of the police which indicate not his visions of urban renewal reflect the ambiguous relations surrounding images of historic Lima (Gandolfo 2009). Perhaps the police. Lima was not that marvellous with its 7 fortifications. Similarly, the police moral, It is noticeable the police effort with regard to promoting a common frontstage. The backstage, which the police allegedly find a need to however, is not necessarily shared. I look at rather recuperate, might not haven been much ambiguous backstage which is influenced by an better before. individualization of the role of the police which is discussed further in the following chapters.

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The image of urban space in the with their orderly presence. Allegedly8, the Historic Centre of Lima was up until president remained impressed by the Andrade’s campaign perceived in relation enormous white horse ridden by Mario, an to urban decay, however, with his official which usually fly helicopters in campaign he communicated a recuperation VRAE (el Valle del Rió Apurímac y Ene) of cleanliness order, and beauty (Gandolfo who nevertheless came that day in order to 2009). It was said in 1996, when Andrade serve with PMP who lacked policias took office, the city centre was on the oficiales to lead the sub officials (Photo verge of collapse because it was so dirty. 1.7). It is worthy of notice that the Andrade set out a process of cleaning, by president was awestruck by the one brooms in hand and serenazgo patrol, in immense and white horse. The idea and order to sweep out garbage and unwanted presence of white horses in the parade can people such as pirañitas, petty drug be extracted and discussed in relation to dealers, and prostitutes. Certainly, the ideas of power and masculinity which mayors’ campaign did show results, represent symbolic displays of values though the image of the historic centre in communicated by forces that monopolize terms of security depends on time and violence. In Latin American ethnography, space as certain part its space is rather macho is a familiar and well-discussed lively at night. The police at the parade, term which amongst others relate power similarly, represents impression and masculinity to specific image and management in the sense that it aim at behaviour. Machismo is perceived as presenting forces of security in an orderly important component to power, as an and correct manner which, perhaps, can ultimate value, something not to be restore an alleged lost order and moral questioned. since the 80s. Urban space was Matthew Gutmann (1996) writes transformed into a stage for the parade, the that particular associations of male same urban space which underwent qualities in writings on Latin American changes in 1996. masculinity and machismo, has been an There is something persuasive important topic ever since what Mary about hundreds of people, forces, and Louise Pratt make notice of as the horses suddenly appropriating city space 8 It was commented by el Comandante in charge of the PMP that they got a call from one of the assistance of the president regarding his notification of that particular horse (December 8th 2009).

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1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve androcentrism of modern national before” (Appadurai 1990 in Gutmann imaginings in Latin America. During the 1996:241). This heroic figure is of special Mexican Revolution the phrase muy interest in which there could be drawn a hombre, very man, described courageous vague comparison to the role of the police man and women, though it was first and as security, as protectors. Generally foremost men who were perceived as speaking, I agree with Gutmann that protective of their mother country. Macho macho and machismo are complex matters is often associated with attitudes and and that they have multiple and shifting behaviours such as toughness and power. meanings, though I focus on the idea of In comparison to contemporary multiple macho with connotations to masculinity understandings in the urban context, and power. macho might have become a modern It can be argued that horses are fashionable characterization of especially perceived as powerful and an attribute of male behaviour such as toughness and masculinity. The festival of the Palio of power. To a certain degree, looking at the Siena (Handelman 1990) is an interesting behavioural aspect of ideas of macho, case in point. The festival appears as an without necessarily arguing that they are inversion of male-female relationship in macho, this urban understanding of power everyday public life as in the major is reflected in many images of pandilleros political and economic arenas are male or bandilleros, mainly boys and protectors dominated commune, whereas women are of their barrio (described under the subtitle outsiders to a certain extent. The race, Barras Bravas). which is central for the festival, however, Though there are many discussions is regarded as a female event and the of the term macho, I find it to be of special horses are feminized in honour of the interest to look at the idea of macho and Madonna. Nevertheless, it can be argued machismo with ideas of protection. even in a feminized event where the male- Mexican masculinity under the Mexican female relationship appears inverted, Revolution was shaped by ideas of masculinity is perhaps reinforced through protection of their country and their the ascription of masculinity to the women. Gutmann writes that the heroic feminized. Similarly, during the Mexican figure of proletarian male militant has been Revolution, women as well as men, where promoted to cause national progress, yet, considered macho, a term which I have he writes “cultural processes are driven already argued carries a male connotation. today by global ethnoscapes as never The point is, and generally speaking here,

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1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve horses are perceived in relation to riders within the PMP, dressed in white, masculinity, a male potent symbol of who demonstrate their artistic and power. Even in the case where the horse acrobatic knowledge and capabilities in feminized it is consider and articulated order to give a positive image of the through masculinity. It is noteworthy then, institution from an collective cooperation the male bias of the riders in the parade, in and with a message of peace (Photo 1.6). fact, there is a general male bias of police In comparison to el Cuadro Blanco, the work. It is easy to observe that the majority day of the parade was also perceived as of police officers, serenos, and watchmen opportunities for the ordinary9 PMP to are in fact men. What is the relation of promote a positive image of the PMP. power and masculinity in relation to Similarly, the parade in general security? demonstrates correct and honest forces There is a relation between with the simple intention of presenting and masculinity and power, a relation which is representing security in front of the people. naturalized and often perceived as an In many conversations with and about ultimate value. In similarity to this specific police officers the adjective recto, meaning characterization of masculinity, I find the honest and correct, is mentioned in order to colour white to be of specific interest as point out that the problem in many cases is symbolic representation of the parade. The the lack of honest police officers. It can be adjective white is not reinforced by a argued that the parade communicate coincidence. Historically, the colour has juxtaposed values of power and peace. The been a marker of distinction, exceptionally large white horse, which discrimination, and unequal power awestruck the president, perhaps relations such as violence in the 19th communicate obscured tensions in century in the United States against everyday life consisting of power and African American in which lynching as an legitimization of power between citizens extrajudicial punishment was carried out and state. Rightly, an exceptionally large by whites towards blacks, and politics of horse would impress any other person segregation which is probably most know without further profound ideas of power. in relation to the system of Apartheid in South Africa. Nevertheless, here I reinforced white because of its symbolic significance with reference to el Cuadro 9 By the term ordinary I am here referring to the Blanco. This is the team of horses and comparison to el Cuadro Blanco.

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1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve

Photo 1.9 ”Armored rider”. The rider and its horse are well protected and prepared for intervention at the football game. The red and white decorations in many of the horses’ mane remained, which reflect the tight schedule between the parade and the game (photo: Therese Landås).

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Photo 1.10 ”Police officers as walls”. At proximity of the north entrance the wall of police officers thickened and people where forced to use the sidewalks while walking towards the stadium (photo: Therese Landås).

Photo 1.11 ”Hustling and ordering the crowd”. On horseback, this police officer intended to maintain order through a demand of orderly line of people and a hustled rhythm to the stadium (photo: Therese Landås).

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necessarily caused by a change in the ARMORED10 RIDERS attitude of the police. Rather, the change

was more noticeable in aesthetics, and The football game between the two local perhaps even the mass of people and their rivals Alianza and la ‘U’, is a rather presence in urban space. The aesthetics is different public event in which the mass of here referring to physical appearance such people and its social space is characterized as the armored clothes and the physical by force and disorder. After the parade, surroundings of shifting urban landscape to PMP set course towards el Estado which the PMP changed expectation. Nacional, the national stadium located by In comparison to the traffic of Paseo de la Republica across the district of micros and vehicles in Lima Cercado, the La Victoria. The situation changed in the crowed in La Victoria was characterized moment they arrived the stadium, the post by people, walking and coming from all for reorganizing their team. The horses directions. It was inevitable to notice the were prepared for service amongst others change compared to the aesthetics and with a team of horses well equipped with appearance in parade. Characteristics in defence accessories such as plastic see- urban space shifted at the border of La through blinders covering their eyes. The Victoria - once again the hundred horses police officers changed into protective with their riders appropriated city space. vests, helmets, and music instruments were They left the National Stadium, crossed put away. The image of the PMP changed Paseo de la Republica, and continued corresponding to the changes in the upwards 28 de Julio. At the border of La situation. Police officers expressed an Victoria the changes escalated and it was awareness of the possibilities for direct noticeable the changes of the crowd. Order confrontations and interventions which and formation of PMP were maintained could be demanded by the following though it was inevitable to notice that the situation such as stated by el Comandante mass of people already challenged this Marrojo “change of situation and the picture. PMP divided themselves into three people change their attitude” (December groups covering the three entrances. It is of 8th 2009). Nevertheless, the change was not interest to look at the perceptions of the three entrances where the entrances are 10 A term used by Linke and Taana Smith (2009:57) which describe amongst others the privatization of associated with certain behaviours which security which is discussed further in the following again is perceived in relation to class. chapters. There are three entrances to the stadium,

- 22 - 1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve respectively el ingreso norte, el ingreso tensions and shape peoples conducts such sur, and el ingreso occidente. Accordingly as the young boy was caught with drugs at there are three perceptions of these the north entrance. At the occident entrances which express ideas of social entrance, the tickets are more expensive class as basis for social behaviour, or in and allegedly the police expect fewer two of the cases, perceived lack of conflicts there. In this event, security was behaviour. The cheaper tickets are sold for enforced where conflict was perceived as a the north and south entrances. latent potential, such as at the north and Generally speaking the supporters south entrances where most of the barras of each team, the barras bravas, enter the bravas enters. stadium either through the north or south At the north entrance, police officer entrance, depending on which team the lined up as fences to the sidewalks while person supports. The more expensive the PMP mobilized around whereabouts of tickets are sold to the occident entrance. the masses. The explicit role of the PMP is People supporting either one of the teams to control masses of people at events which enter there. It is the north and south attract larger masses of people such as the entrances which are perceived challenging. football game. People were controlled by These two entrances are perceived the strategy of having everybody use the challenging because of the greater risk of sidewalk and walk in line in a hustled conflict and the behaviour of people rhythm (photo 1.10). The majority of the accordingly tend to be less easy to control. mass of people were teenagers and men. By the occident entrance people allegedly The street of Abtao, which lead to the north enter calmly and often they arrive in cars. entrance, was dominated by the police. The People perceive the space of the cheap- sidewalks of Abtao were appropriated by ticket-entrances to be more conflictual people. Troops of security flooded inn by because people are perceived as lower foot, on motorbikes, and in cars. These class and complicated behaviour. People troops were further delegated to cover the who have tickets for these two entrances various zones surrounding the stadium. walk to the stadium. Allegedly, the barras Urban space surrounding the stadium could bravas from both team enter their easily be associated with a conflictual respectively entrance and their behaviour space of confrontations of the police and are perceived as a threat by the police and people based on these security by Limeños in general. In many cases, measurements which were strongly drugs are involved which escalate the represented. Generally speaking however,

- 23 - 1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve responses and interactions of the police circulate and people talk about barras and people were rather tranquil as if they bravas vandalizing urban space and where routines for both parties. After all, property on their journey to the stadium. these are ordinary practices of security at There exist genuine fears for private these football games. Confrontations are properties as the barras bravas supposedly perceived as omnipresent possibility in paint and toss rocks. As a consequence, the urban space at the event of the football PMP, in the aftermath of the game, are game. divided into groups in order to follow the In this particular situation, practices masses, accompanying the masses of of security can be perceived as practices of people which become further dispersed the defence in which allegedly confrontations further away form the stadium they get. are the rule rather than the exception. In comparison to the representation of PUBLIC EVENTS AND PRACTICES security under the parade, in which the OF THE ORDINARY forces present themselves to the public to be at their disposal, the practices of The police subscribe to the production of security during the football game generate space in two different ways. Patrol and a change in social relations and position. intervention, these two police practices Though the police in this case are there to which produces social space, were public protect citizens and to maintain order with events realized within a timeframe of 12 the motive of acting with best intentions hours. Events have designs with their own for the citizens, there are latent logic and it can be argued that events manifestations of defensive practices of mirror the world. Handleman (1990) security. Simultaneously, it could also be argues that it is important to point out the argued that these defensive practices are great variety of public events which “vary preventive practices of security which aim from the explicitly ontological to the at avoiding certain conflicts. However, it is insistently pragmatic, from the unreflective physically manifested in the domination of to the exegetical, from the constitutive to space by the police that tranquillity and the expressive” (1990:62). Continually, he order is not taken for granted. Though the looks at logic of design of events where he football game is located at a particular presents an argument of the design of place and time, the importance of the event events, that experiences of events are tied can not be understood isolated to the to the logics of design of events, that is, the stadium and its surroundings. Stories

- 24 - 1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve model of the event shape how the events public event. Handelman argues that for unfold. instance symbolic anthropology would The events presented in this chapter insist that any public occasion is exemplify relations between lived world, necessarily a re-presentation of some which I perceive as the everyday life, and reality. He continuously writes that his that which is expressed at events11. The concern of public events is with the logic events demonstrate ways police operate in of design of events in themselves, which public space and functions of police. The he accounts for as presentation. Following parade is a classical public event where the Handlemans discussions, it can be argued police mainly present themselves that the framework and layout of the modelizing police in everyday life and detailed planned and organized parade is police power. The police practice at rather different from the design of the football game is rather pragmatic where police job at the football game where the the police intend to maintain order with the police role is dependant on how the aim at avoiding conflict and violence at situation emerges. specific space such as the north entrance of At the parade the police present the stadium12. themselves, under a statement of how Handleman distinguishes between things should be, of uniformity, events as presentation and representation orderliness. It is a modelling of police which reflect on the relations between power in synchronized choreography such events, design of events, and the lived-in- as riding in straight lines, side by side. The world, when presentation is more like parade could first and foremost be related statements, reflections or mirror-images. to that which Handelman characterize as As a presentation the event is stated in one presentation, such as for instance reflected particular way. Representation, on the in the historical always-on-horseback other hand, is more about propositions and motto of PMP, and the movement of the counterpropositions where there are parade through historic spaces. However, possible multiple experiences of the same this characterization of the parade does not

totally exclude what Fernandez (in 11 According to Handelman, events are mirrors of Handelman 1990:49) calls arguments of the lived world or lived in world, and events, to images which touch upon re-presentation different degree and in different ways, are modelling the lived in world. as well. There are multiple and subjective 12 Though the latter practice is not a classical event, ways, through spectators and participants, I look at it as a public event in Handelman sense. to understand the event. It is of importance

- 25 - 1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve to acknowledge the contested potential at appearance and control of the situation by the parade. For instance, the police present demanding people to use sidewalks, in themselves in orderly manners though which they demonstrate authority. At the many might perceive the police differently other hand, the social order is mirrored to a based on historical experiences with certain degree at this event. The social violence and contemporaneous experiences order is produced, a presentation of how and challenges of “the honour in times of the world is in terms of ontology which bribery13”. partake an internal logic of the event, at the The police event at the football stadium such as the reflected in game is a rather different event compared perceptions of the three entrances where to the parade. It is a police task which has the entrances are associated with class and is practical and pragmatic challenges such certain behaviour. It can be asked if there as reflected in the way they practiced is a process of re-presentation, if there is an security through controlling the masses. argument of images, at the event of the Nevertheless, and in similarity to the football game. Though the police at the parade, police practice at the football event football game primarily effectuate power I touches upon image and presentation of argue that there are communicative and police as well. At one hand, there are the symbolic aspects of police presence where equipments, for instance, in the armoured power and authority is represented simply uniform which demonstrates police ready through police presence. for conflict and intervention. It can be Despite the particular argued that people such as the barras characterisations of the events, there are bravas conditions the situation and the pragmatic aspects of the parade, and requirement of police presence. ontological aspects of the football game. Nevertheless, the police shape the The police practices of patrol and conditions through their armored intervention are both performances which produce and represent aspects of the lived

13 August 30th 2009 an article appeared the national in world. These are practices that produce newspaper el Comercio under this title, “el honor social space. Patrol, as an ordinary practice en los tiempos de la coima” (el Comercio August of security in everyday life, resembles 30th 2009). It exemplifies a challenge within and some aspects of the parade in the sense it is towards the police in which they have lost trust amongst others because of corruption and in this present police presence. Intervention is case coimas, bribery. This is discussed further in shaped by the effectuation of power where the chapter “at the Limit”. authority and monopoly of violence is

- 26 - 1 White Horses and Barras Bravas: Always Ready to Serve manifested. Police practices thus touches The distribution and numerous upon presentation and representation, and representation of the police encountered in are in fact significant practices in these events can not be equalized to police production of social space intended presence in everyday life, though police towards security. presence in certain parts of the city is quite visible. At the football game, for instance, INSUFFICIENT POLICE the distribution of security responded to a

request which considered expected or The irony here is that police presence is potential conflict during this event. In made so visible in this chapter, meanwhile everyday life, I question whether this is the allegation is that in Lima people always the case, that the distribution perceive police and security as inefficient corresponds to necessity of security. and absent to a certain degree. In fact, Nevertheless, the parade and the football Lima is the city in Latin America which game are considered small examples of has the smallest amount of police per representations and practices of security inhabitants with approximately 1696 which say something about larger issues inhabitants per police officer compared to regarding practices and narratives of the 215 inhabitants per police officer in security in Lima. Though events such as Buenos Aires (GDA in El Comercio the football game are just once-every-so- September 6th 2009). In Lima, where many often, it can be argued that such events people distrust and feel insecure when shape general discourse of fear and that taking a taxi, there circulate over 330 such events reflect on relations of order thousand taxis in which 50 percent are and disorder which are central themes with informal and in relation to which there regard to security. In the following chapter, circulate stories of crime and violence I present aspects of the system of security, which the police seem to be unable to which relates police practices to practices control. It is estimated that there are eight of everyday life. Are there many police thousand guachimanes who work officers on white horses – honest, peaceful, informally in Lima, they work 12 hours per and powerful representations of security - day, pasan la voz para las intervenciones, present in everyday life, and how do inform of necessary interventions. Yet, people, through the system of security, people do not think they are capacitated in encounter components to insecurity, such giving security. as the barras bravas?

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practices (Gandolfo 2009). Policía referred 2 Policing: The System to a broad range of attributes of civilized of Citizen Security life such as rationality and social order. On one hand, it is related to the Greek politeia “You do not survive her; the society will which implied life in a community and eat you” I was told under an interview with subordination of individual desires and a woman who I knew before conducting interests to those of the group by my fieldwork in Lima. At first, I did not ordinances and laws. On the other hand, it understand what she meant by this carries the Latin politia which are aspects statement, neither could I fully grasp her of personal behaviour and private life such reasoning nor the meaning of its content, as morality and good manners. The until I reread my own field notes months Spanish notion of policía referred to later. Rereading these words, with so many virtues associated with urban life, a mode other interviews, conversations, and gained of living conductive to a properly human experiences in my mind, I found myself in way of being. a better position to understand what significance it has, especially in this “It referred to life in the city understood both as chapter where I discuss the system, urbs – as an architectural entity, expressed in the design, appearance, and quality of its buildings – indicating structures in society, of security. and as civitas - as a human community – My research on security grew to become a juxtaposing these two historically opposing views of representation from the point of view of the city into a single notion of urban life, in which the police where policing is a point of the city’s physical reality and social and moral departure for understanding practices and bond of its residents engendered one another” (Gandolfo 2009:77). narratives of security in Lima. Police and policing are, nevertheless, perceived in In similarity, the system of security is their widest definition considering the bounded to law and order, a sort of many agents, from the huachimán, the subordination of the individual to these, Spanish word for watchman, to a and a mode of personal comportment in neighbour, policing in Lima. which the individual is expected to behave The sixteenth- and seventeenth- in certain ways. century Spaniards were bound up with The system of security and the what they referred to as policía in which function of policing are presented in this the conversion to Catholicism and chapter and their foundation has been, and attainment of order and justice were central

- 28 - 2 Policing: The System of Citizen Security is part of, a continued process of strategies Antonio frequently called about events and of order and control which have roots in activities related to citizen participation. colonial practices. Serenazgo, for instance, My journeys to Rímac taught me about whom I observed and was observed by in everyday rhythms in Lima’s urban space in la Calle Vesalio where I lived during my the Historic Centre of the capital and even fieldwork, is the district-run more about the role of the police through neighbourhood vigilance system inspired many conversations on beautiful recently- by a colonial practice of night-time watch in-the process-of-being-trained police practiced 150 years ago (Gandolfo 2009). horses with el comandante Marrojo. These agents became a way of approaching Security is a matter of the system, of and achieving an understanding of security policing, and of the social relations and in Lima to such degree that I would what it means to be an agent of security. I frequently be stopped by a sereno on a look into these topics which frames citizen bicycle giving me the status quo of order security in Lima. and tranquillity in the area, or at times I It is of importance to mention that would be offered a lift home in the sereno the all-including system of security, which vehicle accompanying a sereno and a I discuss as a characteristic of the citizen police officer who patrolled my security in Lima, makes it rather difficult neighbourhood area. The watchman in my to delimit the policing function which by street, would often make remark of law and practice is considered an all- situations of the ordinary, of worries for inclusive responsibility. Additionally, the crime when the neighbours parked their policing agent whom certainly have the cars outside the carceral house or strongest voice here, are themselves observations of the absent or slowed down citizens engaged in everyday life which frequency of serenazgo patrol at night. places them in a position of the ordinary. “From 12 o’clock serenazgo does not Carlos, the first promoter I worked with, come any more. They are resting because believes that the state benefits from having they have other jobs and they are tired at weak laws (September 11th 2009) and the night” criticized the vigilant one day twenty year old sereno in Domingo Orue (August 14th 2009). Every so often the in Surquillo believes that the police does promoter of the juntas vecinales where I not patrol in Surquillo and that it is participated, invited me to various necessary to have a police friend in order activities with the neighbourhood to feel secure or to be able to fulfil the job representatives, my friend and informant ascription as security (September 2nd

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2009). Also they practice everyday life of security. My approach to security is thus coping with limitation to their assigned seguridad ciudadana. responsibility. Narration, the art of speaking (de SEGURIDAD CIUDADANA Certeau in Caldeira 2000), are considered of great importance in this approach as talk Seguridad ciudadana, directly translated, of security is expressive and productive means citizen security. In Lima, when through the ways narrative shape social people talk about security, it is mostly seen relations and practices. According to in relation to citizen security and the Caldeira, “talk and fear organize everyday system of security which surrounds the law strategies of protection and reaction that of citizen security. Though citizenship is a restrict people’s movements and shrink contested term it is perceived as an their universe of interaction” (2000:19-20). umbrella term where citizen security aims I find narratives of security to be of at individual rights to tranquillity and importance as they reflect specific peace. Nevertheless, it is acknowledge that knowledge about the system of security this must be seen in relation to collective and narratives connect personal responsibility to guarantee security such as experiences with the system of security. reflected in the system of security which Everyday strategies of security is shaped appeal to collective strategies and practices by peoples fear, and it can be argued, in of security. The concept of citizen security mutual understanding of the shrinking assumes citizenship as an indirect universe of interaction, that Limeños dwell requirement to security. It has been in city space within particular social and suggested to use the term seguridad de los geographical boundaries shaped by talk of habitants, which aim at security for all fear and the security system. This chapter persons without exceptions (Rico and of the system of citizen security focuses on Chinchilla 2002:88). Another case in point, aspects of security in relation to the law of which was brought up at a police training citizen security and its focus on the relation seminar (Seminario de Capitación: of the national police, serenazgo, and the Identidad e Identificación, September 30th neighbourhood juntas. The representation 2009), are challenges of lack of identity and discussion on this chapter is shaped by which is amongst other a result of political this approach to security which constitute a instability and migration as a voluntarily part of that which can be called the system relocation.

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Drawing 2.1 ”Citizen security, united community, secure city”. This drawing represents the idea of citizen security which is perceived as a responsibility for all by this alferez police officer in San Isidro and is a perspective on security which is shared by many.

Drawing 2.2 “The national police protect the society, especially the children”. El Comandante who drew this enforced the importance of working with children as they are the future of Peru. In general, people talk about security related to children and education, an aspect of security in which many express concerns for lack of education or rather, people express concern for” the education of the streets”.

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There are various public and private system of citizen security. The provincial strategies for security which shape practice municipality work with participation of the of security in everyday life. Generally civil society and the police, shape the perceived, in Lima, the state and establishment of district serenazgo and institutions are considered to have major juntas vecinales, neighbourhood juntas, responsibility for security. Politically Lima and coordinate the district municipality, has 42 district governments which have a police, and the inter district service15. The certain degree of autonomy. They are district municipalities organize their responsible for public cleaning, serenazgo service within their district. The maintenance of roads, sidewalks, parks and division of municipality is a function of el gardens, regulation of local urban gobierno regional, the regional development, as well as citizen security government. The local authority is la (Costa, Briceño, and Romero 2008). El municipalidad metropolitana de Lima, the gobierno central, the central government, metropolitan municipality of Lima, through el ministerio del interior, the nevertheless, within each district there are domestic ministry, and la Policía Nacional municipalities with local authority del Perú14, the national police, are directly represented by los alcaldes, the mayors. in charge of security. The PNP are Each district is obliged to promote security responsible for maintenance of the public and coordinate security with the order, the criminal investigation, and the metropolitan municipality. prevention of crime (Costa, Briceño, and Nevertheless, behind these Romero 2008). Nevertheless, citizen divisions of security, there exist a national security is also a local public service with law for citizen security, la ley del Sistema municipal competence such as an Nacional de Seguridad Ciudadana N° attribution of the mayor the disposition of 27933 (DIRPASEC 2009). The national serenazgo which is a disposition of the law coordinates practises of security at state. various levels of district, provincial, and Apart from, or in addition to, the national institutions. The law N° 27933 distribution of police officers by the state aims at un trabajo conjunto, a joint work, and serenazgos by the municipalities, la between the national police, the municipalidad provincial, the provincial municipality, additionally coordinates a 15 In conversations with police officers and serenos, the issue of serenazgo sin fronteras was brought up 14 I use PNP as a shortening term hereafter. as an idea of a serenazgo in Lima as a totality.

- 32 - 2 Policing: The System of Citizen Security municipality, and the citizens. The issue of results, a police with confidence, a police friend. security has recently received much May, June, July, and August - the 20th of August 1977 they created the Direcction for Citizen attention from both citizens and the state. Participation, DIRPASEC. It is the normative Security is considered and practiced as organism for citizen participation. Now the OPC is joint responsibility between people and national” (el Mayor de la Septima de la Oficina de state, between citizens and institutions. The Participación Ciudadana, October 2nd 2009:138) law generates a specific system of citizen The national police is an institutions which security which relates the citizens and the represents the state and is charged with the system with the objective of equal rights to responsibility of citizen security. La ley security. The mutual relation and orgánica de la Policía Nacional, the responsibility is recognized and all parties organic law of the National Police, are seen as responsible for providing promulgated in December 1999, has the security. Consequently, citizen security guarantee of citizen security as objective depends on the different actors of security and to establish trust between the police and is thus a part of what is considered and the population by means of participación ciudadana, citizen neighborhood juntas (María Rico and participation. Chinchilla 2002). In Lima, la OFIPACIU

VII DIRTEPOL work directly with citizen LA POLICÍA NACIONAL security through the program of citizen participation. This program is represented “We had an internal war. What happened? The at la Séptima and the program of OPC, la national police had to combat and struggle. They Oficina para Participación Ciudadana, is abandoned Lima, we did not have police [in Lima] (...) It was looked outwards, how it could be fought. represented at every police station in Lima There was sent various teams with the purpose to and nation wide. It is made clear by el learn. They learnt this with communitarian police, Mayor that social situations shaped the to work hand in hand, side by side with the formation of the institution of PNP. Many neighbour, work from hand - a police who is narratives about the national police and the interested, listens. The teams came back and thought, ‘it is possible to apply to Peru’. In May recent formation of the system of security 1977 it was founded the Office for Citizen are related to the decades of 1970s and Participation, la Séptima Region, the organism 1980s in which this system emerges which controls Lima, Callao, and the near districts. through an appeal to citizen participation Every police station had OPC, first in Lima, the and confrontation first with terrorism and OPC from la Séptima Region from 1977. There were selected people. In little time it showed thereafter with crime. El Comandante in

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Miraflores (September 17th 2009) similarly technical, and security police. Today, says “look, in the 80s we had an internal however, the national police is one force war, the terrorism and Sendero Luminoso, united who work together with citizens and in its manner of fear, force, and not other institutions in guaranteeing security democratic”. Accordingly, the police in everyday life. The unification of the proceeded with intelligence work in order police institutions is perceived ambiguous to get to know the criminals. During these as some police officers believes that it decades, there were nationwide enforced the institution to operate as one instabilities, conflicts, and violence mostly institution under one general16, while in the provinces which allegedly left Lima others perceive it to be a problem rather abandoned. and a contributing factor to inefficiency The situation generated structural (Nacho November 18th 2009; Checa adjustments and changes within the November 20th 2009; Guillermo December institution with the objective to work side 14th 2009). by side with citizens. Throughout the El Comandante in Miraflores talks 1980s the insecurity remained and Lima about a sensation of insecurity in 2000 and reached the top of the homicide curve in how “they discovered something more 1992 mainly caused by Tarata and which was a little bit abandoned. Petty terrorism. 16th of July 1992 the street of thieves and criminals began to take Tarata en Miraflores became a symbol of advantage” (September 17th 2009). Many terrorism in Lima (McCarthy 2009). The police officers points out how Lima was explosion of the street has a remarkable little bit abandoned during the epoch of location in the history of violence in Peru internal conflict. In comparison, about which some say manifested that the contemporary Lima they talk about the conflict had reached the capital. general obligation to citizen security. Simultaneously, further adjustments where Nevertheless, the complaint about an made within the institution of PNP when absent security continues. The institution the current president, Alan García, unified of the PNP is struggling, it is to say, the three police forces under the law N° people, general Limeños as well as police 24949 on December 6th 1988 (Costa, officers, is of the perception that PNP Briceño, and Romero 2008). Formerly, the encounter a situation in which the quality three institutions were considered through the division of policía general, policía 16 Thus, there is today only one chief or leader of técnica, and policía de seguridad, general, the PNP.

- 34 - 2 Policing: The System of Citizen Security and capacity to maintain security and order serenos which passed the streets, switching are contested. Many see it as a political of the lights” (October 13th 2009). When problem. “An institution such as ours the police allegedly abandoned Lima the [PNP] cannot be political” said a police municipalities saw the necessity to act and officer in Cotabambas (November 20th react upon challenges to security which 2009:189). These challenges are amongst they encountered. The establishment of others related to situational circumstances serenazgo at the end of the 1980s such as contemporary crime in which the responded to a tendency of absence of the many PNP express lack of logistics or even PNP. The most prosperous districts, lack of laws. The promoter, who actually through their municipalities, created this was the first police officer I started system as a support for the national police working with and who introduced me to in order to meet the necessity for security his juntas vecinales, described to me that strategies in the capital which increasingly “all around, they are smoking, outside the experienced an intensified violence. In police station as well. The drug is December 1998 there were serenazgo everywhere, San Isidro, San Juan de represented in 25 of the 45 existing Lurigancho, and also in a higher level in districts, as well as serenazgo from the the system there are drugs”. He then added metropolis (María Rico and Chinchilla “give me the laws [of drugs] and the 2002). Contemporarily, serenazgo is delinquency would drop 50 percent” represented in 38 of the 43 existing (promoter Carlos September 11th districts. Two of the districts presently 2009:101-102). without the service of serenazgo formerly had this system. In the case of Villa el Salvador the service was allegedly pulled SERENAZGO back because of the expenses.

Under the course seminar la Under an interview with the chief manager seguridad ciudadana en Lima – problemas of tránsito y seguridad ciudadana en San y desafíos, Carlos Romero (December 14th Borja, he stated that the problem of 2009) had a presentation of the local security emerged in the period of terrorism government of citizen security in Lima in where the districts looked for how they which the case of Villa el Salavdor was could give protection which resulted in “a mentioned very generally. Nevertheless, body of security which they gave the name this withdrawal of the system of serenazgo serenazgo. It comes from a body of in the two cases brought forth interesting

- 35 - 2 Policing: The System of Citizen Security questions with regard to the role of diminish with lower socioeconomic levels. serenazgo and the differences in between Is this a natural consequence of the fact the various districts. A police officer from that serenazgo is better represented and the Argentinean delegation, whom equipped in the most prosperous districts? expressed interest in the system of Serenazgo are perceived as well serenazgo, rhetorically questioned the equipped and sometimes with many presence of the system of serenazgo which resources. In this matter, many Limeños allegedly exist because of incapacity of the express an ironic relation of the police and police to cover their responsibility. The serenazgo. The former is perceived to have police officer proposed the question of what serenazgo lacks, the authority, the how society allows monopoly of security police seem to lack what the latter seem to to become dispersed such as represented have, the resources. These ideas circulate through the system of serenazgo. in city space with a certain degree of This may be discussed in relation to material and spatial representation. In state monopoly of violence and districts such as San Isidro, Miraflores, privatization of security. This is not Surco, and San Borja serenazgo operates necessarily to argue that serenazgo is a with call centers, local observatories, and privatization of power, because it is a video surveillance, however these logistics district strategy which makes it a public are not found in all districts operating with matter. Nevertheless, it brings forth serenazgo. In fact, there are great questions of indirect privatization of differences in personal and logistics of the security such as reflected in the allegation serenazgo in various districts such as the that the system of serenazgo depends on 441 serenazgos present in the district of the inhabitants of the districts and their San Isidro with 58 056 inhabitants, and the taxes. Statistics demonstrate that serenazgo 88 serenazgos in San Juan de Miraflores is perceived as more efficient than police17. which have 362 643 inhabitants18. Interestingly enough, serenezgo is Interestingly enough, similar unequal perceived more efficient by higher distributions in terms of districts and its socioeconomic levels whereas the habitants are encountered in the difference between serenazgo and police distribution of police officers in police stations and serenos. In Villa María del

17 Universidad de Lima, Grupo de Opinión Pública: VI Encuesta Annual sobre Seguridad Ciudadana, 18 Ciudad Nuestra/Encuesta a jefes de serenazgos, November 2009 Lima 2009

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Triunfo, with its 378 470 inhabitants there JOINT WORK IN SECTOR 5.4 is a total of 300 police and serenos, while in La Molina where there are 132 498 Serenazgo is an additional system of inhabitants, there are 419 police and security which grew out of the absence of serenos19. Of further interest, the former police. Los serenazgos constitute a system district is categorized with the of patrol which is unarmed and without socioeconomic level E, where as the latter police ascription. Oscar, who work directly district is categorized as socioeconomic with the capaticación or training of level A. sereneos, is of the impression the Presumably, there is a relation “functions of citizen security is the police between socioeconomic level and to combat and serenazgo to give security th distribution of security such as seen in and prevent” (Oscar November 9 2009). these examples and such as narrated by el His allegation, in similarity to el Comandante from Miraflores who explains Comandante Marrojo, touches upon the “so the problem is the money, the distinction of intervention and patrol. Does inhabitants contributes much more in La this mean that serenazgo is most important Molina for instance than in Villa María as a representational image of security, like [del Triunfo]”. In the case of serenezago a sign of a warning in urban space? The people perceive it as an issue of taxes, a sign of warning is a representation of the priority of the mayor and a political matter. video surveillance in which the sign itself Thus, it is worth asking, how come the is just a representation of the camera. It can police is unequally distributed? Is it a be argued that serenazgo first and foremost matter of whose insecurity, as security patrol and function as a preventive strategy measurements are seen in relation and of security, whereas the police do the response to insecurity, is taken seriously? pragmatic work of police intervention. These are matters of politics of security There seem to be tensions reflected and city order which are discussed further in the limitation of intervention where in the chapters “At the Limit” and “The serenazgo officers can not intervene in Carceral House” where I amongst others same ways as the police. What complicates look at migration processes and the rapid the picture is that serenazgo is in a way in growth of the city and. a betwixted and between position where they are under certain obligations and rights as citizens and as representations of

19 Policía/Ciudad Nuestra, Lima 2009 security. PNP officers and serenos actively

- 37 - 2 Policing: The System of Citizen Security utilize strategies of policing, nevertheless, space, a symbolic practice of security. under two different conditions and Through the practice of patrol they are requisitions, and the joint work is frequently confronted with situations of perceived ambiguous. Shoi (September 4th intervention. Police practice is neither 2009), a student of law who in addition reduced to intervention as the police also works as serenazgo in San Isidro, the joint do patrol and work directly with preventive work with the police is a challenge for strategies of security with community such serenazgo. She argues that “the work or as represented through the law of citizen joint relation [of police and serenazgo] is security. It is required by law that these good and bad.” She explains that a institutions work together and through their colleague of hers experienced an armed presence by patrolling (by foot, bicycle, attacked. “The police have arms. The motorcycle, and car) they intend to prevent criminal knows that. The police bring crime and preserve tranquility, order, and insecurity, they have arms”. It can be security. To some degree the existence of argued that there is a juxtaposition of serenazgo cast light on some police and serenazgo in perceptions and contradictions within the law of citizen expectations of both of them charged with security which require and expect practices the responsibility of security. In many of security meanwhile the police is the cases, when in need of assistance, citizens only actor with monopoly of violence. contact serenazgo rather than the police. It is a known practice that police The bottom of the matter is that serenazgo patrol in vehicles of serenazgo, partly does not have police authority neither are because police lack of vehicles and partly they police though they proceed with the because of the law of joint work. In sector practice of policing. 5.4 in San Isidro, I patrolled in a serenazgo Nonetheless, serenazgo represents vehicle with a serenazgo driver supervisor security strategies on behalf of the and a police officer, and while patrolling municipality and is another institution they talked about their practice of security perceived with major responsible for and perceptions by reference to own citizen security. It is easy to observe that experiences and with reference to the both serenazgo and police practice security urban space in their sector (August 26th through preventive strategies such as 2009). This sector limits to San Borja, La patrol, and both intervene in different Victoia, and Surquillo, in which they situations of confrontations. Serenazgo is perceive the two latter as rather not reduced to a poster of warning in urban challenging limits to insecurity. “In this

- 38 - 2 Policing: The System of Citizen Security district there are people with money, have to change everything. We catch the intellectual people” stated the supervisor, criminal, I bring him to the police station, and added that the limiting districts of La he gets out, and yet again he is out in the Victoria and Surquillo are faces challenges streets” (police officer august 26th “because of the government”. “If there 2009:62). were more work there would be less This allegation is reflected in the crime” (serenazgo supervisor August 26th expression, hecha la ley hecha la trampa, 2009:61). Calle 32 is the street which having made the laws the trap is also made. marks this distinction between the two I have heard many Limeños claiming that districts and they perceive the other side of the law which gives them the right to the limit to be appropriated by people of intervene is met with counter laws which other customs and criminals. By the traffic protect the criminal. Continuously, people light at the limit with San Borja, they point talk of how much it takes to get arrested out that there is much crime in cars which and that the criminals well aware of the are paralysed at red light. It is not amount. A cartersita, a wallet robber, has uncommon that red lights are perceived as to rob for more than 1100 soles, if the challenging in urban space as the traffic is value robed passes this requirement the heavy and people are immobilized for long person goes to jail. El Comandante in enough time for criminals to open doors Miraflores explains “but what happens is and grab what they can get. that there are also other requirements, they In the district in which they patrol, have to be more than two persons, a people have money which they explain is bandillero, have weapons and such the reason for why there are 138 cameras. requirements” (September 17th 2009:114). Even though they acknowledge the solid The police officer in sector 5.4, in system of security in the district of San addition to his complaints about weak Isidro, it is acknowledged that insecurity is laws, complains that where as his partner in close proximity, and meanwhile they have nice uniform and logistics, he himself perceive their presence as important to had to buy his uniform and states that he is keep out criminals, they express that the using his private weapon as armed police system is rather challenging and officer. The serenazgo supervisor and the problematic. The police officer expresses police officer both acknowledged the many his frustration over laws which practically challenges within both of their institution, let the criminal free after he brings him to and the supervisor pointed out an the police station. “It is the system, they allegation that “if you call the police, they

- 39 - 2 Policing: The System of Citizen Security do not come or they come late. We come individual to groups by law and order. The right away”. The police officer himself social contract seems to be fragile in terms stated that “if serenazgo did not of security and the relations between exist…uuuu”. In other words, they both individuals and state seems to be contested. acknowledge the importance of serenazgo. There are tensions within the system and citizen security has become a shared responsibility in which the police not only OJOS Y OIDOS - EYES AND EARS OF THE POLICE cooperate with serenazgo, however also with general citizens. The term policing There are many agents policing in Lima, thus refers to this tendency of dispersed people who are eyes and ears of and for the practice of security in which ordinary police. Policing is not necessarily deduced citizens become agents in everyday life. to practices of police officers or Agents of security are also mothers who serenazgos, rather, policing is considered drop of children at school everyday 8 am, an activity of people in everyday life who and stay a little longer observing and participate in practices of security through looking for any suspiciousness. These actively presence and attentively observe mothers work with the police as part of the surroundings. The system of security is their program of brigadas de shaped by concern for insecurity which autoprotección, brigades of auto generates strategies for security and ways protection, under the OPC. El Mayor at la of coping with the experienced threat to Séptima explains how his colleague everyday tranquillity and peace. In Lima, discovered this particularity of mothers crime and violence are perceived as dropping of children, “one should take components to everyday life. It can be advantage of these women who watch out argued, and it is reflected in the system of for their children, to be eyes and ears” security, that the state is confronted for its (October 2nd 2009). failure to manage the situation and lack of In the case of the system of fulfilment of its part of the social contract security, ordinary people are first and (Hobbes in Déloye 2004) in guarantying foremost policing under the formation of security for its citizens. In the introduction neighbourhood juntas which have of this chapter, the concept of policía was resemblances to elsewhere in Peru. Orín introduced with reference to attributes to Starn (1999) writes about ronda civilized life and that the concept of campesina, the system of patrol and politeia referred to the subordination of nightwatch against rustlers and thieves in

- 40 - 2 Policing: The System of Citizen Security the Andean foothills of northern Peru. security. The neighbours are agents of Ronda campesina means peasant round security who have regular contact with the and was an initiative born of desperation. local police station and are capacitated in The flooding connected to el Niño which security. These neighbours are the main destroyed crops and increased crime. protagonist as eyes and ears of the police. However, people also joined the system of In the manual for neighbourhood juntas, patrol because they perceived the police citizen security is defined as an integrated force in the nearby village to be actions developed by the state in understaffed and indifferent. collaboration with the citizens, destined to In similarity, security in Lima is guarantee peaceful coexistence practiced through vigilantism and patrol by (DIRPASEC 2009). Though these are private means such as exemplified by the strategies to guarantee security, it can be extensive use of vigilantes particulares. argued that policing is ambiguous in terms There is a significant difference between of tranquillity and trust. Policing is a the peasant round and the huachimán in matter of personal attentiveness, urban Lima where the huachimán work on suspiciousness and surveillance which is a salary and in most cases does not live in companion to everyday life in Lima. the neighbourhood where he works. In A simple and ordinary taxi ride, a addition, the vigilant mostly observes from form of transportation which is used quite his street corner or vigilant hut, such as frequently in Lima where there circulates a Maycol who only cuida the ten houses remarkable number of informal taxies, which pays him to guard the intersection of become a matter of routine security checks two streets. Perhaps juntas vecinales better where to take a taxi means to choose the resembles some aspect of the ronda taxi which is perceived less risky to take. It campesina in the Peruvian Andes, and the is common to evaluate the car and the system of patrol where neighbours watch person before negotiations of price. One out for their own neighbourhood. In observes the shape of the car, its condition, Barranco, for instance, the neighbour and one observes the person behind the voluntaries keep eyes and ears open in steering wheel. It is not uncommon for their street and assigned area. Limeños to have a couple of drivers whom However, these juntas vecinales are they call and perceive as taxi de confianza coordinated through and with the police. or taxi seguro. Amongst my friends, we These are neighbours who voluntarily have a couple of numbers to drivers we engage in activities which promote share. However, it is not uncommon to

- 41 - 2 Policing: The System of Citizen Security take an informal taxi in the street. The risk hoping to convey a subtle message that is evaluated, in my case, well aware of the would reduce the risk of potentially time in 2007 one of my friend was victim becoming a victim. Perhaps constant of a taxicab assault or abduction, the one suspiciousness and risk calculations cause day she did take a taxi in the street rather this fear within us, regardless of the degree than calling one of our regular taxi drivers. on insecurity in the situation. It could be Once she had sat down in the back, the questioned then, based on similar everyday accomplice jumped up from underneath a practices of always-have-eyes-and-ears- carpet in the back and put a knife on her open-for-any-suspiciousness, if ordinary throat. They drove around for hours and people experience their role in policing in got hold of all her money by taking her to everyday life as peaceful and tranquil. This an ATM before and after midnight. She leads to questions of the system of security was lucky, they let her go. and if it really generates peaceful Daniella Gandolfo (2009) writes coexistence such as stated in the manual about similar situation in Lima and how for juntas vecinales. she learnt how to jump out of a moving Malene, whose exhalation of taxi and to always sit in the backseat close despair expresses sentiments of frustration to the door in order to jump out rapidly. shared by many Limeños who perceive the One time, a friend of her friend threatened topic of security to be complicated and to jump out when a taxi driver diverted incomprehensible at times, says that “we from the main avenue near a descent into live in prisons. I feel like I am living in a the Circuito de Playas. “She grabbed the prison with barriers, fences, cameras. door handle and told the man she was When I leave the house I have to leave fast ready to jump out if he didn’t turn back. so that nobody enters”. Continually she The guy got scared, begged her not to says that “we fear. I do not go out calm, jump, and did as she said” (Gandolfo always hoping that nobody is behind” 2009:118). (September 7th 2009). Limeños in general, My own friends have ordered taxi consider the possibility for situations drivers to put away their phones in fear of where personal security is challenged, and the taxi driver communicating himself with the insecurity shape people’s conducts in accomplices, and I have myself had my ways that people choose to walk a detour if phone ready to dial police informants in the distance a group of teenage boys are while indirectly letting the taxi driver observed. know that I was doing research on security

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Illustation 2.3 ”I always guide myself by the face of the driver to enter a taxi, but from what I see, his face does not tell me anything”. This rather humoristic representation of the problematic of distrust towards informal taxies in the national newspaper el Comercio (August 4th 2009), represent a general strategy of security or precautions people take before taking a taxi.

Photo 2.4 ”Policias escolares”. This photo was given to me by el Mayor at la Septima Region under our conversation about OPC. This, and the other photos I was given, represents police work with society. Policía escolar is a program which is offered at some police stations where the “PNP work with children and teenagers whom they convert to leaders in their schools in order to help their professors and to inform the police of any suspicious activities” (el Mayor de la Séptima Region).

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Photo 2.5 ”Neighbourhood vigilant”. The photo was taken by one of my main informant, Antonio, who got a disposable camera and an assignment to take photos of situations, people, places, and spaces which to him said something about security. He says that this “caseta vacía”, empty hut, represent the question of what security is there when there is no vigilant and the door is locked.

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Photo 2.6 ”Una lustra bota con chaleco de DIRTEPOL”. This is another photo taken by Antonio with the disposable camera where he made notice of this señor with a police vest. Perhaps it exemplifies aspects of dispersed representations of security.

Photo 2.7 ”Amigo policía”. This photo was given to me by el Mayor from la Séptima and exemplifies police engagement with the community. El Mayor presented this photo in relation to the idea working on the image of a police as a friend, amigo policía.

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Meanwhile, I have heard talk of circumstances. Though I find difficult to downplaying situations of crime and understand the girls’ not-traumatised violence by people acknowledging the reaction, I see similarities to the situation potential risk in cases where they have in Lima where some people allegedly experienced crime and violence in expect crime and violence at certain times expected places and situations. If you fall and places in Lima. asleep in a taxi, for instances, and wake up with a gun in your face and find yourself POLICING IN PERU AND NORWAY having been robed, it is allegedly your own COMPARED fault. Perhaps it is about risk taking. An informant, working outside a police I extract and draw attention to the police station, earning his living by washing and bias in order to reveal a position of watching cars told me how he got robbed representation which obviously shape and because of his own fault for falling asleep. frame the discussion of security in Lima. I will here compare the situation of security “I remember a taxi three years ago, at three in the from police point of view in Peru and morning. I fell asleep in the car. The taxi had Norway. I am not oblivious of the two very stopped at the Panamericana Sur, the same taxi different realities where it can be argued driver woke me up and said the motor is broken. I that the former case represents a situation stood up, I was in another zone and he had robbed me and I didn’t know it in the moment, he asked me of insecurity as point of departure, whereas to get out, I got out and he drove off” (Ernestbaile the latter departs with a situation of th September 18 2009:117) security. Perhaps, in the limeño case, as stated by Washington Luís in 1920, Dean MacCannell and Juliet Flower governor of the state of São Paulo and MacCannell (in Ramazanoglu 1993) writes future president, “the social question is a about a young woman in New York who question of the police” (in Holston caught the wrong bus which took her to the 2008:283). The comparison I present and wrong side of Central Park which resulted discuss obviously includes both similarities in that she decided to walk through the and differences. At one hand, there are park. She was raped by a gang of boys. But similarities in how the police perceive she was not traumatised. The MacCannells security in relation to insecurity caused by suggest that the socio-geographical crime and violence. At the other hand, location of the violent act places the these are two very different situations in brutalisation under expected which the foundation and ideas of the

- 46 - 2 Policing: The System of Citizen Security welfare state and democratic situation in Grimen (2009) exemplifies such distrust as Norway mark a significant difference represented in systems such as security compared to the situation encountered in checks at airports where distrust is Peru. Nevertheless, the comparison is routinely performed in or by institutions. made possible because of the basis in a “Det dreier seg om upersonlig mistillit, common police point-of-view approach to som ikke bygger på negative erfaringer discussions of security. med, eller rettes mot, bestemte andre” Many see the welfare state Norway, (Grimen 2009:101). However, in this in which security is expected in its widest chapter, I have illustrated aspects of sense, in stark contrast to other places, insecurity which reflect individual and such as Lima, where ideas of the insecurity personified aspects of distrust such as dominates and states are perceived as exemplified in situations with taxies and corrupt and inefficient. It is true that there such as exemplified by Malenes’ constant is something ubiquitous about insecurity in suspiciousness. It can be argued that Lima and the lack of trust demonstrated by distrust in the Peruvian case is practiced in its citizens. In Bergen it is acknowledged personal ways. In Norway, police are that, as Norwegian citizens, people expect generally perceived as successful security as a right and as natural part of representation of anonymous distrust, a daily life. Nevertheless, in Bergen, security point in case in which I find ideas of the is also contested in many similar ways to welfare state important. the case of Lima. A conversation with an How does the welfare state in the overbetjent and sekjsonsleder at the police Norwegian case affect people’s station of Hordaland Politi Distrikt in expectation and perceptions of security? Bergen (February 3rd 2010) generated Perhaps people have a taken-for-granted many comparative notes and questions. attitude with regard to security, and Having lived most of my life in Norway attitude which generate conducts also makes it possible to make some characterized by lack of carefulness. For general comparison remarks. That which instance, according to the overbetjent the evokes the most interest in this comparison increase of robberies in cars can be here is the relation of trust and distrust. explained by the fact that many people In modern societies distrust is to a have DVD players in their cars and there is large extent taken care of by institutions just a thin see-through glass which such as the police. Institutionalization of separates it from a generalized stranger and distrust means that distrust is anonymous. potential criminal in public space. In fact,

- 47 - 2 Policing: The System of Citizen Security most Norwegians have insurance and the police. It has already been pointed out reclaim their loss rather easily through this. that Limeños in many cases perceive Allegedly, it is easy for multi-criminals in Peruvian police to be inefficient and lack Norway. There are eastern European of honesty, however, and as narrated by bander (gangs) whom accordingly see many police officers, people expect the Norway as a candy store, that is, they see police to provide them with protection opportunities and take advantage of the though this is further challenged by people generalized lack of carefulness in which calling serenazgo before contacting the they can make a fortune rather easy. police. Further, the privatization of security Perhaps this resembles the easiness to size also challenges this picture of perceptions opportunities found such as Malene as an expected police task. In the expresses “it is the creativity” and “it is the Norwegian case, the allegation of police facilismo”. It can be argued that lack of responsibility to provide security is carefulness, as a generally perceived perhaps more valid such as reflected in the attitude, amplifies potential crime. In less extensive privatization and alternative Lima, it seems that lack of carefulness security measurements and practices. opens up a space for partly taking the Nevertheless, visibility and blame for experienced crime and violence patrolling are generally perceived as through potential risk identified such as the central strategies of security in Lima such risk of assault when taking an informal as represented through the dispersed taxi. practices policing. In Bergen, the police A generalized argument, share this post with amongst others with encountered in the two cases of Lima and Securitas. Helgefylla, the getting-wasted- Bergen, is that the police face a situation in in-the-weekend, is a challenge to security which people expect security to be a police in Bergen, and there are latent potential for task, or at least when people experience outbreaks of conflicts amongst others crime and violence the police are perceived because of the affect of alcohol. responsible in some way or another. In Natteravnene are people voluntarily both cases, it is demonstrated how police policing through patrolling the streets at perceive it additionally as a citizen night, and resembles some of the responsibility and not merely a police task, voluntarily policing encountered in the but to different degrees in the two cases. system of security in Lima such as the Perhaps, in the case of Lima, there are neighbourhood juntas. However, certain inconsistencies in expectations of Natteravnene do first and foremost patrol

- 48 - 2 Policing: The System of Citizen Security in the city centre during weekends at night, Securitas and Natteravnene, these where as the neighbourhood juntas are actors whom contribute in policing in the eyes and ears in the sphere of everyday life Norwegian case are, nevertheless, very and private spaces. Continuously, in different from the policing agent Bergen during weekends, there is a encountered in Lima. For instance, though necessity to empty the downtown in order Securitas might resemble serenazgo in to prevent outbreaks of violence. terms of representing security without Interestingly enough, pirate taxies police authority, Securitas is not equalized allegedly contributes in this task as it is a to serenazgo first and foremost because acknowledge problem that people stand in serenazgo is public and it is an integrated taxi cues for relatively long time as people system of patrol and policing in everyday go home more or less at the same time. spaces in Lima, in the generalized city According to the overbetjent, the space such neighbourhood streets. circulation of pirate taxies can actually Arguably, and perhaps the ultimatum here, release the pressure in one way by getting rarely one encounter guards of any kind in people out of the concentrated masses of neighbourhoods in Bergen, or even in people in city space at night-time. Norway in general. It is interesting then, to consider the well known informalities in the Peruvian TRUST AND DISTRUST society which can be referred to as the culture of informalities, values, norms of The Norwegian and Peruvian cases conduct, and lifestyles across the exemplify the relation of attitudes and boundaries of law and order. Matos Mar conducts in relation to security, and the describes it in relation to forms of importance of the practice of policing. economic behaviour that blur the line Though, in the cases of Lima and Bergen between illegal and that which is furtive. security can be discussed in relation to This is said to have a unique kind of insecurity generated by crime and modernization process in which the violence, there are nevertheless very desborde popular went beyond a spatial different groundings for security in these overflow to bring unique processes such as two cases. Insecurity affect everyday life in encountered in the idea of a culture of profound ways in Lima and it can be informalities (Gandolfo 2009; Mar argued that ordinary citizens in some way 2004[1984]). or another relate to the system of security

- 49 - 2 Policing: The System of Citizen Security in ways that individuals themselves are practices of reading the person and responsible for its guarantee. Meanwhile, situation, a practice of personal distrust. in Norway, policing remains less extensive Many Limeños do hire a vigilante amongst ordinary citizens. Perhaps the informal, another private means of security most important difference between and practice of personal distrust. Norwegian and Peruvian police is the However, the most striking ability to remove distrust from individual situation which can be discussed in this relation. matter is the seemingly individualization of The institutionalization of distrust police mission, that is, how the quality of is perceived an important strategy of police practice to a larger extent in Lima security in modern society, and in Lima it depend on each and every police officer. is seen as rather ambivalent. It can be One aspect of the system of security is the argued that the system of security and relationship between police and policing are dispersed practices of distrust community where the police encounter a in Lima. Through the comparison and need to work gaining peoples’ trust. Image, discussion of aspects of the system of such as mentioned in the previous chapter, security, institutionalization of distrust is is part of the police practice where the brought in to prominence, where distrust is police work with citizens not only in order perceived as anonymous or personal. Does, to guarantee security, however also in for instances, the system of seguridad order to work on the quality of the ciudadana generate distrust in personal relationship between police and citizens. ways? Perhaps the amplified practices of The program of OPC and the practices of security, both personal practice as well as security which this program promotes is institutional, produce even more insecurity one aspect where one encounters a sort of as a component of distrust. In fact, it can individualization of police missions. In the be argued that the institutionalization of following chapter, I present a police officer distrust makes it possible for spectators or who engages in citizen security as a citizens to trust in everyday life, and to practice of everyday life. This case, trust each and every police officer. In exemplify ambiguous consequences of Lima, it can be argued that this is such disperse practices of distrust where I challenged by practices which depend on look into close relations of the legal and individuals. When Limeños take a taxi in illegal. the street, they can do the security

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chapter I discuss aspects of corruption 3 At the Limit: amongst others by looking at some Corruption and experiences of Antonio as a police officer Entrepreneurship working at the limit of corruption and entrepreneurship. Corruption comes from Antonio engages in the field of citizen Latin corruptus which touches upon security as a promoter of it. According to corrumpere, meaning utterly broken. A Antonio a promoter, broadly defined, is a general aspect of corruption is the abuse of police man or women who work with and power for illegitimate personal gains, to for the program of citizen participation at use a position of trust for dishonest gains. the police station with the overall objective There is a variety of corruptions though in to engage citizens and enforce social this thesis I focus on the political and relations between citizens, community, and economic corruption. Bribery and criminal police. Ideally, the promoter is assigned enterprise are forms of corruption which this responsibility in coordination with pose serious challenges to democracy and personal capabilities and interest. Antonio legitimate state power. Here I understand refers to them as promotores integrals, corruption as the abuse of trust, whereas comprehensive promoters, promoters who entrepreneurship means violating moral exceed their work responsibility as police rules nevertheless in innovative ways. officers and work in the field for and with What characterizes the entrepreneur is the the community. Accordingly, the promoter ability to handle the ambiguous situation is seen as a person with mucha voluntad, successfully. This touches upon a sort of lots of will. Thus working as a promoter is, unique kind of modernization process in many cases, considered a social work in characterized “by its reliance on forms of which they engage in various activities and economic behavior that blur the line events in their community. I have heard between what is merely furtive and what is many police officers talk about their illegal or criminal and for its preference for multitask responsibilities as lawyers and transactions that are driven by family and friends, un amigo policía (photo 2.7), such personal, rather than institutional, as el Mayor at la Séptima says. relations” (Gandolfo 2009:9). Antonio and the role of the Nonetheless, corruption and promoter exemplify aspects of this entrepreneurship are at the limit and poses individualization of the police role. In this challenges with regard to security and justice. Perhaps aspects of challenges to

- 51 - 3 At the Limit: Corruption and Entrepreneurship state power, democracy, and not but least system of security. By touching upon the relation of trust between individuals aspects of entrepreneurship in the case of and state, can be related to disperse distrust Antonio perhaps the foucaultian approach and dependency on individual role. The to power as not necessarily visible power, specific situations of distrust in the system are brought into prominence. of security in Lima possibly generate direct In Lima, insecurity has become the opportunities for corruption because of the main protagonist in security, that is, many individualized role of police officers. One Limeños talk about insecurities caused by of the consequences, which I discuss crime and violence rather than security, through Antonio, is nonetheless the thin when they talk about practices of security. lines between the legal and illegal. The discourse of insecurity circulates Malcom Young (in Comaroff and through this talk of crime and violence. Comaroff 2004) writes that policing relies The legal and illegal are considered ideal on well directed social productions to fundaments in relation to crime and maintain the mythic divide between good violence, and are challenged in and evil. Policing, similarly maintain the disorganized ways. People talk about crime divide between legal and illegal, order and and violence at various levels where petty disorder. These divides depend very much thieves are described in specific ways. In on the eye of the beholder though legal and immediate description of a criminal people illegal are consider firmer based the talk about men in worn down cloths or capacity to distinguish the two through youth with sports caps and baggy pants established laws. Formal laws and the such as represented in drawing 3.1. system of security, such as represented in Nevertheless, people identify a rather the former chapter, shape the everyday different type of criminal, the criminal with relations and interactions between the law tie and tuxedo who is involved in large abiding citizens and law breakers. scale crime and not that much the everyday However, habitus, the system of crime of the criminal who robs you in the dispositions such as ways of seeing, being street. and thinking, are also measurements for Promoter Carlos expresses that “the legal and illegal, right and wrong, which people are ignorant. They know nothing. are subjectively evaluated. I discuss This way, the government manipulates the Antonio and the personified consequences people, a manipulation coming from the of corruption as an aspect of ambiguity congress” (September 11th 2009:101). within the institution of PNP and the

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Drawing 3.1 ”La inseguridad”. I asked two young boys to draw insecurity. In their drawing there are two delinquents, one smoking and the other robbing. Their representation of the criminals exemplify generalized description presented in the chapter Barras Braves, and it seems that the details the two boys drew in the space such as graffiti represent less order space in comparison to their drawing of security (which they also were asked to draw) in which they drew serenazgo patrolling the streets in a rather organized space.

Drawing 3.2 ”Un robo saliendo de un banco”. The vigilant Maycol was also asked to draw insecurity related situation in which he came up with this drawing. This drawing exemplifies another type of robbery, where he presents an organized space and delinquents rather nicely dressed. His point, as he explains, is that robbery can happened anywhere in Lima, in his district Villa María (where the drawing 3.1 was situated and where Maycol himself lives) as well as in San Borja.

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Though I do not agree in his statement that Peru, have experienced years of people are ignorant, rather, I find his point domination by colonial elites. In fact, the of manipulation to be of specific interest in capital Lima was founded under colonial this chapter about the blurred boundaries rule. Arguably, history has left its traces in of law and order. Everyday experiences the present, that is, the Spanish-Peruvian with disorder generate concern for encounter was structured by unequal insecurity and state capacity to guarantee relations created in spaces of dominance and restore order. In Lima, such as in many and inequality. In contemporary Lima, other metropolitans of the world, people crime and violence is profound and it has are becoming armored. People live behind achieved its own expression and walls, hire guards, and call for security explanation model in which people explain strategies in ways that shape social life in these activities in relation to ways of being particular ways. Perhaps this proposes a and cultural habits such as el Limeño question of how disorder exceeds capacity criollo. These are ways of going about of state to discipline and punish. Is it really social relationship and identity today so? Do crime, violence, and corruption which can be related to the colonial exceed the capacity of the state to control encounter. it? Or is it possible to see the state as a part El criollo is generally defined as a of the disorder? Could disorder, such as European descendant born in America, and crime and violence, be part of power the new cultural traits and behavior domain in which fear is a discourse associated with this. The term can be used generating a necessity which legitimate with reference to individuals’ native to and require more monopoly of violence of Lima who claim Spanish ancestry and with the state? deep cultural roots and belonging to the city (Gandolfo 2009). Contemporarily, it is EL LIMEÑO CRIOLLO associated culturally and ethnically with

the urban, fair-skinned and mestizo middle Contemporary preoccupations with fear class of Lima. However, there are negative and political groundings for insecurity are connotations which follow the not new strategies to legitimate power. It is identification of criollo. Historically, el possible to argue that violence has been criollo was perceived as the bourgeois with used and abused in relations of power clearer skin tone and it can emphatically throughout history, especially in colonial mean not-indigenous (Gandolfo 2009). In encounters. Post colonial countries, such as the book Desborde popular y crisis del

- 54 - 3 At the Limit: Corruption and Entrepreneurship estado, popular overflow and crisis of the advantage of opportunities. Interestingly state, Matos Mar (2004[1984]) writes enough, because of the European descent about the necessity for Peru to construct a the criollo of the colonial time was national unit which exceeds the failures of superior to the indigenous, that is, they the criolla Republic and opens the doors were perceived superior because of their into the year 2000. The colonial encounter Spanish roots. generated disorder, and it could be argued The perception of “the other”20 as that the criolla Republic failed. Sever inferior has been issued in various context inequalities where generated especially such as in relation to the expansion and towards the indigenous population. intervention from the west such as during In conversations with people, el the colonial epoch. In addition, Limeño criollo characteristic is mentioned criminalization of “the other” and at various occasions with relation to crime perceptions of them as poor has also been and criminals as opportunistic. It is of issued as explanations of crime as a great interest to look at this contemporary necessity. Ideas of criminals touch upon reference to el Limeño criollo which similar perceptions of the mobile criminal perceives it as a person who takes coming from elsewhere. Oscar Lewis’ advantage of opportunities. It has received (1959) well-discussed idea of culture of a body gesture consisting of finger and poverty – as a way of life passed down hand movements which signalize the from generation to generation along family action of a thief by rolling the fingers, lines – presents behavioral traits in the starting with the pinkie finger, followed by context of poverty. Poverty imageries are the other fingers as if grabbing something. images of poor people which are often It can be argued that the negative juxtaposed with images of criminals. connotation of el Limeño criollo represents William Both’s poverty map (in O’Conner general criticism within the society itself in 2001) or colonial imaginaries, where the which many Limeños explain crime and image of nomadic people was perceived as violence as social and cultural challenges. aggressive, laid historical grounding for The criollo has become part of the these ideas which came to juxtapose the characteristics and explanation of image of poor at home and abroad as criminals. The criollo of the colonial heathens (Thorn 1997). The 1900th epoch, in one aspect, took advantage of their situation and superiority. Likewise 20 The term “the other” is discussed further in the the criminal is said to aprovecha, take chapter “the Carceral House”.

- 55 - 3 At the Limit: Corruption and Entrepreneurship century’s perception of nomadic life and responding to a necessity but also acts fluidity was put in contrast to civilized way which responds to opportunities found. It is of life such as reflected in the colonial not uncommon that the so called poor idiom of gardening and controlling people and provincianos are seen as colonized people. The world are in many inferior for having lower cultural level. cases defined by development in which Gloria, daughter of a police officer, Europe is perceived as the birthplace and expresses that “people here [Rímac] have a the discourse of underdeveloped is lower cultural level, they rob what they can perceived as immature (Ludden 1992). rob if it is a necklace to 5 soles, it doesn’t These perspectives also reflect changes matter” (November 27th 2009). Perhaps it within the discipline itself based on the reflects conduct appropriated in the urban colonial influence and view of looking at context. These explanations might aim at and approaching the world (Gardner and distinguishing various causes to crime in Lewis 1996). From the 1920s to the 1950s, which the criollo theory is more than colonial and developmentalist regimes anything about a sort of corruption and overlapped (Escobar 1995). In Lima, the crime at other levels. Crime is not poor are often spoken about with reference necessarily explained by a necessity in to provincianos21 who have migrated to the relation to poor and poverty, though el city and settled in the outskirts of the Limeño criollo is used in various occasions capital. A typical attitude of the criollo with reference to characterization of petty middle classes of Lima has been the desire thieves. for distance and re-creating boundaries Crime and violence are considered where those below were perceived vulgar productive and structure social relations. and those above were considered Crime and violence also generate questions disdainful (Portocarrero 1998 in Gandolfo of belonging, of citizenship, and the 2009). question of who is a Limeño. Perhaps these However, the criollo approach are remaining traces and marks of the considers crime not only to be acts colonial epoch, an expression of discontent

with the colonial power and its heritage. 21 The term provinciano is here used as a Michael Taussig (1987 in Caldeira 2000) generalized term which refers to people from argues that the colonial encounter was an outside Lima. There other understandings of the term for example the distinction between encounter shaped in space of provincianos and costeños in which the latter refers misunderstanding where violence to people from the coast. structured social interaction. This created a

- 56 - 3 At the Limit: Corruption and Entrepreneurship culture of terror based on imagining and arbitration (Huber 2008). This wide reproducing fear. Is this fear reproduced in horizon of corruption is important to the colonial image of el Limeño criollo? consider in discussions of crime and Talk of el Limeño criollo unquestionably violence. generates the necessity to consider Contemporary crime, violence, and contemporary preoccupations with crime corruption generate social processes which and violence in consideration to fear and are often taken for granted, sometimes with political groundings for insecurity in the the citizens aware of it and sometimes not. colonial encounter. Similarly, to From the criticism I have heard form many consideration of colonial intervention as Limeños, I get the impression that people deceitful and fraudulent, crime and are very much aware processes of injustice, violence is often considered coming from and that people are not ignorant such as elsewhere carrying with it social ills. stated by the police officer Carlos who is of the impression that the state benefits from having weak laws and that it A HISTORY OF CORRUPTION manipulates people. It should be

mentioned that the officer later in the same The colonial encounter structured social conversation talked about governments’ interaction in a vain of injustice and power palabras técnicas, technical words, which inequality. It can be argued that during the are difficult for general people to grasp. colonial epoch the term corruption was not Thus, when corruption is defined as the used so frequently (Quiróz in Huber abuse of trust I also find it to be practiced 2008:66). However, it should not be under a certain clandestine. The interesting assumed that corruption was nonexistent point here is that citizens are aware of during that era as surly corruption is these processes and it seems to be expected considered an ancient activity of personal to a certain degree, despite the gains. Though it is interesting to notice clandestineness of corruption which only is how corruption has become a mark of explicitly known when it is uncovered. disgrace and a brander of the South In the previous chapter, I discussed American hemisphere, in which countries how distrust is institutionalized as part of such as Peru are labeled for dishonest the system of security. However, distrust is government and political instability. Today practiced in disorganized ways where it is corruption is an umbrella term which not an anonymous distrust. Part of this includes all types of injustice and disorder is produced by weak institutions

- 57 - 3 At the Limit: Corruption and Entrepreneurship and corruption which exist within the Contemporarily speaking, the word system. It becomes difficult to identify poverty, which often becomes issued in lawbreakers and to distinguish the discussions of the concept of development, lawbreaker from the law-abiding citizens. has become a keyword of our time and a Who are criminals, and what does it take to way of constructing two thirds of the world be considered criminal? These are (Escobar 1995). Within anthropology of contextual ways of practicing security. It development ideas of development and can be argued that the individual distrust is modernity have been discussed and there is an expression and reaction to experiences much criticism about failure to of omnipresent corruption and crime. acknowledge the emic perspective, the art Nevertheless, and in resemblance to the of the locality (Scott 1998). In fact, many argument that distrust is encountered at cases in which projects of development personal and institutional level, corruption and modernity have been imposed on local and crime is experienced between persons societies it has proved to cause unintended in the context of everyday life as well as consequences, global disconnect and within institutions. abjection, a process of being thrown aside Ludwig Huber (2008) presents (Ferguson 2002). The blueprint has led to perspectives on corruption in the context of crisis in certain cases such as exemplified everyday life in the book Romper la mano. in Bolivian neoliberal developmentalism In Peru, the saying romper la mano, break (McNeish 2005). the hand, expresses everyday acts of In contemporary Peru, general ideas corruption. Corruption is easily associated of governability, the ability to govern and with politicians acting in favor of personal the quality by which it is governed, of the gains whether it is economically or in Peruvian state is perceived in relation past terms of gaining relations and supports. experiences of corruption. Unquestionably Nowadays, the corruption is considered a the history of Peru contains many challenge internationally and it is a symbol examples of corruption which have of popular dissatisfaction in society. reached international reaction and Governability, the capacity and quality by headlines worldwide such as the which society is governed, was one of the presidency of Fujimori and the corruption launched initiatives by the international scandal of Montesino. Montesino was the society in the 90s directed towards fighting head of the intelligence service of Peru corruption and promote good government under the presidency of Fujimori. Fujimori in underdeveloped countries in the south. led the country under two presidencies

- 58 - 3 At the Limit: Corruption and Entrepreneurship which started in the 1990 and ended in influential mode of political analysis. 2000. His first government decided to Institutions and dispositions lay socio- confront the subversion by utilizing the cultural guidance in society, a power which military intelligence which was started in is more subtle and not necessarily the decade of 1980 (Matos Mar registered as power. The term 2004[1984]). They appealed to governmentality is interesting in itself as it communities and organizations with a civil can be dived into govern mentality. basis which gave national hope of justified Meanwhile, the discussion of and good government. However, it turned Machiavelli’s the Prince is of interest in out to be one of the most deplorable relation to government. Though the governments in the history of Peru. La Foucaultian art of government is discussed revolución de los videos (Matos Mar as different from the Machiavellian the 2004[1984]), the revolution of the videos, Prince, it is the general point which is in 2000 revealed Montesino for having interesting her. The idea of principality bribed an elected congressman as a touches upon how the prince is able to political strategy of gaining support. The keep his principality which is part of the secret videos which revealed this case of historical power of the title of principality. corruption is familiar to many people The police perform and maintain structures however the act revealed in 2000 were just of power amongst others through policing. one of many acts of corruptions. In fact, The police authority resembles aspects of when Montesino between 1980 and 1983 the principality, and is represented through revealed sensitive information to a an awareness of it such as represented in newspaper, the investigation was held the intended reproduction of police closed in order to protect the institutional authority at the parade. image. In similarity, contemporary Government, a term which has a experiences with and perspectives on central position in contemporary corruption is related to the history of the understandings of insecurity, is interesting organizations or institutions. It can be touching upon foucaultian discussions of argued that cultural prerequisites and the art of government. Foucault’s notion of previous experiences such as the case of governmentality, the conduct of conduct, Montesino affect relations to corruption. and his concern for power exercised in Ordinary people can easily identify the social relationship which shape and abuse of power to illegitimate gains when regulate conduct of individuals, is an they are brought into the eyes of the public.

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In fact, these cases of corruption shape the act of money giving to alter the behavior or perception of Peru by the international decision of the recipient. It is simple. In a society and receive a discursive dimension. given situation the police confront you on Peru suffered decades of violence and fair or unfair grounds, regardless, charges internal war in which both the militarist are made and the price is claimed. Legally, strategies of the state and the extensive use la multa, the fine, is given in accordance to of violence by the terrorist generated great the law. However, in practice options are disorder and further debilitates trust. given silently. Not in all cases, not every Within society the corruption has changed time, not with everybody, but in a the quality of the social contract in which significant amount of cases for it to have trust is contested. Confucius (in Grimen become part of everyday practices and 2009), such as mentioned, in the narratives. The silent option is to give a introduction chapter, said that trust is smaller amount of money directly to the necessary to govern. Is it possible to recipient, such as the police, to avoid govern when the bond of trust is ruptured? further consequences and expenses. Benjamin Franklin (in Grimen 2009) said Is it really that simple? Clearly, it is that distrust is one of the parents of not that simple. The practice of bribery can security. How does security then affect be analyzed as part of complex social ability to govern, especially if there is processes of small acts of corruption. It can demonstrated distrust towards those who be argued that contemporaneous govern? experiences of such acts reflect aspects In Lima, it is easily said that challenges of police and police honor in corruption and the corrupted are those times of bribery. In Brazilian, the do you responsible in the system that abuse their know who you are talking to (Hess and power and aim at personal gains. However, DaMatta 1995) is a phrase used in the it is of importance to give attention to context of everyday life. For instance, in a everyday acts at the limit of the legal and given situation of a car parked illegally and illegal, and the small acts with the is stopped by a police officer who asks the objective of personal gains. How much person to move the car, the person respond does it really take to be called corrupt? by referring to social position. In this the Corruption is also acts of ordinary people. jeitinoh touches upon ideas of bending Coimas, bribery, is part of everyday life. rules (Hess and DaMatta 1995). In Ordinary people in Lima are familiar with anthropological perspectives, the small acts the significance and practice of bribery, the of corruption are considered of great

- 60 - 3 At the Limit: Corruption and Entrepreneurship significance. Small acts of corruptions indicates a certain expectation of people to affect millions of people in everyday life. corrupt or to be corrupted. One day, Small acts of corruption are perhaps more Antonio, the alferez22 John, and I were easily accepted in and by society. sitting at a café, waiting for the Comité de Nevertheless, these small acts reinforce a Damas, led by the wife of the general of whole system which arguably is significant the police. While waiting for these delayed factor in the insecurity. People talk about ladies, who had immobilized a great concerns for crime and violence. number of officers waiting for their Nevertheless, there are similar concerns for presence, we took the opportunity to have honesty, transparency and trust, both with a little chat. Antonio expressed his regard to fellow citizens and state. concerns for his young friend and newly educated alferez who he describes as a young, good, and innocent person. SOCIAL UNEASE Nevertheless, he questions how long and

how far his goodness and innocent will “The world is corrupted. It is the kingdom of Satan. Why do these things happen? Why does there exist reach in encounters with the corrupted poverty? Why does it kill? It is the kingdom of world and the established system where Satan not of God. It is a deceived world. But one there are spaces of corruption. This way, has to have faith and hope (…) The human being is his concern resembles Malene’s society- imperfect. Careful, it [the corruption] exists in the eat-you narrative presented in the chapter entire world, the same imperfection. The corruption is one of the worst obstacles. It is the attitude which “Policing”. At times it leaves individuals corrupt persons who wishes to do good” (Antonio with feeling of despair, an out-of-our- November 23rd 2009:192-193) capacity-to-do-anything-about sentiment.

Michael Taussig (1980) writes Antonio tells me that the world is about the relation of capitalist and pre- corrupted and that social ills exist because capitalist culture in the Devil and we live in the kingdom of Satan. For him it Commodity Fetishism in South America in is no surprise or of any wonderment that which he presents the case of Colombian the corruption exists because the human is peasants who make contract with the devil imperfect and even people who aspire to do good encounter obstacles in the reign of 22 When graduating from the school of la Policía Satan and attitudes of corruption. Acts of Oficial the person is first Alférez and thereafter corruption are, in his perspective, Teniente, Capitán, Mayor, Comandante, and perceived omnipresent, ubiquitous. This Coronel

- 61 - 3 At the Limit: Corruption and Entrepreneurship as management of their encounter of represent explanations for experiences with capitalism and experiences with poverty social unease and people’s management of and death. Taussig reflect on colonialism these situations through reference to larger in South America and the relation of pre- processes such as in the case of Antonio capitalist and capitalist cultures in which it who explains corrupted behaviour and can be argued that capitalist intervention, injustice in relation to the reign of Satan. In in similarity to that of modernist and general, it can be argued that these development intervention - though in fact explanations touch upon social relations of the capitalist intervention have been individuals and larger processes. juxtaposed with the latter interventions - The corruption is profound and it received unintended consequences which has dug itself into the everyday life of caused social unease. Poverty and deaths in many Limeños. Antonio has more than two the case of the Colombian peasants is decades in the field as a police officer and explained as the cutters contract with the is familiar with the existence of corruption. devil. He knows all about how easy it is to be It can be argued that people manage corrupt. He has lived at the limits of the and explain social ills in particular ways legal and illegal in many years. such as the creole or criollo behaviour and Simultaneously, he knows the price to pay management with reference to the contract for being corrupt, not necessarily the price with the devil in the Colombian case. paid to society through the juridical Antonio talks about the reign of Satan system, having been convicted, however, though he understands perfectly well that the more general price and subjective corruption is manmade and driven by consequences of coping with these limits human intentions23. It might be vague in everyday life. Twenty-three years in the comparison to draw parallels between devil field as a police officer have left marks on fetishism in Colombia and crime, violence his body and mind, and he has achieved and corruption in Lima. However, they valuable knowledge about the real world and the complexity of crime, violence, and

23 Here I am touching upon Evans Pritchard’s corruption. Fear and insecurity leaves such (1976[1937]) study of the Azande where he write marks and traces on bodies and minds of about unfortunate events in relation to witchcraft, ordinary people. It leaves marks and traces though he makes and argument of rationality where witchcraft triggers and explains why an unfortunate on the system which is shaped by and event happens to a particular person in particular reshapes the social world. Ordinary people space and time. are often pulled into the system of

- 62 - 3 At the Limit: Corruption and Entrepreneurship insecurity, the everyday life of crime, difficult situations. To him there are no violence, and corruption. Antonio is doubts that trust and distrust are shaped by dieting everyday with light food and pills. history such as previous experiences, and The gastritis or constant uneasiness in the that in this case, distrust appears as the stomach remains some of the consequences topic in question. and bodily effects of having lived at the It can be argued that Antonio edge of the legal and for having come of experienced the injustice from both sides age as a police officer in the turmoil of as victimizer and victim. He lived his internal conflict. As an investigating police youth with one of the assessors of officer he had to play lies in order to get in Montesino, an epoch of his life in which he touch with people working with terrorist worked as an agente de inteligencia, groups. The infidelity and dishonesty in his intelligence agent. Antonio did not work past does not let go of him. The mental and directly under Fujimori nor did he work bodily consequences of the injustice make directly under Montesino. However, he did him sick. work under the circle of assessors of Many police officers have, in Montesino. He was allegedly lured into resemblance to Antonio, worked as police working in the gray zone when he was a officers in the turmoil of internal war under young boy, perhaps because of a period in which they have been face to youthfulness or perhaps it was naivety. We face with enemies and difficult choices. A never got into directly what kind of comandante on crutches, el Comandante involvement Antonio had had that caused Muleta (October 20th 2009), I was him penalties. But he mentioned an introduced to under my interview with a important point once, in the combi on our coronel, told me about the situation when way to our second visit to the police station he was fighting Sendero Luminoso groups. he had left in the turmoil of unclear He explains how he felt people’s distrust business in 2006. “You know two percent when he and his team entered a store in a of my (hi)story. If I was to tell you village and people would disappear everything it would scare you. You would because of their presence. With a low and get of this combi and leave running” fragile voice, yet clear with regard to what (December 3rd 2009). The point here is not he wanted to express, he talked about necessarily to lay out Antonio’s biography, valores, values, and anti valores, anti as Antonio points out so eloquently, I only values. He admits that he has made many know parts of his story which makes this a mistakes, but he has also been placed in partial representation. However, it is

- 63 - 3 At the Limit: Corruption and Entrepreneurship interesting to discuss aspects of his police station was founded in 2002 on the perspectives and experiences as a police top of a sand hill in a space considered officer. Antonio’s case can be understood zona roja, right next to a park which as an embodiment of corruption, touching perceived as a place for drug addicts. upon the Bourdieuian body hexis, the Contemporarily, the park is considered a habituated body. The history of the rather tranquil park. At the time, Antonio institutions with regard to corruption and was one of the first crew at this police disorder are inscribed as embodiments and station. They were concerned for the heavy dispositions in individuals such as environment of bandilleros in this pueblo Antonio. joven. Antonio tells me about that day they The social and political instability got the idea of the project, while walking in the country have contributed to the in the streets. I could only picture his well- difficulties in making the right choices for known enthusiasm while proposing his Antonio, such as stated by him and such as idea for his colleague. It was just after pointed out by many police officers talking Alan García had launched his program of about the many dilemmas they have agua para todos. This part of Lima had encountered, acknowledging that they have been one of the first places for its made wrong choices both in terms of realizations. “Before it all was just tierra”, legality and in terms of moral. comments Antonio. He and his colleague Nevertheless, the circumstances made it ran into a guy working with constructions, difficult to act otherwise. His most recent in a rather high position, who was on his experience with an alleged corruption way to make a complaint at the police became a case throughout my fieldwork station. Antonio had heard of a project by period under which it could seem that the interior minister, a project for youths Antonio found an opportunity in me to without work, and he suggested that they follow up on the case. Antonio was placed should realize it at their police station. in certain dilemmas in which he chose to With help of the constructer they were able retire from the project and confront the to propose this project to the community. protagonist of the project about the failure Antonio talks about how the project was un to proceed with the project and lack of engaño, a deception. He got in a conflict honesty. with the superintendent at the police On our way for our first visit to this station who had assigned him to the door police station, Antonio talked about the instead of his position as a promoter in situation when he last was there. The OPC.

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Séptima, which contemporarily has a very “I go to his dormitory, to the mayor who was my high position in the government, were friend, ‘Mayor’ I said to him, because he was arguably both aware of the less flattering Mayor in this period. ‘What is going on Antonio?’ situation they were in. Antonio makes an ‘Mayor, he says that I am assigned to be at the door, what is going on boss?’ He called an alferez. immediate reference to the bible after his ‘What is the problem? What, you are no longer a explanation of the meeting at la Séptima. police?’ ‘Yes’ I told him, ‘but it is the way’. ‘The problem is the money’ I said to him. He got mad “Salomon, from the bible, one of the most learned and responded ‘what, are you saying that I’m a men, God was pleased, a good king. There were thief?’ ‘I didn’t say you were a thief, you said say two women fighting over a little baby. They took the that’. ‘I’m leaving’ I said. ‘I have colic’. I went to women to Salomon so he would give justice. the doctor, the doctor told me ‘Antonio, take 5 ‘Soldier’ he said, ‘divide the baby in two’. One of days’. The 5 days I spent looking for contacts. I the women responded ‘no, give the baby to her’. talked to [chief of la Séptima Region], who was the This way Salomon said ‘give the baby to this boss of la Séptima Región in this period, for 10 señora, it is her baby’. Now, [the chief of la minutes. I told him everything. He said to me ‘you Séptima] was like this. I did my report, verbal, not were awarded. You got on the television. The public written. He said to me if I did it publically ‘you sector knows it. And now?’. He heard my lose, he, and even more the police’. I grew as presentation. He was the boss of la Séptima Region. promoter (...) This system is already established ‘He is corrupt, he is a thief’ [Antonio said]. (...) The best decision was to talk to somebody. Did ‘Antonio, you denunciate and it is bad for the I lose or not? I lost. I already had penalties. I felt police. What do you want?’ he said to me. ‘The only the injustice till it made me sick. I got depressed - I thing I want is my job’. He called for Luis. Luis was got gastritis, a part from being destroyed because one of the pioneers of la policía escolar. He told of my former work. I wanted to do good tings. I felt him ‘Luis, here, Antonio will work with you. You for the young people, in this life exist the will work on macro level’ (...)” imperfection. There is unease right now because of the young people (...) I look for other projects. It is Antonio’s complaint remained oral my revenge. I made a mistake to trust them (...) In and remained silent. Antonio lost his job our weaknesses we encounter our strengths” (Antonio November 26th 2009:196-197) and felt the injustice he had both contributed in, having failed these boys, I am still unable to grasp why and was victim of, having been Antonio think of the former leader of la marginalized to that extent that he lost his Séptima as King Salomon in the bible. job. Nevertheless, Antonio managed to One interpretation of King Salomon recover through achieving a position as a management of the situation, in the Old promoter through the central office of la Testament, is that he looked at the most Séptima. Antonio and the chief of la profound aspect of human being, of a

- 65 - 3 At the Limit: Corruption and Entrepreneurship mothers love for a child. King Salomon, as sphere barriers and different spheres in judge, wanted to bring justice through this which exchange is related to specific motherliness, a justice which was first spheres and value. In his analysis of considered a question of quality in which management of these spheres, he presents both mothers would get half of the baby the tomatoman who successfully manage each. The question of justice changed to realize value in one sphere by through the reaction of the mother who converting it into another sphere. Barth would give the baby to the other mother in introduces the idea of entrepreneurship and order for the baby to live. King Salomon individual innovating management in then considered justice to be that the baby which it is possible to successfully cross was given to the rightful mother - the back and forth between the two spheres. In mother who demonstrated motherly love order to successfully manage these spheres for the baby by letting the baby be given to in innovative ways, it is necessary for the the other mother so that it would live. King tomatoman to have specific knowledge Salomon uncovered human behaviour such about spheres and value which are as a mother’s love and a mother’s envy, connected to them. It is possible for the represented by the other mother who had tomatoman to gain profit because of the lost her baby. King Salomon brought existence of different spheres. justice. What justice did the chief of la Antonio, in similarity to the Séptima bring when he decided to let the tomatoman, can be seen as an entrepreneur case remain silent? Perhaps the chief found in the system of security. In the justice to be to protect the image of the abovementioned narrative, it is institution and to protect the project which demonstrated how Antonio, despite his had received so much positive attention? past and recent involvement in claimed Anyhow, he settled the case by offering corrupted activities, managed to Antonio a job and a position. Antonio successfully use his contacts and states that his revenge, a sort of private knowledge to regain a position within the justice, is through projects as a promoter. system in which he was marginalized when he questioned suspicious activities and lack of action. Another case in point is that A DREAMER AND A DOUBTER Antonio runs various cafeterias at police

stations in Lima. As a police officer he is In the analysis of Economic Spheres in able to see where there is need of Darfur, Fredrik Barth (1967) writes about cafeterias. Antonio works at a police

- 66 - 3 At the Limit: Corruption and Entrepreneurship station under the program of OPC though Antonio seeks opportunities in his he often visits other police stations as well. work as a promoter. “The small He promotes citizen security in Lima. achievements I see, I market” (November Antonio distinguishes between 23rd 2009). The system of security is an policias frios, cold police, and promotores arena in which he arguably encounters potensiales, potential promoters. The opportunities such as his commitment to former refers to a police who works with running various cafeterias at the police little will, whereas the latter is a police station meanwhile working as a promoter. man or woman who gives a little extra in Antonio is thus perceived as an his/her work. In many cases, the former entrepreneur who seeks and seizes also indicate a more problematic and opportunities, though at times in the profound attitude within the PNP which is blurred zone of legal and illegal. Perhaps the corruption. The police are seen as Antonio resembles aspects of un Limeño corrupt and there are doubts considering criollo who grasp opportunities found their goodness. When Antonio started though in suspect ways in the grey zone working at la comisaria Cotabamba in where it is not easy to define when it has Cercado Lima. Supposedly, at this police crossed the legal and when it has become station there was muchas quejas, referring corruption. In similarity to aspects of amongst other to poor work with Antonio as an entrepreneur and un Limeño documents and existing corruption. In criollo, he might also be perceived as an Lima there is talk about the honesty and bricoleur. The bricoleur often implies efficiency of the national police which is someone who continually invents own perceived rather absent. Furthermore, the strategies for comprehending reality, such institution is questioned. The police are as the shamanic spontaneous creativity in considered part of the problem rather than Claude Lévis-Strauss’ la pensée sauvage the solution. People demonstrate lack of (1962). The bricoleur operates at the confidence in the police and the police see boundaries in creative ways where their own struggle with the system in bricolage is improvised and spontaneous which they blame weak laws and poor where the bricoleur takes components out working conditions for not being able to of their context and use it in other ways. fulfill their role in society. Yet, citizens Antonio lives for and by call for the police and to acknowledge the engagement of citizen security. His necessity of police to promote security. message is that of citizen participation, of engaging people in citizen security.

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Ironically, he does not believe that citizen As a person, Antonio calls himself a security exist and states that it is a lie. dreamer yet he is a doubter (November Similarly, Antonio is of the perception that 26th 2009). Everyday he confronts crime the program of OPC is not real, it is just a with a desire to promote citizen security fraud, and it is only about cumple-miento. through constant engagement in creative Antonio explained that it is about cumplir, ways. Meetings with his neighbourhood to fulfil or fulfilment, and mentir, to lie. It juntas, works on a website for the police is just part of the system (Antonio 26th of station, discussions of marketing strategies November 2009). It is not uncommon that for the central office for citizen security at the system is perceived as corrupt. la Séptima, and police investigations are Antonio, as part of the system, is familiar part of his way to work with security and with corruption through having been moreover to work on the image of the corrupted and participated in corruption. police. In the last couple of years Antonio The insecurity maintains itself in has found much inspiration as a testigo. the streets and public spaces of the city and Nevertheless, his aspirations are it generates processes directed towards juxtaposed with doubts and despair of a fighting crime. However, the insecurity security which is nonexistent and lost in carves itself into the private spheres of the system shaped by corruption. ordinary people in private spaces, and in their bodies and minds. Antonio, like many THIN LINES others in everyday life, is pulled into the fight and confrontation with crime in Antonio is well connected. His friend which there are thin limits between the Nacho is well experienced in the field of legal and the illegal. As a police officer, he criminal investigation (November 18th confronts the insecurity with a badge 2009). I met him one day I had spent the which obliges him, gives him authority, morning watching the children from el and responsibility to guarantee order and club de menores from Zapallal playing security to citizens. But with which badge soccer games against boys from other does he really confront insecurity? The police station while talking to their complexities of perceptions of police promoter who meanwhile was getting his obviously reflect a badge which is fragile last permission documents assigned in and contested. As a citizen, he is expected order to participate in an international to respect the laws and to participate in police conference in Colombia. This citizen security through active engagement.

- 68 - 3 At the Limit: Corruption and Entrepreneurship promoter, as so many other promoters, was Investigaciones (PIP). Nacho explains that a friend of Antonio. Though at the time, I the institutional change with the unification did not know that they were acquaintance of the police forces was a mistake, which is nor did they know of my acquaintance with reflected in the inefficiency of the police the two of them. That day I got a phone contemporarily speaking and have effects call from Antonio, who spontaneously, for his own limitation and capacity to asked me if I could meet up with him fulfill his job and job responsibility. He has because he wanted to introduce me to no jurisdiction, which means that he works someone who would be very interesting for without geographical limitation. His my research. They picked me up outside everyday life consists of investigation and the police cuartel in Rímac. I was fighting organized crime, which is the introduced to his very elegant friend in his domain appropriated by bandas24. He is no suspiciously new car with documents and a ordinary man. Antonio perceives him as a suit in the backseat. I could not help but to real 007 agent who has exclusive cars, is notice the classy style and the sudden well dressed, and lives at the edge of impression of importance surrounding this criminal investigation. However, he is not person. I sat in the back and the two police a fictional character living a sophisticated officers in the front, while driving further and elegant life. Nacho works and lives in away - away from what were familiar the real world which has real spaces for me. Antonio at some point was consequences. He has to buy a new car dropped of, “have to do some investigating every second year, he sleeps with his research” he said, and took off with his pistol, and has to constantly worry about leather suitcase. I was alone in the car with his family. He fights crime in the street Nacho whom I would end up talking with which is unknown for ordinary people, the for hours while driving, then on a form of crime which works under a certain restaurant in Comas and finally at his clandestine in society. The organized crime police station where I was met by three of is practiced in everyday life before of the his colleagues - very heavy armed - ready eyes of ordinary people in their own to look for car hijack with both robbers and spaces. victims inside. 24 A banda refers to the rather organized crime Nacho works with la Dirección compared to pandillas who nevertheless, often para Investigación Criminal (DIRINCRI), commit small acts of crime such as verbal threats or the direction for criminal investigation minor violations of the law. These groups are often which formerly was la Policía de associated with insecurity.

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Drawing 3.3 ”Manipulación de pruebas”. Nacho drew this murder case scenario, while we were sitting outside a restaurant in Comas, sharing a bottle of Inca Cola after having been driving around in his car for while. It was made clear throughout our conversation that there are many challenges to security coming within the system, such as exemplified in this drawing where he exemplify manipulation of evidence such as an officer taking values from the victims pocket. For Nacho, this is not only a problem in terms of the police officer taking something which is not his or hers, nevertheless, manipulation of evidence makes it difficult to resolve the case. By taking the jewellery this alleged thief had stolen right before getting murdered, the investigation would perceive the victim as victim and not as a thief-victim which would change many aspects of the criminal investigation.

Nacho tells that in Lince there is a the historic centre of Lima which was serenazgo who sells drugs. At the moment removed under Andrade’s urban renewal when I met Nacho, he was working on this campaign25. Does this also indicate that case and for him there is nothing new there exists an indirect need for crime in about this. He has a clear opinion about the society? The normalization of everyday source of the problem - the problem is that acts of crime and corruption such as as long as there exist consume of drugs, discussed above might demonstrate that drugs will circulate. In similarity, crime there exist a need for crime in society and will exist as long as there is a market for it. spaces for crime. Institutional debility and There literally exists a market for crime manipulative laws also partakes this which is called el Mercado Negro, the black market. Stolen goods are sold and 25 Andrade’s campaign is presented in the chapter bought there in similarity to la Cachina in “White horses and Barras Bravas”.

- 70 - 4 The Carceral House: Always in Presence of Strangers picture of the market for crime. Nacho has for the possibility for corruption. Antonio experienced crime and criminals which and aspects of his story places certain reach the heart of the system in which relative perspectives on power and representatives of the law are lawbreakers. corruption. Perhaps this, in similarity to He says that “risk is to trust the state” and aspects of el Limeño criollo, reflects that “robbers for example, they are very aspects of opportunities found and taken organized, they have assessors in first advantage off. It can be argued that level” (November 18th 2009). He argues Antonio takes opportunities at the limit and that “the entire city is traumatized”. He manage to do this in innovative ways. explains further that “the citizens are Nevertheless, Antonio is an embodiment of victims of insecurity. There is total citizen corruption. His case exemplifies insecurity. The system generates personified consequences of the delinquency”. ambiguous relations at the limit. Insecurity is reproduced in the ongoing acts of crime, violence, and corruption. The limits between the legal and the illegal becomes narrower such as for instance reflected in aspects of informalities which people in some ways accept silently into everyday life. Crime, violence, and corruption are easily juxtaposed. I repeat my question of how much does it really take to be a criminal? Perhaps it could be argued that the allowance, directly and indirectly, of activities at the limits of legal and illegal has profound consequences. Clearly, the state and representatives of the state have a major responsibility. Having failed its citizens it becomes difficult to confront insecurity and crime when the state is also perceived as the problem. The lack of anonymous distrust and the extensive personal distrust in Lima perhaps opens up

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community which shape life in the city. In 4 The Carceral House: this chapter, I look at how urban space is Always in Presence of produced, reproduced, and contested in Strangers everyday life. In the previous chapters, security has been discussed in relation to the discourse of fear through talk of crime, January 6th 1535, Pizarro ordered three of violence, and corruption. Antonio his horsemen to seek out a site for the exemplifies aspects of individual foundation of the city that would become consequences and embodiment of the new capital of Peru. The valley Rímac, corruption in ways that shape everyday life Quechua for the talking river, was the site and peoples’ habitus. The discourse of fear they found under the expedition. Satisfied is not reduced to narrations. Urban space with the expedition report, Pizarro founded has been a manifestation of power in Lima. The expedition had started on the capitals such as Lima where the grid- feast day of the Three Kings, thus on patterns lay guidance for social relations. January 18th 1535 Pizarro named it City of Urban space exemplifies particular Kings in honour of the Three Kings. The material and social aspects of security. I original layout of the grid-pattern city was look into how various authors take up on a manifestation of a centre of conquest. the legacy of Bourdieu and explore habitus Lima was the centre of power and order in particular contexts such as city space with central components in urban layouts (Hillier and Rooksby 2005). I find the such as Plaza Mayor, Main Square. manner in which the city appears and is Ever since its foundation, urban taken in to be of importance where Michel space of the capital has been designed in de Certeau’s rhetoric of space is of specific ways and shaped by people such interest. This takes part of individualized as the conqueror Pizzaro and politicians processes of spatial demarcation. I will such as Andrade26. Nevertheless, urban look at crayoned spaces drawings and space is also produced in unintentional mental maps which exemplify particular ways. Urban life is understood as urbs and productions and reproductions of an urban civitas27, an architectural entity and human space shaped by insecurity.

26 Andrade’s urban renewal campaign is discussed in the chapter “White Horses and Barras Bravas”. 27 These terms are presented in the chapter “Policing”.

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can be argued that Lima is a diverse city.

THE EXPANDING CITY Meanwhile, it is an unequal capital. Contemporary, Lima has grown into a Recent history of Lima is highly cultural disorder and the capital is rather influenced by the city’s massive growth. recognized for its lack of order, heavy The expansion of the city had social and traffic, and a great diversity which form an material consequences. Throughout the unequal space. The processes of migration years the city was shaped and re-shaped by and the city expansion gives shape to its various architectural ideas of city order and urban space such as the invasions of control. As a result of these various epochs unoccupied land and pueblos jovenes, the city received many names based on its shanty towns. Nevertheless, within the city characteristics such as Lima Cuadrada, there was movement such as the exodus of Square Lima, la Ciudad Amurallada, the the criollo bourgeoisies under second wave city of walls, and la Ciudad Irradiada, the of inn-migration, whom in the 1920s and irradiated city. La plaza was considered the 1930s appropriated Lima Cercado under its heart of the city which reflected the golden age (Gandolfo 2009). centrality of an open square around which Di Tolla and a team of architects the city was organized. In the decade 1950, (2009) present Lima and its historical Lima became the arena for new type of development from an architectural point of urban settlement named barriada (Matos view where a paragraph in the introduction Mar 2004[1984]). During the last decades expresses so eloquently aspects of the city expanded and grew geographically contemporary diversity in the capital. and population wise. For instance, the population of Lima grew to 3 302 523 “Despite attempts at formal planning, the city inhabitants in 1972 and to 4 600 891 in succumbed to a demographic explosion and a rapid process of migration (commencing in the 1940s), 1981. characterised by spontaneity and informality (…) It The peruvian anthropologist, José needs to recognise its ethnic and cultural diversity, Matos Mar (2004[1984]), writes that “los to embrace contemporary developments from a espacios físico y social de la capital se multiple identity that transcends the rational purity presentan en la nueva Lima, por primera of modernity and attempts instead to consolidate its ancestral roots, where magical rituals can coexist vez en la historia del país colonial y alongside global growth, constantly underpinned by republicano, como verídicas imágines de the city's unique cultural conditions.” (Di Tolla los espacios físico y social de la totalidad 2009:11) peruana” (2004[1984]:102). It certainly

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Today it is estimated that infrastructure such as cutting the approximately eight million people inhabit electricity. During this epoch, city space Lima. The explosive city growth lacked was enclosed with rejas and muros, fences control and city planning. Profound and walls, in streets and around blocks of changes nationwide during the last decades houses. These were practices of security in of the 20th century caused many of these order to prevent car bombs from entering demographic changes. Political processes ones neighbourhood and to keep out were significant factors generating a unwanted strangers. Contemporarily, concentration of people in the capital, a private strategies for security are becoming concentration of social and cultural ever more frequent. City space is becoming diversity. The violence which swept the armored through a materialisation of country the last half of the 20th century security such as walls for defence. created a climate of instability and social tensions. Los gobiernos militares, the military governments of the 1970s, CRAYONED SPACES OF FEAR established the objective to confront the Los Barracones del Callao internal insecurity and to fight the enemies “The danger in the street, the consume of drugs, of the regime with little respect for human destroys everyday the human life. In Callao the people are insane, rights. and walk with a bandage covering their eyes. The democratic system as a form of Because of this they see the darkness, generalized government returned in the they see themselves alone, 1980s. Citizen security emerged as a way because of this they think about themselves to confront the public insecurity which was and not about others (…) The man does not consume the drug, different from the notation of national but the drug consumes the man” security such as understood by armed (Victor September 3rd 2009) forces. Many people migrated to Lima as a strategy to escape the violence in the In the drawing of a man, a rather drunk province. However, in the 1990s acts of man, tossing his bottle on the street, an terrorism hit the capital and the violence organized street with sidewalk and a intensified. The armed conflict increased garbage container, the drawer expresses his the number of murders especially in the concern for garbage in relation to beginning of the decade. Violence and preoccupations for security (drawing 4.1). terror were strategically used through acts The drawer states that the environment of manipulation of the public system of affect people and in the case of the

- 74 - 4 The Carceral House: Always in Presence of Strangers drawing it is demonstrated the relation of distance between these two proximate human action, which in this case is lack of districts. Victor expresses his concern in a moral by throwing a bottle on the drawing and a poem. His perception of sidewalk, and imagined consequences for security is represented through insecurity. this action, which produces polluted and He expresses his concern for the danger in disorganized spaces. In comparison, the the streets and consume of drug. Victor drawing of a skeleton head with a cigarette spends his everyday life travelling in urban in its mouth, the drawer represent ideas of space between his home in los Barracones fear which is produced by certain human del Callao and work in Surquillo. It is behaviour, through drugs and engagements interesting that the former is perceived an in bandiallaje specifically related to the insecure part of the city, whereas the latter district of Callao (drawing 4.2). It can be is nevertheless perceived as insecure in argued that these drawings represent relation to its limiting district. People talk generalized fears, connected to drugs and about the existing crime and violence in los bandillaje, in generalized spaces, related to Barracones del Callao. It is true that space spaces of disorder and general areas such in los Barracones del Callao is as Callao. appropriated by well-known gangs such as Entire parts of the city can carry a Castillo and Loreto (Somos in el Comercio discourse of insecurity. Victor, from los September 6th 2009). There is no doubt that Barraconces del Callao, exemplifies aspect the insecurity is real and the violence and of this (September 3rd 2009). He work six extensive circulation of drug is of great days a week as a vigilant at the busy street concern. of Av. Angamos Este in the intersection of People also talk about particular the district of Surquillo and San Borja. He places for crime. John draws a map of his is in his thirties and is licensed to be everyday patrol space in Cotabambas in armed. He is not a police officer; quite Lima Cercado (drawing 4.4). He is a newly contrary, he does not have much faith in educated Alferez, charged with leader them and says that the police are limited by responsibility in his puesto, post. The their own fear of crime and violence. The jurisdiction of Cotabambas is the urban physical space which separates the two space in which he spends much of his districts is literally a few meters. The everyday life. His map embodies a mental maps, understood through the way I particular experiences and interpretations have heard people talk and relate to that of insecurity which is identified in places street, indicate that socially there is a great of prostitution, robberies, and falsification

- 75 - 4 The Carceral House: Always in Presence of Strangers of documents. The insecurity is insecurity is the ubiquitous fear. Insecurity encountered explicitly in buildings and indicates a situation which is not clear. streets in which the law is broken through Fear also derives from not knowing when acts of crime. John is new as policía oficial and where security is threatened, or from and he gives the impression of these knowing that it could be anywhere at any activities as an everyday practice of the time. One of Malene’s neighbors was police station, as if they where rehearsed robed inside the house, which is inside the acts repeated in everyday life in the carceraled space, inside the enclaves of the constant confrontation of lawbreakers. It is manzana (apple or block) (drawing 4.3). In an everyday routine to confront these comparison to the house of Malene, the puntos criticos, critical spots. It is a district of San Borja, is considered safe practice of everyday life. and tranquil. The general perception is that I accompanied the police in an in San Borja there is a good system of intervención, a police interference or security and order. However, there is much action, with John on motorbike, and three movement in San Borja, a district which is police officers and myself in the car. We geographically located in the middle of the passed the street known for prostitution in districts of La Victoria, San Luis, La order to bring the girls to the police station Molina, Surco, Surquillo, and San Isidro (October 21st 2009). The day had just (drawing 4.8). started. They expressed how these police Under an interview with the chief practices were not new and that they could of security in the municipality, aspects of already tell that there would not be many security where explained in relation to the girls there at this time of the day. The two traffic and its journey through the district. girls, who got picked up, expressed by Socially San Borja is located in the centre body language and words that they already of six very diverse districts in which space knew the drill. The police expressed these is appropriated by people perceived as actions were ordinary and that the girls lower, middle, and upper class. At one end, were brought into the police station for there are the districts of La Victoria and identity checks and then let go afterwards. San Luis, in the other end, Surquillo. These Urban space in Lima can be three districts are considered lower and identified as secure and insecure, though I middle class. On the other hand, there is have heard many Limeños express that San Isidro on one end, and La Molina and there exist no secure space. Furthermore, it Surco at the other. These three are is recognized that one of the challenges to perceived middle and upper class districts.

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Drawing 4.1 ”Sacando basura”. The architect and personal trainer who drew this believes urban space shape peoples behaviour and the other way around. This drawing exemplifies a case in point in which the drawer connects sloppy behaviour to crime and criminals.

Drawing 4.2 “El peligro de las calles”. Victor is a private guard who works outside a store in the busy Angamos Este in the intersection of Surquillo and San Borja. In his representation of security he drew me this skeleton and in addition he wrote this poem in which he expresses his concern for the danger in the streets.

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Drawing 4.3 ”Vivo en un cárcel”. Malene drew this representation under our conversation about security in Lima. She drew the situation of her neighbour getting robbed where she drew little details such as the delinquent having a key, the police officers snoring in the car, and the guard observing it all. In general, this drawing represents the idea of carceral houses. However, this drawing also represents problematic aspects of the system of security.

Drawing 4.4 ”Cotabambas”. John drew me this map over the sector of Cotabambas after we had patrolled around in Barrios Altos on motorcycle. In this map, he points out prostitution, falsification of documents and robbery as some criminal activities within this space which I describe as the backstage and backyard of Palace of Justice.

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Drawing 4.5 ”Pandillas en La Victoria”. This doctor was asked to draw something related to insecurity. Thus, he drew pandilleros on the street corner where he lives. He passes them everyday, preferably walking across the street, on his way to work. They do not bother him because they recognize him.

Drawing 4.6 “Casa donde venden droga”. A policía suboficial drew me this map of the street where his mother live. There is a house there where drug is sold, car passes to buy and everybody knows that drug is sold there. He states that people do not report it because of fear.

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Drawing 4.7 ”Las Causarinas”. At the limit of Surco and San Juan de Miraflores there is a wall which separate the two districts – the drawer highlight these physical differences between two proximate spaces in which there are houses with swimming pool at the one side and houses barely with roofs on the other side of the wall.

Drawing 4.8 ”San Borja”. In this map of San Borja the chief of security in the municipality use the traffic and its journey through district space to reflect on matters of security. The different roads exemplify different situations regarding security in which he relates the different spaces to social class and behaviour.

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San Borja is located at the centre of these city, and produce discourses of feared districts in which there are four main roads places. In everyday life people somehow running through the district causing heavy order their world in relation to social maps traffic and flow of people. The four roads for example through choosing to walk one run two and two in parallel. Av. San Borja street over the other or to stay away from Sur and Av. San Borja Norte are mainly certain areas such as exemplified in the characterized for its flow of people drawings. between La Molina and San Isidro. People There is something appealing about traveling from La Victoria and San Luis the significance of space in a city where through San Borja mainly use the avenues insecurity is so expressive. Insecurity is of Av. Aviación and Av. San Luis. manifested in particular ways in urban According to the chief of tránsito y space. Space carries persuasive power of seguridad in San Borja, there are ideas perceptions of it, and shape social about the traffic and flow of people in processes. Places can be labeled in ways which crime and criminality is related to that affect people’s conducts such as these circumstances where Av. Aviación avoiding feared places or at least talk about and Av. San Luis are perceived as it in ways which gives continuity to the challenging. discourse. There are geographical maps of spaces which have significant consequences for shaping and reshaping of CONTESTED SPACE the inhabitant’s of Lima knowledge of the

area. Many taxi drivers in Lima express The city map of Lima does not in itself how they thoroughly evaluate the risk by give many indications of the lived and driving to certain areas of the capital. Taxi experienced map of spaces of security and drivers, such as David Harvey writes insecurity such as these mental maps. (2006), have physical and social maps of There are maps which give indications of the metropolis to orient themselves in socioeconomic levels, of people and which the maps sometimes include areas vegetation, and even of security and into which the driver will not venture. insecurity. However, these maps do not Feared spaces are often referred to as zonas necessarily give indications of how people rojas28, red zones, which are areas of the talk about, experience and perceive urban space. Ordinary people in everyday life 28 The term zona roja, red zone, have amongst practice and produce particular maps of the others been used by Goldstein (2004) who referred

- 81 - 4 The Carceral House: Always in Presence of Strangers city perceived insecure. Contemporary urbanization. People migrate to the city tendencies of transforming urban and, formally, have great freedom. landscape into spaces constructed for However, in the capital their freedom is security generates an urban environment delimited and exposed to a certain loss of which maintains and perhaps escalates emancipation to urbanization. Limeños are inequality. In the urban environment, it is delimited by the order of the city which is demonstrated that the city has become an socially and geographically shaped by arena for contestedness and there are discourse of fear. Urban space is enclosed competitions in and over space. and people’s movement is restricted such In the chapter “Policing”, I as exemplified in the drawings. Social compare Peruvian and Norwegian police order and city order is under constant where I discussed similarities and exposure of changes such as encounters of differences in terms of police practices and civilizations linked to the colonial era or narratives of security. In the Peruvian case, contemporary processes of migration to as well as the Norwegian, there are Lima. These encounters challenge processes of looking at crime and criminals established order through an introduction as coming from other places. In the latter of the others, their ways and habituses. case, crime and criminals are in a general In the Norwegian case, it is stated perspective often considered from that some criminals from Eastern Europe elsewhere, from Eastern Europe or those perceive Norway as a candy store because who the Norwegians call våre nye of the lack of carefulness or taken for landsmenn, our new citizens. The arrival of granted trust and thus the easiness to eastern Europeans reflects on ideas of proceed with criminal activities. There is a mobility and migrants which resembles the certain common sense behind the reason processes of migration the last couple of why criminals are from elsewhere. Perhaps decades in Lima which has shaped the these situations reflect on aspects of capital significantly. Perhaps these entrepreneurship though there is a processes of mobility are part of that which difference between criminals and is perceived as the emancipation of entrepreneur concerning the law. The fact that criminals are talked about as people to them as the illegal settlements which were taking opportunities, aprovecha in the growing in the margins of Cochabamba. Generally speaking the red zone space is perceived in relation Limeño case, reflect aspect of this. Perhaps to an assigned an image of danger, threat and it is perceived less moral to steal from your insecurity. own neighbor. Crime can be perceived as a

- 82 - 4 The Carceral House: Always in Presence of Strangers way of living, perhaps even a profession. which has grown in cities with these gated Neighbors, generally speaking, do not communities are often more associated commit crime towards one and another. In with danger than security (Bauman 2003). Pamplona Baja the family of Ernestbaile People are caught up in meanwhile and talks about criminals coming from coexistent spaces and social worlds where Pamplona Alta. His mother is of the it is possible to encounter geography of opinion that “they are people sin vergüenza inclusion and exclusion in Lima’s urban [has no shame]” (September 24th 2009). space. It can be argued that people want to His sister, however, says “for instance distance themselves from “the other” when they wanted to rob me over there which is the insecure element whatever [the street corner outside their house], one and whoever it is. This touches upon of them identified me, they know me; they previous discussions of distrust which has identified me and therefore let me go”. become individualized and dispersed. Yet, At the border of San Juan de it is generalized in ways the walls keep out Miraflores and Santiago de Surco there is a anybody who does not have permission to wall which separates las causarinas from the other side. the houses at the other side of the border (drawing 4.7). The drawer expresses two THE OTHER spaces which are separated and segregated, segregated because one space is separated I draw attention to a little story of from the other with the intention of contested spaces in 18th century London. In establishing spatial and social distance. the chapter, Flush and the banditti, Philip Perhaps it is seen as an ultimate strategy Howell (2000) presents a case about dog- responding to insecurity which is perceived stealing in Victorian London. Pet dogs as omnipresent. Nevertheless, the wall became more important in the city and exists. The wall protects people and the important for bourgeoisie women. The wall segregate people, a social and spatial spread of pet ownership among the urban segregation (Meegan in Allen and Massey bourgeoisie brought up the opportunity for 1995). The wall expresses and a crime which attacked them directly. It communicates both security and insecurity. was discovered that the emotional value of Indeed, the wall might even invite pets could exceed their sale value. Dog- criminals as it might give the impression stealing became a way of living extended that there is something valuable that is to the surveillance of bourgeois homes, being protected. In fact, the fear factor

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“dog-stealing, then, was seen as distinction of us and others, have a long systematic, professional, cruel, heartless history of social relations which even can and virtually beyond the reach of the law” be related to the asymmetrical relation (2000:42). between Europe and its “other”. Tord Howell writes about the specific Larsen (2009) writes about Columbus’ geography of exclusion and inclusion, and arrival to America and how nakedness how the dog-stealing threatened domestic characterized his descriptions of the people security. The picture Temptation (1879 in he encountered. ”Nakenheten, tomheten, Howell 2000) represents a fable of woman råheten var temaer som klang godt and pet caught between the worlds of sammen med tidligere beskrivelser av private domestic spaces and public spaces naturtilstanden, og den fikk nå sin of the streets and the criminal underworld. empiriske, lokaliserbare og studerbare This existence of different spaces, which referanser” (Larsen 2009:56). Nakedness meanwhile are contested, is of special was understood as an expression of interest, as are the ways crime changed the ignorance and emptiness. The encounter of urban geography such as through the Columbus and the New World exemplify criminal surveillance in bourgeoisies’ aspects of the asymmetry between Indians spaces. This criminal opportunism and the and Europeans, premodern and modern. domestication or bourgeoisification of “Ved dette identitetspolitiske grepet blir dogs, are also an aspect of “vi” etablert som den refleksive opplyser, entrepreneurship and crossing sphere ”de andre” blir til gjenstand for vår barriers such as discussed in the chapter siviliserende intervensjon” (2009:188). “At the Limit”. The geography of Ideas of development and exclusion and inclusion, and criminal modernity were partly created in Europe’s opportunism, touches upon aspects of encounter with the New World such as space and crime which is contested in the indicated in Larsen’s arguments. space of everyday life in contemporary Nevertheless, people order their world Lima where the stranger of the city, the through constructed categories. Studies of other, causes unease. classification demonstrate that people Insecurity is practiced and narrated create and maintain social order through through looking at the other from other categorizing (Douglas 1966). Physically places. Otherness is a term which is often and socially distancing oneself from others related to the classical essay of Edward who are seen as criminals, are part of Said (1979) Orientalism. However, the ordering the world, in which boundaries

- 84 - 4 The Carceral House: Always in Presence of Strangers are constructed to keep the other distant. the insiders of the involuntary ones, the Caldeira writes that “as one who is area to which they are confined (by being dangerous and breaks society’s rules, a excluded from elsewhere) is the ‘we can’t criminal is conceived of as coming from get out’ space” (Bauman 2003:29). marginal spaces and as polluting and In the carceral house, the house of contaminating” (Caldeira 2000:78). enclaves, people produce spaces of Continually, she argues in a footnote that security to protect themselves from “the talk of crime and practices of intruders. In the carceral city, the city of segregation operate by constituting ‘others’ walls, urban space is an arena for to be criminalized and kept at distance” contestation and the lack of order and (Caldeira 2000:381). control are perceived as components to It is not uncommon to perceive insecurity. It can be argued that people fear criminals as coming from other places and disorder, the unfamiliar, and the stranger. that they are invaders of other spaces. The The omnipresent stranger and the discourse ways security in San Borja is affected by of fear shape and is reshaped by particular the flow through its district, exemplify the social relations and production of urban case in point. One reaction is to construct space. protective spaces of separation, control and distancing. Social and spatial segregation THE DISCOMFORTING PRESENCE are important features of cities. The OF STRANGERS expansion of the city, its shape and characteristics, affect the quality of social Urban space is produced by and through relationships in particular ways. Social people and practices of everyday life. classes live far apart in the city. There are Henri Lefebvre (1991) writes about social and geographical divides between production of spaces where space is people. These divides are embraced and socially produced in specific ways, and used in narratives about insecurity. Malene space can be appropriated by different lives behind bars and fences. She perceives people29. People dwell in city space in her home as a prison which ironically is particular ways. These are matters of the space of security for her and her family 29 Though Lefebvre distinguishes between (drawing 4.1). Perhaps we can call these appropriation and domination of space, I focus on voluntary ghettos (Bauman 2003). “For the the general idea of appropriation of urban space in insider of the voluntary ghetto, the other everyday life through production and reproduction ghettoes are ‘we won’t go in’ spaces. For of space.

- 85 - 4 The Carceral House: Always in Presence of Strangers belonging to the city. However, cities the dog-stealing which placed the experience dramatic changes which affect bourgeoisie in relation to criminals quality of urban life where cities are (Howell 2000). The criminals reach the cohabitations of strangers (Bauman 2003). private domestic spaces through the dogs, This indicates that urban space is always and the bourgeoisie women experienced under challenge by “the other”, such as the public spaces of the streets and the migrants and newcomers to cities, however criminal underworld. As a parallel, there also strangers from and within the city. exist geography of exclusion and inclusion Sharon Zukin (1995) presents aspects of in Lima which, nevertheless, is under contested urban space. Her concept of constant contestation because of the vernacular space means an appropriation meanwhile coexisting worlds and the of space in relation to which she propose shared urban space. the questions of who belongs in specific Lima experience processes of places and whose city it is. Cities are migration which significantly shapes urban mapping power of bureaucratic machine or life in general. Zygmunt Bauman (2003) the social pressures of money, and her writes that newcomers are strangers to the concern is the gradual loss of meaningful city and that the presence of strangers public life of inclusive and democratic inside the field of action is discomforting. forces. Zukin writes that the collective Leonie Sandercock (in Hillier and Rooksby identity is stamped by those who create 2005) similarly reflects on the images, “by accepting these spaces without discomforting presence of the stranger. She questioning their representations of urban discusses the nature of fear in life, we risk succumbing to a visual contemporary cities and their policy seductive privatized public culture” consequences. She reflects on the potency (1995:138). The point is that urban space is of discourses of fear, and argues that there contested in ways which shape the quality is a political economy of city of fears of social relations and the urban order, and which is a matter of whose fears are the vernacular inhabitants loose. legitimized and translated into policy The criminal who invaded the responses and whose fears are silenced. house of Malene’s neighbour, entered their Drawing on Mumfords (The City in domestic space of security. Similarly, the History) view of the city as a container for stealing of the dog Flush eloquently disruptive internal forces, and Sennetts exemplifies how the geography of (1990) perspective of the urban dweller as exclusion and inclusion was threatened by people always in the presence of otherness,

- 86 - 4 The Carceral House: Always in Presence of Strangers she poses interesting questions with regard by fragmented and inward-turning histories to coexistence in the shared spaces of and pasts accumulating time. Allen neighbourhoods and cities. “Individual Feldman (1991) looks at socio-historical strangers are a discomforting presence. In sites from events of conflict and violence numbers, strangers may come to be seen as in Northern Ireland in the years of the 1969 an invading mass or tide that will engulf to the 1986. In this case-study, time is us, provoking primitive fears of embedded in space through spatial annihilation, of the dissolving of inscription of practices and power, boundaries, the dissolution of identity” practices which formed a language of (Sandercock in Hillier and Rooksby material signification in the present. The 2005:222). Further, she suggests that urban rejas which was put up during the epoch of transformation and reshaping of the city terrorism remains in some places, and give rise to contestation which is reflected more are put up in fear of new violence in the political economy. The case of caused by crime. Meanwhile, the wall structural changes in Brazil the past between Surco and San Juan de Miraflores decades, exemplify the omnipresent fear of remains a manifestation of urban unequal crime in urban space and politics of divides which escalates or at least increasing investment in infrastructure and maintains it and gives continuity to its regulation of land markets in periphery discourse, that of distance and unequal. neighbourhoods which pushed up land Cities do make people feel things. prices and pushed poor out of the periphery into the city’s favelas. SPATIAL PRACTICES Fear and fright are active constituents in the production in and of Fears of strangers can be juxtaposed with urban space. Steve Pile (in Hillier and fears of criminals. They affect aspects of Rooksby 2005) presents a discussion of urban life, such as how insecurity is sense of place through exploring ghosts of mapped in the various drawings presented city life. “And, just as surely, cities might in “crayoned spaces of fear”. Maps, for make people feel things: all those instance, are ways of representing urban strangers, all those dark alleyways, and all landscape. It can be understood structurally those stories of violence” (Pile in Hillier such as a physical map of the real world and Rooksby 2005:243). In resemblance to out there of buildings, roads, rivers, and Pile’s spectral city, Michel de Certeau hills. However, maps are also understood (1984) argues that places may be haunted

- 87 - 4 The Carceral House: Always in Presence of Strangers as experienced landscape and subjectivized looks at interconnected dimensions of cognitive maps (Ingold 1993 in Grasseni scapes such as for instance the flow of 2004). Maps are means of representation people and ideologies, respectively and social products where each map ethnoscape and ideoscape. There is a embodies particular way of understanding diversity of scapes such as landscapes and and interpretation of places in urban space cityscapes, and these scapes is specific (Massey 1995). Ordinary people orient positioning for instance in landscape. themselves in the city in subjective ways in Edward S. Casey (1993) writes about which people create the mental maps of the placescapes as the manner in which the city. These are ways of understanding and land appears and is taken in. He writes that living in the environment. People move in for an entire epoch, place has been different mindscapes though they walk in suppressed according to the modern the same territory (Waldren 2007). The discourse of time and space. This is subjective experience of urban space contemporarily associated with processes generates diverse perceptions thus urban of globalization and space-time space is read and understood differently. compressions. “To be in the world”, Casey The urban landscape can be expressive, writes and touches upon Heidegger’s symbolic, and imaginative which indicates phenomenal particularization, “to be that landscape is considered to be more situated at all, is to be in place” (Casey than just something physically out there 1993:xv). It is through moving bodies that (Basso 1988). All the strangers of the city people are provided with oriented and perhaps exemplify, more than anything, orienting placescapes. Scape is perceived these meanwhile experiences in urban as shape and a system. Thus, there are at space. least as many placescapes as there are Places, vaguely defined, are spatial kinds of place. Space is experienced by particularities within generalized spaces. ordinary people in everyday life who dwell Place and space can be understood in in the city. John dwells in Cotabambas corresponding relation to inside and with the intention to guarantee order. outside, here and there (Hirsch 1995). The Meanwhile, criminals dwell in it looking term scape is of importance here, looking for opportunities in Barrios Altos, just at the meanwhile and coexistence realities behind the police station. These are in the city. The term is often related to particular ways of being in place though Arjun Apadurai (1996) who looks at the they dwell in the same territory. The terms diversity brought by global flow. Apadurai scape conceptualizes many positions,

- 88 - 4 The Carceral House: Always in Presence of Strangers persons, and districts in Lima in terms of on the other side of the street to avoid that how the city is read and understood. Lima corner (drawing 4.5). can be seen from far or as seeing the whole (de Certeau 1984) such as the map of San POLITICIZED SPACES Borja drawn by the district chief of security (drawing 4.8). The city can also be By whom and in what ways are urban seen from the particular within such as space in Lima appropriated? Lima is represented in John’s drawing of certainly appropriated in particular ways Cotabambas (drawing 4.4). These are where inclusive and democratic public life various positioning of urban space, a is challenged. This is reflected in the variety of mindscapes. crayoned spaces of fear. Ghostly cities and Michel de Certeau (1984) writes urban fears bring forth interesting aspects about the practices of everyday life and on cities and insecurity in cities in which presents perspectives on spatial practices city space is discussed in relation to the seeing Manhattan from the 110th floor of concept of habitus. It can be defined as the World Trade Center. De Certeau looks embodied dispositions, the durable, at individualized process of spatial structured and structuring dispositions of demarcation in his theory of rhetoric of individuals which serve as a generative space. To walk is a spatial practice, and principle (Bourdieu 1990). Habitus, thus, sense of space, which is individualized can, as we have seen, be applied to engagement with the city. There are ways physical field as well as the emotional of making the city ones own such as field. It is possible to discuss security in exemplified by the pedestrian and spatial the response to practices and narratives practices. By looking at the pedestrian tour which responds to the discourse of fear. in the city, de Certeau bring into Arguably, fear is both socially and prominence practices of everyday life. spatially represented and it is affect the Urban space is embodied in these practices quality of social relations. Through where bodily habitus includes habitus in perceptions of habitus as dispositions in urban space. For instance, the doctor who social fields and spatial fields it is possible passes the pandillas on the street corner to discuss security with regard to everyday is used to see them there on that habituating city space. The way people particular street corner. As a result of this narrate fear of crime and the spatial everyday walk, he has the habit of walking practices of security such as physically

- 89 - 4 The Carceral House: Always in Presence of Strangers distancing oneself from others, are often related to diffuse ideas of crime and manners which the dead seize the living, violence related to stereotype criminalized but not necessarily determine city space people and places. These general ideas are, and social relations. however, productive for micro level, which Urban space is a manifestation of a is the heart of discourse, the adeptness discourse of fear which shapes and is discourses and the power it has over shaped by social relations. In Lima individual experiences, both physically and Metropolitana, urban space is characterized mentally, of fear. There is a possibility for by an architecture designed for security. the generalized fear to become localized These are social and material responses to through bringing the fear into not- insecurity which generate aesthetics of necessarily-feared-places. Thus, and security. The aesthetics are ways of dealing strangely enough, it can be argued, in with, and result of, insecurity in city life. resemblance to the argument of Urban space is expressed materially and individualized process of spatial symbolically and do generate aestheticized demarcation of de Certeau, that the fear (Zukin 1995). The walls which rise in generalized discourse of fear in urban the city might be seen as aesthetics of space becomes localized such as through security and matters of choices of specific mental maps and relations to urban space. enclaves for private space. At the other For instance, the ways the existence of hand, the very same walls can be perceived crime and criminals in one district, might as aestheticized fear, produced by the generate insecurity in other part of the city. discourse of fear. There are warnings in the Nacho, for instance, the police officer in streets and outside private properties, the chapter “At the Limit”, talks about a messages such as cuidado, careful, cerco “total citizen insecurity”. Fear is electrico, electric fences, zona vigilada, normalized into everyday life in ways that guarded zone, and cameras de seguridad, feared spaces in faraway lands take local security cameras. Perhaps it can be argued form on its home ground. “In the that the discourse of fear produces physical contemporary world order, as Chomsky and mental spaces of fear, spaces where points out, the spaces and places where insecurity is considered omnipresent. terror is enacted and where cultures of fear The discourse of fear in Lima is take form are not disparate, self-contained related to generalized and localized fears in political geographies” (Linke and Taana the city. The discourse of fear is shaped by Smith 2009:6). vague ideas of threats to security which is

- 90 - 4 The Carceral House: Always in Presence of Strangers

It is of importance to highlight the relations of political power and economic great significance of space such as capacity. However, it should not be reflected in the historical obsession of assumed that this is an exclusive process geographical expansion by the colonial which contributes to these characteristics powers. It is necessary to understand these in urban space and security in Lima. perceived insecure spaces in relation to Historical expansion of the city clearly politics of space. There emerge questions demonstrates an explosive growth which, about whose fears are silenced and whose despite attempts of formal planning, is fears are taken seriously. There are characterized by its spontaneity and unequal divisions, allegedly based on informality. These processes have economic capacity, of security strategies generated particular spaces, social and for different districts of Lima distributed urban spaces. These processes also shape by public sector such as police officers and and reshape the system of security and serenazgo agents of security. The moderate police practices such as discussed in the dog-stealing in Victorian London caused previous chapters. It is not assumed that the dog-stealing bill passed into a law and the unequal distribution is intentionally a matter of security also for the police produced. Nevertheless, it is debatable in (Howell 2000). Perhaps the dog-stealing terms of how social and spatial distance was taken seriously because dogs were and inequality is maintained, reproduced, domesticity and property of bourgeoisie and habituated in city space. These women. Whose insecurity counts? City geographical divisions and distinctions are space in Lima is no doubt unequal and of part of the discourse of insecurity which significance in terms of security. generates social and material processes in Perceptions and use of city space are space which expresses politics of fear. practices and ways of expressing security in which the geography matters in identifying insecure spaces and distinguish secure and insecure places. How did urban space become so dispersed and unequal? At one hand, it can be argued that the unequal and dispersed space of Lima is a result of inequality generated by certain politics reflected in

- 91 - Conclusion

who are encouraged to participate in Conclusion activities of policing. It can be argued that

through policing and surveillance there is Security demonstrates ambiguous relations ubiquitous possibilities that somebody in urban life in Lima where insecurity is observes and sees law breaking activities, expressed in human community and whether by police, serenazgo, and architectural entity. The four chapters neighbour, through physical appearance or bring into prominence particular aspects of invisible cameras in public spaces. It can security in relation to insecurity. The first also be argued that because of these chapter highlights the police and police strategies, distrust has received particular practices, though the police is perceived significance for individual relations in insufficient in the capital. The second everyday life. Neighbour is said to not trust chapter presents different components of each other, the passenger do not trust the the system of security. The third chapter taxi drive, and citizens do not trust contributes in an understanding of some institutions. It is said that trust is a social consequences of disorder, in prerequisite for democracy. Can it then be presenting “relations at the limit”. Further, argued, that the dispersed distrust poses the forth chapter exemplify material challenges to democracy? consequences of security and insecurity Linke and Taana Smith (2009) where for instance urban space is a argue that security and safety are terms manifestation of fear. In general, these which circulate as part of a global public chapters pose questions regarding aspects discourse of fear which encourages of security. Does the system of security proactive military action and national generate insecurity? Does the border fortification. They claim that the materialization of security in urban space current reality of capitalist security state is reproduce insecurity? Does security “a nation form, founded on fear, in which communicate danger and fear rather than policing, surveillance, and militarism have security? become companions to normal life” (Linke Policing and surveillance in the and Taana Smith 2009:4). It is interesting case of Lima reflect tendencies for to see the formation of the system of militarized strategies and fortifications to security in relation to the capitalist security become part of everyday life. Ordinary state and ideas of disciplinary society. The people continue everyday life as part of a Panopticon reflects concerns for the system of security which generates citizens significance of architecture for relations

- 92 - Conclusion between people. Urban space in Lima, democratic model (France, England, and such as discussed in “the Carceral House”, the United States)” (Caldeira 2000:371). exemplify materializations of security in Touching upon the topic of histories and ways that space is habituated and contemporary popular idea of multiple characterized by its inequality. modernities, Caldeira brings forth an Architecture certainly shape social important point about how different relations and communicates aspects of nations and people engage with various power. Urban space in Lima is carceraled, elements of modernity. armored, and a significant number of In studies of social and political people confront crime by private means. processes in Latin America, there is an These tendencies of responding to allegation that democracy in Latin insecurity are valuable observations to American countries is accompanied by discussions of social processes and increasing crime and violence (Comaroff democracy. The politics in and of space are and Comaroff 2006). Democracy and of importance and have become explicit democratic citizenship have generated manifestations of insecurity, inequality and many debates, and rethinking as many segregation in urban space. In this urban cases exemplify political movements space, both social and spatial, policing is proposing challenges to democracy. James proceeded and practiced in particular ways. Holston (2008) writes that the Brazilian Teresa P.R Caldeira (2000) writes, democracy has advanced significantly in with reference to Foucault, that “the the last two decades - yet, new kinds of combination of the disciplines with the violence, injustice, and corruption have juridical apparatus of the contract society increased dramatically. In addition to in Europe resulted in the docility of bodies having demonstrated the deep structure of and bounding of individuals” (Caldeira intimacy between legal and the illegal in 2000:370). Continually, she writes that Brazilian society, he argues that it is “the association of the development of the necessary to rethink democratic theory disciplines with that of individual rights based on these juxtaposed processes of and liberal democracies and with the democratization and violence. control and enclosure of the body, as well Accordingly, many Brazilians feel less as the progressive abandonment of secure under political democracy. In the violence as either pedagogical method or a everyday violence, their bodies are more form of punishment, is clear in the history threatened than by the repressions of of the countries that invented the liberal- dictatorship. The consequences of the

- 93 - Conclusion everyday experience with violence, such as only one version of modernity, and police abuse, segregation, and probably not even the most common one” abandonment of public space, generate (Caldeira 2000:371). conditions which debilitate democracy. I have presented aspects of the Both Holston and Caldeira bring into system of security which reflect many prominence important aspects of tensions on social relations within and in democratic processes in the Brazilian case relation to the system of security. The in which Caldeira points out Brazilian tendency of distrust conducted by democracy’s disjunctive character where individuals receives special attention. The there civil rights problems expose the comparison of the Norwegian and Peruvian sphere of justice amongst others as police, exemplify significant aspects of problematic in Brazilian citizenship. security. As already mentioned, in the Historical processes and modernity Norwegian case it can be argued that have often been perceived in generalized distrust is institutionalized at a non- ways. This poses questions to liberal personal level, in similarity to the security democracy and individual self control. checks at airports, as a routine of systems Globalization, migration, and lack of order of control. In Lima, however, distrust require new understandings for discipline, partake evaluations of persons, in which and order which are components to personal considerations are taken such as security. Malene states that “it’s about the who are considered reliable or which left politics and the populism as well. They police agent, PNP or serenazgo, is create insecurity”. Her point of view is considered honest. interesting in comparison to the two Perhaps part of the system of processes of political instability in the security resembles the effect of the mole in decades of 1970s and 1980s and the appeal the short story Hiet (1972) by Franz Kafka. to citizen participation which resembles The mole lived in a tunnel with one aspects of social processes in the Brazilian entrance, but decided to build an escape case where democracy and violence is tunnel, a precaution30, and ended up with a juxtaposed. I find it of importance to complex system of tunnels. In the end, this acknowledge the argument of Caldeira that system became a threat because of the “looking at these histories, we realize that omnipresent possibility of an enemy luring what we think of as the norm – the in one of the tunnels, and the mole remains European history of the control of violence and development of citizenship rights – is 30 Translated from Grimen’s (2009) forhåndsregel.

- 94 - Conclusion terrified in the middle of his tunnel. recent wars in Latin America, amongst Fortifications as strategies of security others to “the overarmed military who represent similarities to the mole where have become instruments of the latest stage people fortify themselves extensively of capitalist development” (2004:196), which leaves them rather nervous the more which have assaulted formerly immune they invest in it. In Lima, people have territories. pointed out explicit challenges of In contemporary Lima people fortifications which become obstacles in experience a loss of security. The house of case of emergencies where it becomes Malene exemplifies such loss, the loss of a difficult to get across walls and electric secure home, because of experiences with fences. The vigilant Maycol told me once crime and violence. In a way, there is a about how he in 2008 had to use the certain irony where people construct secure neighbours’ door and jump over to the spaces yet they experience the loss of it. other neighbour in order to help a man who The emancipation of urbanization got a stroke. The man passed away and his generates dilemmas with regard to widow recently extended her wall by security. The processes of migration increasing its height by one meter challenges city order and Limeños are (November 2nd 2009). constantly exposed to strangers and Jean Franco (2004) writes about discourses of fear. It can be argued that this assault on formerly immune territories in causes loss of security and loss of free and her essay Killing Priests, Nuns, Women democratic urban space. and Children. The women’s liberation and Linke and Taana Smith (2009) church’s loss of authority and sanctuaries writes so eloquently that cultures of fear, exemplify consequences of emancipation. indicating how fear is formed, sustained, The torture of pregnant women in Uruguay and normalized in societies, have a and the murder of priests in Brazil are political grounding “negative emotions like recent events which demonstrate that fear or terror are produced and sustained to traditional power of the family and the govern populations within the carceral church in Latin American countries, spaces of militarized societies” (2009:4-5). together with their associations of Insecurity, like fear, generates disorder. immunity and sacred spaces, the loss of Disorder creates a necessity of order, a sanctuaries, have experienced profound restoration of order. Insecurity, like fear, is violence and a destruction of Utopian a negative emotion which possibly has spaces. Franco relates these events to political groundings. In Lima, the

- 95 - Conclusion discourse of insecurity circulates amongst that through sharing the responsibility for people. The media presents it daily as a security, the blame for failing to maintain growing concern reflected in fear and order is likewise shared. There are insecurity of crime and violence or security questions of justification and the continued strategies responding to this. Fear in Lima power struggle of who monopolize order, is sustained in practices of policing which control, and security. requires practices of distrust. Fear is also Peru is a post colony and its state is sustained in urban space such as reflected currently experiencing challenges in its in the habituating aspect if space. capacity to govern. The ongoing crime There exist discourses of fear and establishes diffuse relations of rulers and practices of security in Lima which subjects. This is nothing new. Authority is generates and legitimize strategies of challenged by the rule of insecurity today. security. These strategies include During the military regime government monopoly of violence. There is a tension was challenged by terrorists and opponents of who is monopolizing violence which is of the state. They are still challenged such the heart of authority. Privatization of as reflected in the conflict in VRAE. security reflects aspects of this where However, in the capital, crime is a citizen hire private (and informal) contemporary challenge. The colonial vigilantes who at times are armed. epoch laid fundaments for contemporary Interestingly enough, according to government such as laws which are statistics, it is demonstrated that crime and contemporarily not sufficient. There is a violence is lower in Lima compared to need to regain control through system of other capitals in Latin America. security. “It’s the oldest trick in the book. Nevertheless, the discourse of insecurity You create the illusion of terror, then you through expressed fear, and talk of crime get credit for stamping it out; you get and violence, generates relatively great funds, you get power. And that’s exactly concerns for security amongst Limeños. what’s going on” (Franzen in Comaroff The new law of citizen participation, and Comaroff 2004:824). It might be part appeals to a shared responsibility of of the picture. However, it is important to security. Various actors challenge the not ignore the fact that crime, violence, and monopoly of violence of the PNP, though corruptions are contemporary processes the police recognize their monopoly of generating insecurity. It is not just a authority, the PNP actively engage citizens created illusion. It is real. And have social in practices of security. It could be argued and material consequences in urban life.

- 96 - References

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Note: Quotations and references with regard to my field material are not in this reference list though they are directly marked with reference to date in the text. Throughout the fieldwork I wrote down interviews, conversations, and comments in a field notebook, thus the references in these cases are marked by date and page number. In addition, I cut out relevant articles and illustrations from the national newspaper el Comercio which I have archived in folders.

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