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Josephus on Herod's Spring from the Shadows of The JOSEPHUS ON HEROD’S SPRING FROM THE SHADOWS OF THE PARTHIAN INVASION Aryeh Kasher The Parthian Threat to the Roman Sway in the East In late 41 bce, impelled by the great Parthian invasion, a massive political upheaval took place in Syria and Palestine.1 Ostensibly, the incursion wreaked havoc on Herod’s aspirations to the royal throne after his engagement to Mariamme the Hasmonean (42 bce). But in fact, one might say that it was a blessing in disguise for it was precisely this event that paved his way to the crown2—this without detracting from “fate” or “fortune” (ἡ τύχη), an aspect Josephus was so fond of in regard to Herod—nor diminishing Herod’s own personal resourceful- ness or manipulative abilities.3 When the Parthian forces poured into Syria, eventually reaching Judea and Jerusalem (40 bce), Phasael and Herod found themselves under siege by the Parthian commander Barzapharanes (or Braza- phranes) in the Hasmonean palace.4 Conflicts immediately erupted between the two over their assessment of the situation and the possible means of escape. Phasael deluded himself that, together with the high priest John Hyrcanus II, he might be able to negotiate with Pacorus, son of the Parthian monarch, to exit the besieged city of Jerusalem without a fight and perhaps even win him over to their side by bribery or other temptations greater than those promised by their rival, Mat- tathias Antigonus, son of Judas Aristobulus II.5 Herod, by contrast, did 1 Debevoise 1968, 108ff.; Stern 1995, 249–255; but Kokkinos 1998, 368 offered many references to correct the chronology. Flusser 2002, 55–56 suggested that 1Enoch 56:5–8 describes the great Parthian invasion, which reached as far as Palestine and likely created a messianic atmosphere. 2 War 1 284–385; Ant. 14.384–385, 403–404; see e.g. Moore 1932, 74; Stern 1995, 256ff. 3 See for example War 1.275, 301, 371, 430; esp. Ant. 14. 9, 381, 386–387, 455; 15.20, 209, 373–379, 17.191–192. 4 War 1, 248–252; Ant. 14.330–341; Schalit 1969, 74ff. 5 Regarding Cassius Dio’s testimony to these events: He confused Aristobulus with Antigonus (48.26.2), so that Josephus’ testimony is much more reliable, more- 228 aryeh kasher not trust the Parthians and suspected that they had resolved to support Mattathias Antigonus because Herod and his brother Phasael had in any case been identified by them as avowed followers of Rome. How- ever, he did not prevent Phasael and John Hyrcanus II from carrying out what they had agreed upon with Bazaphranes, i.e., holding direct negotiations with Pacorus, who was in the northern part of the country at the time. Herod himself, being extremely mistrustful by nature, had many of his valued belongings transported to Idumaea for safekeep- ing (War 1.268; Ant. 14.364). After learning from various sources that the mission of John Hyrcanus II and Phasael had met with failure and that they had fallen captive to the Parthians,6 he managed to flee with all due caution, for fear that a similar trap had been laid for him.7 As recounted by Josephus, Herod fled Jerusalem in haste under the cover of night, with the city surrounded by Parthian divisions and loyalists of Mattathias Antigonus in addition to the many pilgrims who had come there for the Shavuoth (Pentecost) festival, (War 1.253–255, 263–264; Ant. 14.337ff.). It is possible that the public commotion might actually have facilitated his escape; but it was certainly an astounding feat, con- sidering that we are speaking of the clandestine flight of several hun- dred men—itself a difficult logistical operation. Its success may also have been due to the fortunate choice of a good exit point from the over he lived roughly a whole century closer to the episode. According to War 1.248 and Ant. 14.331, Antigonus offered the Parthians a bribe of 1,000 talents and 500 women for their assistance in deposing John Hyrcanus II. Klausner, III, 260, suspected that this was deliberate misinformation derived from Nicolaus of Damascus and intended to defame Antigonus. Unfortunately, his premise can be neither proved nor disproved. 6 We are told that Phasael committed suicide in a noble manner: When he under- stood that he had no chance of survival, he beat his head upon a rock while his hands and feet were chained (War 1.269; Ant. 14.367–369). John Hyrcanus II was exiled to Babylonia, but not before his ears were cut off so as to disqualify him from resuming the high priesthood. War 1.269 says that “Antigonus himself bit Hyrcanus’ ears with his own teeth, as he fell down upon his knees.” The parallel version in Ant. 14.366 sim- ply stated that Antigonus “cut off his ears.” It is obvious that the first version is very hostile to Antigonus and aimed to besmirch him as a savage. One should recall in this context what Tacitus (Annales 12. 14) related about the Parthian custom of cutting off the ears of an enemy, thereby humiliating him while sparing his life. The case of John Hyrcanus should therefore be seen as inspired by Parthian practice, although the act may have been committed with the knowledge and encouragement of Antigonus and perhaps even in his presence. 7 It is worth noting that his mistrust of the Parthians did not prevent him from later negotiating with them over the release of his captive brother Phasael; see War 1.274–275; Ant. 14.371–372..
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