VOJVODA GAVRO VUKOVIĆ MINISTAR INOSTRANIH POSLOVA KNJAŽEVINE CRNE GORE

DUKE GAVRO VUKOVIĆ MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS PRINCIPALITY OF MONTENEGRO This is an independent publication commissioned by UNDP Montenegro. The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of UNDP Montenegro. Short extracts from this publication may be reproduced unaltered without authorization, on condition that the source is indicated.

Ovo je nezavisna publikacija, rađena pod okriljem UNDP Crna Gora. Mišljenja iznesena u ovoj pub- likaciji stavovi su njihovih autora i ne predstavljaju nužno stavove UNDP Crna Gora. Kratki izvodi iz ove publikacije mogu se nepromijenjeni reprodukovati bez odobrenja autora, pod uslovom da se navede izvor. VOJVODA GAVRO VUKOVIĆ MINISTAR INOSTRANIH POSLOVA KNJAŽEVINE CRNE GORE

DUKE GAVRO VUKOVIĆ MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS PRINCIPALITY OF MONTENEGRO

Podgorica, 2017. Autor: Author: Živko Andrijašević Živko Andrijašević

Izdavač: Publisher: Diplomatska akademija Diplomatic academy Ministarstva vanjskih poslova Crne Gore Ministry of Foreign affairs of Montenegro

Za izdavača: For the publisher: Satka Hajdarpašić Satka Hajdarpašić

Lektor: Editor: Peter Stonelake Peter Stonelake

Prevod na engleski jezik: Translation: Jelena Pralas Jelena Pralas

Priprema za štampu: Prepress: Jovica Tadić Jovica Tadić

Štampa: Print: 3M Makarije 3M Makarije

Publikacija se štampa povodom This publication is printed on the occasion desetogodišnjice Ljetnje škole of the Tenth anniversary of the Summer School za mlade diplomate “Gavro Vuković” for Young Diplomats

Ministarstvo vanjskih poslova Crne Gore Stanka Dragojevića 2, 81000 Podgorica

CIP - Kaталогизација у публикацији Национална библиотека Црне Горе, Цетиње

ISBN 978-9940-614-23-2 COBISS.CG-ID4 33353744 ojvoda Gavro Vuković - diplomata, mi- uke Gavro Vuković – the diplomat, min- Vnistar inostranih poslova, blizak sarad- Dister of foreign affairs, a close associate nik kralja Nikole, memoarista – pripada redu of King Nikola, and biographer – rightfully značajnih političkih ličnosti novovjekovne belongs to the group of the most significant istorije Crne Gore. Kao dugogodišnji mi- political figures of recent Montenegrin his- nistar inostranih poslova, prepoznatljiv po tory. As a long-time foreign affairs minister, osobenom diplomatskom umijeću i ostva- known for his distinct diplomatic skills and renim uspjesima, postao je ne samo veliko accomplishments, he became not only a great ime diplomatije Crne Gore u vrijeme njene figure in Montenegrin diplomacy during the nezavisnosti, već i personifikacija crnogor- country’s independence, but also a personifi- ske diplomatije do naših dana. Ministar ino- cation of Montenegrin diplomacy, which has stranih djela Knjaževine Crne Gore postao je endured up to the present day. He became the 1890. godine, a ministarski položaj napustio minister of foreign affairs of the Principality je 1905. godine. Vrijeme njegovog ministro- of Montenegro in 1890, and served in that po- vanja obilježilo je jednu epohu u crnogorskoj sition up until 1905. The period of his service spoljnoj politici. marked an entire epoch in Montenegrin for- eign policy. Vojvoda Gavro Vuković rođen je 1852. go- dine u selu Lopate u Lijevoj Rijeci (plemenska Duke Gavro Vuković was born in 1852 in oblast Vasojevića). Njegov otac vojvoda Miljan the village of Lopate in Lijeva Rijeka (the tribal Vukov Vešović, bio je važna politička ličnost area of the Vasojevići). His father, Duke Mil- u vrijeme knjaza Danila, prethodnika knjaza jan Vukov Vešović, was an important polit-

5 i kralja Nikole (1860-1918). Vojvoda Miljan ical figure during the time of Prince Danilo, Vukov bio je državnoj službi najprije kapetan the predecessor of Prince, later King, Nikola ljevorečke kapetanije, zatim upravitelj jedne (1860–1918). He was the Captain of the Lije- administrativne oblasti crnogorske države - va Rijeka district, Administrator of one area of Vasojevićke nahije, a kasnije član crnogorskog Montenegro – the Vasojevići district (nahija), Senata, vrhovne institucije sudske i admini- and a member of the Montenegrin Senate, the strativne vlasti u Kn- supreme institution jaževini Crnoj Gori. of judicial and ad- ministrative power Kao sin jedne uti- in the Principality of cajne političke lič- Montenegro. nosti, Gavro Vuko- vić je imao uslove ne As the son of an samo da se redovno influential political školuje, već i da ste- figure, Gavro Vuković kne najbolje obrazo- had the opportunity vanje u inostranim not only to regularly školama. Osnovnu attend school, but also školu započeo je u to acquire the best ed- manastiru Đurđevi ucation available in Stupovi, nedaleko foreign schools. He od Berana, a završio began primary school je na Cetinju. Po- at the Đurđevi Stupo- slije osnovne škole, vi monastery, not far upisao se u gimna- from Berane, com- ziju u Nici. Nakon pleting his primary izvjesnog vremena education in Cetinje, napušta Nicu i gi- after which he attend- mnaziju nastavlja u ed secondary school Beogradu, gdje ma- Crna Gora prije Montenegro before in Nice, France. He turira 1869. godine. Berlinskog kongresa the Congress of Berlin left Nice to continue

6 Poslije gimnazije upisuje Pravni fakultet u his secondary school education in Belgrade, Beogradu, na kome diplomira 1873. godine. which he completed in 1869. After that, he at- Bio je prvi diplomirani pravnik iz Crne Gore. tended university in Belgrade where he studied Nakon završetka fakulteta vraća se u Crnu law, graduating in 1873. He was the first Mon- Goru, gdje kao mlad pravnik, koji odlično go- tenegrin to hold a law degree. After complet- vori francuski jezik, dobija službu u državnoj ing university, he returned to Montenegro as a upravi. Aprila 1874. imenovan je za sekretara young lawyer with an excellent knowledge of Senata. French, and got a job in the state administration. In April 1874 he became the Senate secretary.

Samo nekoliko mjeseci nakon postav- Only a few months after his appointment, in ljenja, oktobra 1874. poslat je u Skadar, i to October 1874, he was sent to Scutari (Shkodra) kao sekretar crnogorsko-osmanske komi- in the capacity of secretary to the Montenegrin– sije koja je isljeđivala krivce za ubistvo 17 Ottoman board that was pursuing those guilty Crnogoraca u Podgorici. Dužnost sekretara of murdering 17 Montenegrins in Podgorica. Senata obavljao je i tokom ustanka pravo- He also held the position of Senate Secretary slavnog stanovništva u Hercegovini 1875. during the uprising of the Orthodox peoples godine. Zahva- in Herzegovina in ljujući uvidu u 1875. Having ac- mnoge depeše cess to many mes- i naredbe koje sages and orders su preko Senata sent to the leaders upućivane vo- of the uprising đama ustanka, by the Senate, he mogao je prati- was in a position ti tok ustanka i to observe the njegovo politič- development of ko rukovođenje. the uprising, as Za budućeg di- well as its political plomatu bilo je guidance. For the to, bez sumnje, Bitka na Vučjem dolu The Battle of Vučji Do future diplomat,

7 značajno iskustvo, jer je direktno mogao da this was without doubt a significant experience, prati jedan značajan segment tadašnje spolj- since he could directly observe an important nopolitičke akcije Crne Gore. I tokom rata segment of the Montenegrin foreign policy of Crne Gore sa Osmanskim carstvom, koji je that time. During the war waged by Montene- počeo juna 1876. godine, bila su mu dos- gro against the Ottoman Empire, which started tupna mnoga dokumenta koja se odnose na in June 1876, he also had access to numerous spoljnopolitičku komponentu ovog sukoba. documents regarding the foreign policy compo- Kao činovnika koji je pokazao umijeće to- nent of the conflict. As a civil servant who had kom rada u misiji u Skadru, ali i za vrijeme proved to be skilled during his Scutari mission, ustanka u Hercegovini, knjaz ga je imeno- as well as during the uprising in Herzegovina, vao za sekretara komandanta Glavnog štaba he was appointed secretary to the Command- crnogorske vojske. Zahvaljujući tom polo- er of the Main Headquarters of the Montene- žaju, bio je i jedan od najneposrednijih svje- grin Army. Thanks to this placement, he could doka ratnih dešavanja. O događajima koji directly and immediately witness the events of su predstavljali uzrok ratu, kao i o njegovim the war. In his memoirs he offered detailed and najvažnijim fazama, detaljno je i dokumen- documented accounts of the events that caused tovano pisao u memoarskim zapisima. Po- the war, as well as accounts of its most import- sebno su značajna njegova svjedočenja o ant phases. Of particular importance are his re- crnogorskim pobjedama na Vučjem dolu i ports about the Montenegrin victories at Vučji Fundini, kao i operaciji za oslobođenje Nik- do and Fundina, as well as about the operations šića i Bara. during the liberation of Nikšić and of Bar.

Rat između Crne Gore i Osmanskog car- The Montenegrin–Ottoman War ended stva završen je početkom 1878. godine. Po- in early 1878. After the war, the Great Pow- slije završetka rata, velike sile su u sazvale ers called a congress that would construct the kongres na kome je trebalo urediti političko political life in the Balkans and determine the stanje na Balkanu i poziciju Osmanskog car- position of the Ottoman Empire. The Congress stva. Kongres velikih sila održan je u Berlinu. of the Great Powers was held in Berlin. After Nakon višenedjeljne rasprave, predstavnici weeks of discussion and debate, the represen- velikih sila su na kongresu odnijele odluke tatives of Great Powers determined Montene- o statusu i dobicima Crne Gore. Dvadesetše- gro’s status and gains. Article 26 of the treaty

8 stim članom definiše se međunarodno-prav- defined Montenegro’s position according to ni položaj Crne Gore: “Crnoj Gori priznaju international law: ‘The independence of Mon- nezavisnost Visoka Porta i sve one visoke tenegro is recognized by the Sublime Porte and ugovorne strane koje to dosad nijesu učinile”. by all those of the High Contracting Parties Ovim je članom samo potvrđena već odavno who have not hitherto admitted it’. This article postojeća crnogorska nezavisnost, s napo- just confirmed the long-existing independence menom da tu nezavisnost od sada priznaje of Montenegro, with a note that it was now to be i Turska i one zemlje koje to ranije nijesu recognized by Turkey and those countries that učinile. Crna Gora je ovom odlukom dobila had not done so before. With this ruling, Mon- zvanično međunarodno priznanje, postavši tenegro gained official international recogni- ravnopravni činilac međunarodnih odnosa. tion, becoming an equal actor in international Sticanjem zvaničnog međunarodnog pri- relations. By gaining official international rec- znanja na Berlinskom kongresu, Crna Gora ognition at the Berlin Congress, Montenegro je takođe dobila pravo da šalje svoje i prima also gained the right to send its own diplomat- diplomatske predstavnike drugih zemalja, ic envoys and receive foreign ones, which was što je bio preduslov da izgradi diplomatske a precondition for the formation of diplomatic institucije u zemlji i inostranstvu. institutions both in the country and abroad.

Odlukama The rul- Berlinskog ings of the kongresa nije Berlin Con- samo promi- gress not only jenjena me- changed the đunarodna internation- pozicija Crne al position of Gore, već je po Montenegro, svom unutraš- but it became njem karak- a new coun- teru stvorena try internal- i jedna nova ly: it doubled država: dvo- Berlinski kongres 1878. godine The Congress of Berlin, 1878 in size, gained

9 struko teritorijalno uvećana, sa novim eko- new economic centres and cities, access to the nomskim središtima i gradovima, izlaskom sea, and a new population with different ethnic na more, sa stanovništvom različite narod- and religious affiliations… The Principality of nosne i konfesionalne pripadnosti… Knjaže- Montenegro had a territory of 9,475 square ki- vina Crna Gora imala je poslije 1878. godi- lometres in 1878 (compared to the earlier size of ne 9.475 kvadratnih kilometara (prije 1878. 4,400km2) and a population of about 170,000. 4.400 km2) i oko 170.000 stanovnika. Crna Montenegro gained part of Herzegovina, in- Gora je dobila dio Hercegovine sa Nikšićkim cluding Nikšić with the surrounding tribal areas krajem i okolnim plemenskim oblastima oko around Durmitor: Rudina, Kolašin and Gornji Durmitora, prostor Rudina, Kolašinski kraj i Vasojevići; Zeta which included Podgorica and dio Gornjih Vasojevića, Zetu s Podgoricom i Spuž; the shoreline of Lake Scutari right up to Spužom, priobalje Skadarskog jezera do ostr- the island of Tophala; Mount Rumija and the va Tophala, masiv planine Rumije i primorje Adriatic coast from the River Bojana to the Riv- od Bojane do rijeke Željeznice (gradovi Ul- er Željeznica (the cities of Ulcinj and Bar). After cinj i Bar). Nakon završetka rata izvršena je the war, the state administration was reformed i reforma državne uprave (1879). Ukinut je as well (1879): the Senate was abolished, and Senat, a ustanovljene su tri nove institucije: three new institutions were introduced – the Državni savjet, Ministarstvo sa šest odjelje- State Council, the Ministry with six depart- nja i Veliki sud. Upravo tada ustanovljeno je ments and the Grand Court. It was at that time i Ministarstvo inostranih djela. Prvi ministar that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was set up. inostranih djela Knjaževine Crne Gore bio je The first minister of foreign affairs of the Princi- vojvoda Stanko Radonjić, koji je tu dužnost pality of Montenegro was Duke Stanko Radon- obavljao od 1879. do svoje smrti 1889. godi- jić, who held the office from 1879 until his death ne. in 1889.

Poslije 1878. godine glavni cilj crnogorske After 1878, the primary goal of Montenegrin državne politike bio je stvaranje “velike” Crne national policy was to create a ‘Greater Monte- Gore. A to znači – nastavak njenog teritorijal- negro’. This essentially meant the continuation nog širenja, pripajanjem okolnih oblasti koje of its territorial enlargement by annexing neigh- su, uglavnom, u sastavu Osmanskog carstva. bouring areas that were, mainly, parts of the Ot- Kako se planiralo na Cetinju, “velika” Crna toman Empire. The Cetinje plans envisaged that

10 Gora obuhvatala bi prostor između Neretve, this ‘Greater Montenegro’ would include the ter- Lima, Drima i Jadranskog mora. Sredinom ritory between the rivers Neretva, Lim and Drina osamdesetih godina XIX vijeka, knjaz Nikola and the Adriatic Sea. By the mid-1880s, Prince je smatrao da Crna Gora treba da “raširi gra- Nikola believed that Montenegro should ‘extend nice” od Berana do Mokre planine, a zatim da its borders’ from Berane to Mount Mokra, and njena granica dosegne izvorište Bijelog Dri- then beyond, to reach the source of the River Bi- ma, i da se tokom jeli Drim, and follow Bijelog Drima spu- the flow of the Bijeli šta do Jadranskog Drim to the Adri- mora, obuhvata- atic Sea, encom- jući gradove: Peć, passing the cities of Đakovicu i Skadar. Peć, Đakovica and Ovakve planove Scutari. Such plans nemoguće je bilo would be impossi- ostvariti bez rata ble to accomplish protiv Osmanskog without provoking carstva, ali ni bez a war against the savezništva sa Ru- Ottoman Empire, sijom i Srbijom, without an alliance eventualno i Bu- with Russia and Ser- garskom, te u naj- bia, perhaps even manju ruku, bez Bulgaria, or at the prećutne saglasno- very least without sti Austro-Ugarske. the silent approval Upravo ovakvi pla- of Austria-Hunga- novi i očekivanja, ry. These plans and temelj su spoljne aspirations were the politike Crne Gore basis of Montene- poslije 1878. godi- grin foreign policy ne. Teritorija Crne Gore Territory of Montenegro after 1878. poslije Berlinskog kongresa after the Congress of Berlin

11 Gavro Vuković

12 Crnogorsku državu poslije sticanja zvaničnog After gaining official international recognition, međunarodnog priznanja, čekali su veliki za- the Montenegrin state had several major tasks daci u spoljnoj politici. Najprije u odnosima in its foreign policy. Firstly, they had to manage sa dvije susjedne imperije, koje su okruživale relations with the two neighbouring empires crnogorsku teritoriju – Osmanskim carstvom that surrounded Montenegrin territory – the i Austro-Ugarskom. Sa Osmanskim carstvom Ottoman Empire and the Austro-Hungarian trebalo je izvršiti nimalo lak proces razgrani- Empire. With the Ottomans, Montenegro had čenja i riješiti probleme koji su nastali prese- to complete the difficult process of border de- ljavanjem stanovništva iz novodobijenih obla- marcation and solve problems caused by the sti. Prema Austro-Ugarskoj, koja je odlukama settlement of people from the newly gained Berlinskog kongresa dobila pravo da okupira areas. With the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Bosnu i Hercegovinu, trebalo je voditi spoljnu which was allowed by the Berlin Congress to politiku koja će spriječavati njenu occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina, kontrolu nad državnim životom Montenegro had to develop for- Crne Gore i uklanjati sve izvore eign policy relations that would konfrontacija sa moćnim susje- prevent its powerful neighbour dom. Pored dva carstva, trebalo from controlling the administra- je u skladu sa novim političkim tive life of Montenegro, and would okolnostima na Balkanu, i crno- remove all causes of conflict. In gorsku spoljnu politiku prema addition to this, the new political Rusiji postaviti na nove osnove. circumstances in the Balkans also Dotadašnjeg glavnog crnogor- required modification of foreign skog ratnog saveznika trebalo je policy towards Russia. Now that the sada, kada je vrijeme ratovanja za- war was over, relations with Russia vršeno, učiniti najvažnijim oslon- were to transform it from being cem društvenog i ekonomskog Montenegro’s main war ally into razvoja Crne Gore. I napokon, cr- the most important supporter of nogorska spoljna politika imala je Montenegro’s social and economic obavezu da popravi sasvim loše, i development. As a traditional ally, na momente nepri- Austrougarski car Franz Joseph, Emperor of Russia was the jateljske odnose sa Franjo Josif Austria and king of Hungary first country to

13 Srbijom, od koje Crna Gora na Balkanu nije send its fully authorized envoy to Cetinje fol- imala politički bližeg saveznika. Kao tradicio- lowing the Berlin Congress. There was no oth- nalni crnogorski saveznik, Rusija je bila prva er period of Montenegrin–Russian relations in zemlja koja je poslije Berlinskog kongresa which Russia was so committed and offered poslala na Cetinje svog opunomoćenog po- such great support for the internal develop- slanika. Ni u jednom periodu crnogorsko-ru- ment of its Balkan ally. This Russian attitude skih odnosa, Rusija nije s toliko posvećenosti was undoubtedly fuelled by Serbia’s decision gradila uzajamne veze, to work closely with niti pružala veću po- Austria-Hungary, leav- dršku unurašnjem ra- ing Montenegro to be zvitku svoje balkanske the main proponent of saveznice. Nesumnjivo Russian policy in the da je na takav stav Ru- Balkans. However, sup- sije presudno uticalo port from Saint Peters- austrofilsko opredjelje- burg, of course, came nje Srbije nakon Ber- at a price. Firstly, the linskog kongresa, tako Montenegrin authori- da Crna Gora postaje ties were obliged to act glavna filijala ruske in accordance with the balkanske politike. Ali, instructions from Rus- ova podrška Petrogra- sian diplomats, which da Crnoj Gori imala caused Prince Nikola je, naravno, i svoju ci- to feel painfully inferi- jenu. U prvom redu, or. Official diplomat- crnogorski Dvor je ic relations between bespogovorno morao Montenegro and the da izvršava instrukcije Ottoman Empire (Tur- ruske diplomatije, što key) were also estab- je kod knjaza Nikole lished after the Berlin ponekad iza- Dokument ruskog A document from the Ministry Congress. In zivalo mučan Ministarstva inostranih djela of Foreign Affairs of Russia October 1879,

14 osjećaj podređenosti. Poslije Berlinskog kon- Halid-Beg, a fully authorized envoy of Turkey, gresa uspostavljeni su i zvanični diplomatski arrived in Cetinje, while a Montenegrin en- odnosi između Crne Gore i Osmanskog car- voy arrived in Constantinople in August 1879. stva (Turske). Oktobra 1879. godine na Ceti- This was the first fully authorized representa- nje je stigao Halid-beg, opunomoćeni posla- tive that Montenegro sent to a foreign country. nik Turske. Avgusta 1879. godine stigao je u At the time that the Montenegrin diplomatic Carigrad i crnogorski poslanik. Bio je to prvi mission in Constantinople and the Turkish opunomoćeni poslanik kojeg je Crna Gora mission in Cetinje were being established, re- poslala u jednu stranu zemlju. U vrijeme us- lations between the two countries were far postavljanja crnogorske diplomatske misije u from warm. The key task of the Montenegrin Carigradu, i turske na Cetinju, odnosi izme- diplomatic mission in Constantinople at the đu dvije države nijesu bili nimalo srdačni. U time of its establishment was to speed up the vrijeme osnivanja, crnogorska diplomatska resolution of the Montenegrin–Turkish border misija u Carigradu imala je glavni zadatak da dispute concerning the area around Plav and ubrza rješavanje crnogorsko-turskog pogra- Gusinje. The demarcation process began soon ničnog spora oko Plava i Gusinja. Ubrzo je after. It determined a new border line between započeo i proces razgraničenja između dvije the two countries. After the demarcation issue zemlje, čime je utvrđena nova granična lini- was settled, relations between the two coun- ja. Poslije okončanja razgraničenja, odnosi tries began to improve. The Montenegrin sov- između dvije zemlje kreću uzlaznom linijom. ereign visited the Sultan twice. Shortly after Crnogorski vladar je dva puta bio u posjeti the Berlin Congress, official diplomatic rela- sultanu. Nedugo nakon Berlinskog kongresa tions were established between Montenegro uspostavljeni su i zvanični diplomatski od- and Austria-Hungary as well. The envoy of nosi između Crne Gore i Austro-Ugarske. Za Austria-Hungary, Baron von Thömmel, pre- austrougarskog poslanika u Crnoj Gori ime- sented his credentials to Prince Nikola in 1879. novan je baron Temel, koji je februara 1879. In the years immediately following the Berlin predao akreditivna pisma knjazu Nikoli. Pr- Congress, the dominant question defining the vih godina poslije Berlinskog kongresa u od- relationship between the two countries was the nosima između dvije zemlje dominantno je matter of Montenegrin policy towards Herze- bilo pitanje crnogorske politike prema Herce- govina. The principal request made by Vienna govini. Osnovni zahtjev Beča bio je da se Crna was that Montenegro should give up its nation-

15 Gora odrekne nacionalne politike u Hercego- al policy regarding Herzegovina, and adopt a vini, i da u svim političkim pitanjima zauzme completely neutral attitude towards all political potpuno neutralni stav. Mada nevoljno, Crna matters. Montenegro had to fulfil this demand, Gora je taj zahtjev Beča morala ispuniti. Na- albeit reluctantly. After successfully neutraliz- kon što je uspjela da neutrališe crnogorsku ing Montenegro’s national and political activity nacionalno-političku djelatnost na svojoj teri- within its territory, Austria-Hungary aimed to toriji, Austro-Ugarska je nastojala da usposta- gain economic control over Montenegro. After vi ekonomsku kontrolu nad Crnom Gorom. the Berlin Congress, relations between Monte- Nakon Berlinskog kongresa počinje i nova negro and Serbia also entered a new phase. The faza u odnosima između Crne Gore i Srbije. time of their strong and uninterrupted national Doba njihove snažne i nesmetane nacional- and political activities in the surrounding re- no-političke djelatnosti u okruženju, posebno gion, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina, u Bosni i Hercegovini, definitivno je bilo za- was certainly over, and their relationship was vršeno, a njihovi odnosi bivali su sve gori. Uz deteriorating. Aside from short periods of un- kratke periode sporazumijevanja, u kojima je derstanding, when interest was at its highest bilo najviše interesa, a nimalo iskrenosti, dvije and honesty at its lowest, the two countries were države su živjele u otvorenom neprijateljstvu. openly hostile towards each other. There were Nekoliko je uzroka za tako loše političke od- several causes for such poor political relations nose Srbije i Crne Gore krajem XIX vijeka, a between Serbia and Montenegro in the late 19th jedan od važnijih uzroka je - konfrontiranost century, and the crucial one was the conflict be- dvije velike sile koje su stajale iza njih. Posljed- tween the two great powers that stood behind njih decenija XIX vijeka Srbija je naklonjena them. In the last decades of the 19th century, Austro-Ugarskoj, dok je Crna Gora najodaniji Serbia favoured Austria-Hungary, while Mon- izvršilac ruske politike na Balkanu. Preko au- tenegro was the most loyal agent of Russian strofilske Srbije i rusofilske Crne Gore, dvije policy in the Balkans. Through Serbia and velike sile vodile su svoj balkanski rat. Srbija je Montenegro, the two great powers waged their imala zadatak da onemogućava, koliko najvi- own Balkan war. Serbia had the task to prevent še može, ruski uticaj u svom okruženju, dok je Russian influence in its surroundings, as far as Crna Gora imala zadatak da kompromituje i this could be done, while Montenegro’s task was unižava sve sljedbenike bečke politike na Bal- to compromise and humiliate all the followers kanu, među kojima je Obrenovićevska Srbija of Viennese policy in the Balkans, Obrenović’s

16 zauzimala počasno mjesto. Upravo ovaj spolj- Serbia being the most prominent one. This for- nopolitički okvir državne politike Crne Gore eign policy framework in which Montenegrin poslije 1878. godine, neophodan je za razu- national policy operated after 1878 has to be mijevanje djelovanja vojvode Gavra Vukovića understood if we are to understand Duke Gavro kao ministra inostranih poslova Knjaževine Vuković’s actions as minister of foreign affairs of Crne Gore. the Principality of Montenegro.

Prvi spoljnopolitički problem koji je cr- The first foreign affairs problem that Mon- nogorska diplomatija morala da riješi na- tenegrin diplomacy had to deal with after the kon Berlinskog kongresa, bilo je tzv. Plav- Berlin Congress was the so-called Plav-Gusin- sko-gusinjsko pitanje. Spor oko predaje je question. The dispute over the surrender Plava i Gusinja, koji su odlukom kongresa u of Plav and Gusinje, that had been annexed Berlinu pripali Crnoj Gori, počeo je krajem to Montenegro, according to the ruling of the 1878. godine, najprije odbijanjem Osman- Berlin Congress, began in late 1878. The Otto- skog carstva da Crnoj Gori preda ove obla- man Empire refused to cede these territories to sti, a zatim, kada se osmanska vojska po- Montenegro, and then, following the departure vukla, organizovanjem vojničkog otpora of the Ottoman Army from these areas, the local tamošnjeg lokanog nepravoslavnog stanov- nonorthodox population organized an upris- ništva protiv crnogorskih trupa. Budući da ing against the Montenegrin troops. Since their je njihov otpor ometao mirnu predaju ovih resistance hindered the peaceful handover of oblasti Crnoj Gori, crnogorska vlada je for- these territories to Montenegro, the Montene- mirala komisiju koja je trebalo da pregovara grin government formed a board to negotiate s osmanskim vlastima o primopredaji. Na the handover with the Ottoman government. čelu ove komisije bio je vojvoda Simo Popo- The head of this board was Duke Simo Popović, vić, a njegov zamjenik bio je Gavro Vuko- while Gavro Vuković was his deputy. Despite vić. I pored nastojanja crnogorske strane da Montenegrin endeavours to resolve this dis- se ovaj spor riješi diplomatskim pregovori- pute peacefully in diplomatic discussions be- ma između dvije vlade, ubrzo se pokazalo tween the two governments, it quickly became da Porta nema namjeru da Plav i Gusinje clear that the Sublime Porte had no intention dobrovoljno preda Crnoj Gori. Protivljenje of handing over Plav and Gusinje to Monte- osmanske vlade da izvrši obavezu iz jednog negro voluntarily. The refusal of the Ottoman

17 međunarodnog ugovora, neminovno je do- Empire to fulfil its commitment undertaken in velo do miješanja drugih velikih sila u ovaj an international treaty unavoidably led to oth- spor. Tako je plavsko-gusinjsko pitanje po- er great powers getting involved in the conflict. stalo predmetom evropske diplomatije, koja And so, the Plav-Gusinje question became an će ga uz vojne i političke pritiske riješiti tek issue of European diplomacy, which would be posljednjih mjeseci 1880. godine. solved only in late 1880 through military and political pressure.

Dok je trajao spor oko predaje Plava i Gu- During the dispute over the Plav-Gusin- sinja Crnoj Gori, na Cetinju je odlučeno da je question, Cetinje decided to open an em- se otvori poslanstvo u Carigradu, kako bi se i bassy in Constantinople so that the handover u osmanskoj prijestolnici stalno diplomatski arrangements could be constantly acted upon djelovalo u rješavanju ovog pitanja. Za prvog diplomatically in the Ottoman capital. The first crnogorskog poslanika u Carigradu, počet- Montenegrin representative in Constantino- kom 1879. godine, imenovan je vojvoda Stan- ple, appointed in early 1879, was Duke Stanko ko Radonjić, a za Radonjić, while sekretara poslan- Gavro Vuković stva postavljen je was the embas- Gavro Vuković. sy’s secretary. In Krajem avgusta late August 1879, 1879. crnogorski Montenegrin en- predstavnici pre- voys presented dali su akreditiv- their credentials na pisma sultanu, to the Sultan, and a nekoliko mjese- several months ci kasnije vojvoda later Duke Stanko Stanko Radonjić Radonjić left Con- je povučen iz Ca- stantinople, hav- rigrada, dobivši ing been given the zadatak da preuz- task to take over as me rukovođenje Carigrad Constantinople head of the new-

18 tek ustanovljenim Ministarstvom inostranih ly introduced Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Gav- djela. Dužnost crnogorskog diplomatskog ro Vuković assumed the duty of Montenegrin predstavnika u Carigradu preuzeo je Gavro diplomatic envoy in Constantinople as chargé Vuković, u rangu otpravnika poslova. On je, d’affairs. After being left alone in the Ottoman ostavši sam u osmanskoj prijestolnici, pre- Empire’s capital, he took over all the tasks to do uzeo sve poslove diplomatskog zastupanja with the diplomatic advocacy of Montenegro, Crne Gore, posebno u vezi sa rješavanjem in particular with regards to the Plav-Gusinje plavsko-gusinjskog spora. Crnogorski pred- question. The Montenegrin envoy in Constan- stavnik u Carigradu redovno je dobijao iz- tinople regularly received reports from Cetin- vještaje s Cetinja o prilikama u plavsko-gu- je concerning events in the Plav-Gusinje area, sinjskoj oblasti, pokretu osmanskih trupa, the movement of the Ottoman troops and in- incidentima koje je osmanska strana izaziva- cidents caused by the Ottomans, and his duty la, a njegova obaveza je bila da o ovim doga- was to inform all the ambassadors of the Great đajima izvještava sve ambasadore velikih sila Powers about this and highlight the Porte’s cul- i ukaže im na Portinu krivicu za ove proble- pability in causing these issues. At the same me. Istovremeno, crnogorski predstavnik je time, the Montenegrin representative visited posjećivao i predsjednika osmanske vlade i the president of the Ottoman government as ministra inostranih djela, predočavajući im well as its minister of foreign affairs, displaying nesporne dokaze o krivici osmanske strane indisputable proof that the Ottomans were to za izazivanje nemira. be held responsible for causing the unrest.

Plavsko-gusinjski spor riješen je sredinom The Plav-Gusinje question was resolved in 1880. godine, dogovorom da Plav i Gusinje mid-1880 by agreeing that Plav and Gusinje ostanu u sastavu Osmanskog carstva, a da Crna would remain part of Ottoman territory, as Gora za uzvrat dobije Ulcinj. Kada je sporazum long as Montenegro was given Ulcinj in re- postignut, crnogorska vlada je odlučila da po- turn. Once this agreement was reached, the vuče svog diplomatskog zastupnika iz Carigra- Montenegrin government decided to recall da i prekine rad poslanstva, pa se Gavro Vuko- its envoy from Constantinople and close the vić jula 1880. godine vratio na Cetinje. Kratko embassy. Hence, in July 1880, Gavro Vuković vrijeme nakon povratka iz Carigrada, knjaz returned to Cetinje. Shortly after his return Nikola je odredio Gavra Vukovića za crnogor- from Constantinople, Prince Nikola named

19 skog predstavnika kod međunarodnih snaga, him the Montenegrin envoy to the foreign koje su imale zadatak da primoraju Portu na powers, whose task was to coerce the Porte predaju Ulcinja Crnoj Gori. into ceding Ulcinj to Montenegro.

Kada je novembra 1880. Ulcinj vraćen Cr- When Ulcinj was returned to Montenegro noj Gori, Vuković je dobio zaduženje da kao in November 1880, Vuković was given the task zamjenik glavnog komesara učestvuje u radu to participate, as the deputy of the main com- komisije koja je trebalo da izvrši razgraniče- missioner, in the work of the board that would nje između Crne Gore i Osmanskog carstva. implement demarcation between Montenegro No, ubrzo se pokazalo da je neophodno za taj and the Ottoman Empire. However, it quickly posao imati poslanika u Carigradu, koji bi u became clear that, for this job to be successful, direktnim kontaktima s osmanskom vladom Montenegro needed an envoy in Constantino- rješavao sporove koji su se javljali prilikom ple, who would work directly with the Otto- utvrđivanja nove crnogor- man government on resolving sko-osmanske granice. Zbog the disputes that would arise toga je knjaz Nikola odlučio during the negotiations about da ponovo otvori poslanstvo the new border. Hence, Prince u Carigradu. Cijeneći poka- Nikola decided to re-open the zano diplomatsku umješnost embassy in Constantinople. i iskustvo u diplomatskim Aware of the proven diplo- odnosima sa Osmanskim matic skills and experience in carstvom, knjaz se lako od- diplomatic relations with the lučio za ličnost koja će biti Ottoman Empire that Gavro crnogorski otpravnik poslo- Vuković had shown, the Prince va u Carigradu. Njegov izbor readily chose him to be the bio je – Gavro Vuković. U Montenegrin chargé d’affairs in svojim memoarima Vuković Constantinople. In his mem- navodi da se za njega knjaz oirs, Vuković stated that he was odlučio i pored neskrivene the Prince’s choice despite the netrpeljivosti njegovog šefa fact that his superior, Stanko Stanka Radonjića, ministra Kralj Nikola King Nikola Radonjić, openly disliked him.

20 inostranih djela. Očito da je crnogorski vla- Appointing Gavro Vuković to this position in dar cijenio Vukovićevo diplomatsko umijeće spite of the arguments presented by the min- i da je bio zadovoljan njegovim radom, čim ister of foreign affairs who was opposed to it je odlučio da ne uvaži razloge koje je mini- clearly shows how much the Montenegrin sov- star inostranih djela iznosio protiv njegovog ereign valued Vuković’s diplomatic skills and imenovanja. how pleased he was with his work.

Crnogorsko poslanstvo u Carigradu po- The Montenegrin embassy in Constantino- novo je otvoreno 1882. godine, a jedini na ple was re-opened in 1882, and the only person platnom spisku bio je otpravnik poslova Ga- on its payroll was the chargé d’affairs, Gavro vro Vuković. U svojim memoarima kasnije Vuković. He later wrote in his memoirs: ‘I had je zapisao: “Ni pomotnjika, ni dragomana, ni no assistant, no official interpreter, no guard, kavaza, pa ni sluge nijesam not even a servant, and I had imao, a morao sam raditi to do the toughest job ever, to najteži posao, pregovarati s negotiate with the impossible nemogućim Turcima, dan Turks, day and night… With i noć... Sa očajničkim str- desperate patience I endured, pljenjem izdržao sam, cijelu for a whole year, battling ma- godinu dana, boreći se i sa terial shortages too; and on my materijalnim oskudicama; own, I somehow covered the is- sam, tako reći, iskrpio (sam) sue of political borders…’ pitanje političkih granica...” Montenegro’s diplomatic Diplomatska akcija action in Constantinople, con- Crne Gore u Carigradu oko cerning the establishment of the utvrđivanja nove granič- new border line and the resolu- ne linije i rješavanja spor- tion of controversial inter-state nih međudržavnih pitanja, issues, was certainly a demand- nesumnjivo je predstav- ing endeavour for Gavro Vu- ljala poseban napor Izvještaj Report by ković, since the Otto- za Gavra Vukovića, Gavra Vukovića Gavro Vuković man government was

21 jer je osmanska vlada odavno bila poznata known for dealing with issues that were not to po maniru da rješavanje pitanja koja joj ne its advantage by constantly delaying them and donose korist stalno odlaže prebacivanjem transferring responsibility from one institution nadležnosti sa jedne institucije ili ličnosti or individual to another. When the Montene- na drugu. Kada bi crnogorski predstavnik grin envoy would come to speak on disputes došao da razgovara o spornim pitanjima sa with the commissioner of the Ottoman board komesarom osmanske komisije za razgrani- for demarcation, the commissioner would de- čenje, komesar bi iskazao deklarativnu spre- clare his readiness to do everything to resolve mnost da učini sve da se pitanje riješi, ali bi the matter, but would ask for one condition: naveo samo jedan uslov: da se s time saglasi that the minister of foreign affairs agree to this. ministar inostranih djela. Crnogorski pred- Then the Montenegrin envoy would visit the stavnik bi zatim posjetio ministra inostranih minister of foreign affairs, who would also show djela, koji bi takođe iskazao volju da se pi- his willingness to resolve the matter, but under tanje riješi, ali pod uslovom da dobije sagla- the condition that the president of the govern- snost predsjednika vlade. Kada bi crnogorski ment agree to this. When the Montenegrin en- predstavnik posjetio predsjednika vlade, on voy visited the president of the government, bi uz najveću ljubaznost obećao da će potvr- this official would, with the greatest of courtesy, diti svaku odluku koju donese komesar ko- promise to confirm any decision made by the misije za razgraničenje. I tako bi crnogorski commissioner of the board for demarcation. otpravnik poslova morao da krene ispočetka And so the Montenegrin chargé d’affairs would u obilazak osmanskih zvaničnika. have to start over and speak to each of the Otto- man officials in turn.

Kada su nakon iscrpljujućih pregovora Once the most important disputed issues konačno riješena najvažnija sporna pitanja of demarcation were settled, after tiring nego- oko utvrđivanja granice, Gavro Vuković je tiations, Gavro Vuković left Constantinople in 1884. godine napustio Carigrad. Vrativši se 1884. On his return to Cetinje, he assumed the na Cetinje preuzeo je dužnost člana Velikog role of member of the Grand Court, but fre- suda, ali je često obavljao delikatne politič- quently engaged in delicate political and dip- ke i diplomatske misije. “Tri put sam šiljat u lomatic missions. ‘I was sent to Scutari three Skadar”, piše Gavro Vuković, “poradi savlađi- times’, he wrote, ‘to settle the unrest among the

22 vanja uzrujanosti katoličke Arbanije, koja je Catholic Albanians, who were prompted by stranom intrigom vrela u anarhiji i upućiva- foreigners in the midst of its anarchy to attack na da na nas iznemnogle napada... Šiljat sam us when we were worn down… I was sent to više puta u Beč, raznim misijama, pa i finan- Vienna multiple times, on various missions, cijskim.” Nekoliko godina bio je i član zako- even financial ones.’ For several years he was a nodavne komisije koja je pregledala i usvojila member of the legislative board that reviewed Imovinski zakonik Valtazara Bogišića. and adopted the Civil Code of Valtazar Bogišić.

Početkom 1889. godine ne- In early 1889, an incurable dis- izlječiva bolest udaljila je od ease forced Stanko Radonjić, the ministarske dužnosti vojvodu head of Montenegrin diplomacy, Stanka Radonjića, prvog čo- to step down from his duty as min- vjeka crnogorske diplomatije, ister of foreign affairs, and some- pa je bilo neophodno da neko one else was needed to carry out drugi obavlja njegove poslove. his duties. In this situation, Prince U takvoj situaciji knjaz Nikola Nikola decided that the already odlučuje da već iskusni diplo- experienced diplomat Gavro Vu- mata Gavro Vuković preuzme ković should take over Radonjić’s Radonjićevu dužnost, i to kao responsibilities as acting minis- zastupnik ministra inostranih ter of foreign affairs. During the djela. Iste godine (1889) vojvo- same year (1889), Duke Radonjić da Radonjić je umro, a knjaz, died, and the Prince (June 1890) juna 1890. odlučuje da za no- appointed Gavro Vuković the new vog ministra inostranih djela minister of foreign affairs. After imenuje Gavra Vukovića. Na- this appointment, Gavro Vuković kon imenovanja na ovu duž- was also given the title of duke, a nost, Gavro Vuković je dobio title that his father also carried. i zvanje vojvode, koje je imao i njegov otac. Vijest o imenovanju Gavra News article on appointment of Vukovića za ministra Gavro Vuković for the minister

23 Crnogorska diplomatija u vrijeme mini- During Gavro Vuković’s period of service, strovanja vojvode Gavra Vukovića bila je ne- Montenegrin diplomacy was short-staffed. The velikog personalnog sastava, što se najčešće reason, most often, was a lack of funds. The pravdalo nedostatkom novca. U poslanstvu Constantinople embassy was at most staffed u Carigradu uglavnom su radila tri ili četiri by three or four persons, two of whom were čovjeka, od kojih su dvojica bili tzv. pomoć- the so-called ‘assistant staff’ (guard and ser- no osoblje (čuvar i po- vant). Montenegro had služitelj). Ni u jednoj no embassies in any of evropskoj prestolnici the European capitals, ona nije imala svoje not even in Saint Pe- poslanstvo, pa čak ni tersburg. Besides the u Petrogradu. Izuzu- embassy in Constan- majući poslanstavo u tinople, the consulate Carigradu, konzulat u in Scutari (from 1893) Skadru (od 1893) i po- and the embassy in slanstvo u Beogradu Belgrade (from 1913), (od 1913), Crna Gora Montenegro had a few, je imala i nekoliko, mostly honorary, con- uglavnom počasnih suls and trade agents. konzula i trgovačkih In the late 19th centu- agenata. Krajem XIX ry, it had its consular vijeka ona je imala trade representatives in svoje konzularno-tr- Trieste, Kotor, Napoli, govačke zastupnike u Rome, Cattani, Genoa, Trstu, Kotoru, Napu- Paris, Le Havre and lju, Rimu, Kataniju, Malta. Immediately Bariju, Đenovi, Pari- before the First World zu, Avru i na Malti. War, Montenegro had Neposredno prije iz- 27 honorary consuls. bijanja svjetskog Izvještaj crnogorskog Report by the Montenegrin Since the Monte- rata, Crna Gora je poslanika u Carigradu envoy to Constantinople negrin diplomatic

24 imala 27 počasnih konzula. S obzirom da cr- corps was not particularly numerous, the Mon- nogorska diplomatija nije bila naročito broj- tenegrin Ministry of Foreign Affairs was the na, i crnogorsko Ministarstvo inostranih dje- ministry with the smallest budget. Towards the la je od svih crnogorskih ministarstava imalo end of the 19th century, the ministry had only najmanji budžet. Ministarstvo je krajem XIX three officials: the minister and two secretaries, vijeka imalo samo tri službenika: ministra and in the early 20th century the ministry’s pay- i dva sekretara, a početkom XX vijeka na roll covered seven officials: the minister, minis- platnom spisku ministarstva bilo je sedam try chief, four secretaries and a scribe. Besides činovnika: ministar, načelnik Ministarstva, this, there were no written rules or instructions četiri sekretara i pisar. Pored toga, u crnogor- in Montenegrin diplomacy until 1905. Only skoj diplomatiji sve do 1905. godine nije bilo at the beginning of the 20th century were the pisanih pravila i instrukcija. Tek početkom first instructions for Montenegrin diplomats XX vijeka napisane su prve instrukcije za written down; that is, instructions for the only crnogorske diplomate, odnosno, za jedinog envoy that Montenegro had abroad – the envoy poslanika kojeg je Crna Gora u inostranstvu in Constantinople. According to these rules, imala - za poslanika u Carigradu. Prema tim the envoy in Constantinople could not seek an pravilima, poslanik u Carigradu nije smio audience without approval from Cetinje, nor be tražiti audijenciju bez odobrenja s Cetinja, so active as to impose on the Turkish govern- niti se svojom aktivnošću previše nametati ment. On every occasion, he had to remain dig- turskim vlastima. On je morao da se u svakoj nified, serious and polite, and stay away from prilici drži dostojanstveno, ozbiljno i učtivo, gossiping about or judging his counterparts, te da se kloni ogovaranja i iznošenja sudova even those from the countries Montenegro was o svojim kolegama, pa čak i o predstavnici- not very friendly with. The Montenegrin envoy ma onih zemalja sa kojima Crna Gora nije was strictly forbidden from promising, without u prevelikom prijateljstvu. Crnogorskom approval from Cetinje, to any official a medal, poslaniku bilo je strogo zabranjeno i da bez or from asking for anything from the Sultan odobrenja sa Cetinja obeća nekom ugledni- (a gift, pension, assistance) without an explicit ku odlikovanje ili da bilo šta traži od sultana order from the ministry. The Montenegrin en- (dar, penziju, pomoć) bez naročite naredbe voy was also given precise instructions about ministarstva. Crnogorskom poslaniku date his conduct on certain occasions: ‘Observe the su i precizne instrukcije o držanju u odre- days of celebration and the days of mourning

25 đenim prilikama: “Svečane ili korotne dane of the Russian, Italian and Serbian envoys as if poslanstva Ruskog, Italijanskog i Srbijanskog they were your own; Always accept invitations pazite kao svoje; Neizostajati od poziva Po- from envoys, of whatever nature they may be, slanstva, ma kakve vrste bili, jer se tim prili- because on such occasions you can find out kama najbolje koristuje dobivati informacije about current affairs; You should maintain per- o svemu što se zbiva; Treba voditi lične od- sonal relationships with the members of em- nošaje sa članovima Ambasada koliko je više bassies as much as possible, and not toy with moguće, a ne igrati se kartama od vizite, jer je calling cards, because this is looked upon unfa- hrđavo viđeno i svaki oni koji drži odnošaje vourably and anyone who relies on this eventu- na kartama od vizite na kraju krajeva izgubi ally loses acquaintances and remains isolated; potrebita poznanstva i ostane usamljen; Tre- You should visit the salons of the wives of en- ba posjećivati salone Gospođa od Poslanstva, voys, on the days they receive guests – jour fixe na dane njihova primanja - jour fixe - jer su i – because those occasions too are precious to te prilike dragocjene za diplomata; Treba biti diplomats; You should be a member of a circle član serkla (manjeg društva), jer je i to dobra (a smaller group) because that too is a good op- prilika za sastanke sa licima diplomatskog portunity for meeting persons from the diplo- kora; Netreba se dati gledati ni po danu ni matic corps; You should not be seen either day po noći po slabim mjestima, koja diplomat- or night at the sordid places that the diplomatic ski kor izbjegava posjećivati; Tajne državne corps avoids; State secrets should be kept from čuvati od svake Ambasade i od svake ličnosti every embassy and from every individual, no najintimnijih odnošaja; Naročito se treba matter how close; Be particularly cautious with čuvati od prijatelja Srbijanske legacije. Njima friends from the Serbian legation. Never tell nikakvu tajnu nepovjeravati, ali treba se tru- them any secrets, but attempt to be in the best diti biti s njima u najbolje odnošaje.” possible relations with them.’

Prvi važniji zadatak koji je vojvoda Gavro The first task of major importance that Duke Vuković trebalo da rješava kao šef crnogorske Gavro Vuković had to resolve as head of Mon- diplomatije, odnosio se na jedan ekonomski tenegrin diplomacy was a matter of economic problem. Naime, zbog velike suše, koja je concern. Because of a widespread drought that izazvala veliku nestašicu žita i glad, hiljade had caused a shortage of wheat and a famine, porodice odlučilo se na iseljavanje u Srbiju. thousands of families had decided to emigrate to

26 Ali, zbog loših odnosa između dvije zemlje Serbia. But, because of the bad relations between koji su postojali od završetka rata, i neposto- the two countries since the war ended, and the janja bilo kakvih zvaničnih veza, takvu na- lack of any official relations, such an intent could mjeru nije bilo moguće realizovati. Upravo not be pursued. Hence, the Prince entrusted the zato, novi crnogorski ministar inostranih new Montenegrin minister of foreign affairs djela dobio je zadatak od knjaza da uspostavi with the task of establishing official relations zvanične veze sa Srbijom i da pokuša da od with Serbia and of attempting to obtain per- srpske vlade dobije odobrenje za naseljenje mission from the Serbian government to allow nekoliko hiljada Crnogoraca. Povoljna okol- several thousand Montenegrins settle in Serbia. nost za ovu knjaževu ideju bila je abdikaci- A favourable juncture for this idea of the Prince ja kralja Milana Obrenovića sa srpskog pri- was the abdication of King Milan Obrenović, jestola, 1889. godine, čije je neprijateljstvo who had been openly hostile to the Montene- prema crnogorskom vladaru bilo izrazito. grin ruler. He stepped down from the Serbian S knjaževim odobrenjem, Gavro Vuković throne in 1889. Thus, with approval from the je napisao privatno Prince, Gavro Vukov- pismo znamenitom ić wrote a private let- srpskom državniku, ter to the renowned Jovanu Ristiću, tada Serbian official, Jovan jednom od kraljev- Ristić, the then royal skih namjesnika, i commissioner and his pobratimu njego- father’s blood brother, vog oca, u kome ga asking him to influ- je zamolio da utiče ence the opening of da se otvore granice the Serbian border for Srbije za porodice iz the Montenegrin fam- Crne Gore. Ristić je ilies. Ristić replied to odgovorio Vukovi- Vuković, also in a pri- ću takođe privatnim vate letter, stating that pismom, navodeći Serbia would gladly da će Srbija rado Telegram vojvodi Telegram to open its borders to otvoriti svoje gra- Gavru Vukoviću Duke Gavro Vuković Montenegrins will-

27 nice za Crnogorce koji hoće da rade, ali mu ing to work, but suggested that this official re- je sugerisao da se za to zvanično obrati vla- quest should be addressed to the government. di. Sljedujući Ristićevo uputstvo, crnogorski Following Ristić’s instructions, the Montene- ministar inostranih djela uputio je pismo grin minister of foreign affairs addressed a let- predsjedniku srpske vlade, tražeći da vlada ter to the Serbian prime minister, asking for odobri da se određeni broj porodica iz Crne the government’s approval for the permanent Gore trajno naseli u Srbiju. Ima- settlement of a certain number of jući potrebu za prilivom novog Montenegrin families in Serbia. In stanovništva, i višak obradivog need of repopulation, and having zemljišta u novodobijenim kra- an excess of arable land in its newly jevima, srpska vlada je odmah acquired areas, the Serbian govern- dozvolila trajno naseljavanje ment immediately granted approv- 12.000 državljana Crne Gore. al for the permanent settlement of 12,000 Montenegrin citizens.

Poslije uspješnog rješavanja Following the successful resolu- ovog problema, crnogorska vla- tion of this issue, the Montenegrin da pokušala je da pronađe način government attempted to find a koji će je trajno osloboditi ovih way that would permanently solve teškoća i koji će umanjiti loše difficulties of this kind and mini- posljedice nedostatka plodnog mize the consequences of the lack zemljišta. Svjesni da se preselja- of arable land. Aware that this pop- vanjem stanovništva ekonomski ulation migration was only a tem- problemi Crne Gore samo pri- porary solution to Montenegro’s vremeno umanjuju, ali ne i traj- economic problems, in Cetinje no rješavaju, na Cetinju su došli they came up with the idea that na ideju da snižavanjem nivoa lowering the water level of Lake vode Skadarskog jezera značaj- Scutari could significantly increase no uvećaju površinu obradivog the area of arable land and there- zemljišta i tako Vijest iz Telegram to by resolve the cen- prekinu vjekovnu Glasa Crnogorca Duke Gavro Vuković tury-long problem

28 oskudicu Crne Gore u oraničnim površina- of a shortage of arable land in Montenegro. It ma. Pretpostavljalo se da bi snižavažnjem was assumed that lowering the lake’s water level voda jezera Crna Gora dobila oko 20.000 ha, would make available about 20,000 ha of new ali da bi se snizio nivo voda Skadarskog je- land, but the lower level of Lake Scutari would zera trebalo je regulisati tok rijeka Bojane i mean that the flows of the rivers Bojana and Drima. A izvršiti regulaciju Bojane i Drima Drim would need to be carefully managed. And nije bilo moguće bez saradnje osmanske vla- it was impossible to manage the Bojana and de, na čijoj su se teritoriji ovi tokovi nalazili. Drim without the cooperation of the Ottoman Zbog toga je početkom 1890. godine mini- government, in whose territory the flows of star Vuković posjetio Carigrad. these rivers were located. Hence, in early 1890, Minister Vuković visited Constantinople.

U audijenciji kod sultana Having gained an audi- Abdul Hamida on je izlo- ence with Sultan Abdul Hamid, žio ideju crnogorske vlade o he expressed the idea of the regulaciji voda Skadarskog Montenegrin government reg- jezera, ukazujući kakav bi ulating the water level of Lake ekonomski značaj za Crnu Scutari, stressing the econom- Goru imalo rješavanje ovog ic significance this would have pitanja. Sultan je, naravno, for Montenegro. The Sultan, of obećao da će narediti da se course, promised to order the odmah pristupi realizaci- implementation of this endeav- ji ovog poduhvata. Imajući our immediately. Having ob- sultanovu saglasnost, crno- tained the Sultan’s approval, the gorski ministar se odmah Montenegrin minister immedi- susreo sa osmanskim pred- ately met with the president of sjednikom vlade (velikim ve- the Ottoman government (the zirom), predloživši da dvije Grand Vizier), proposing that vlade sklope jedan ugovor o the two governments draft a regulaciji voda Skadarskog single contract about regulating jezera i formiraju zajedničku Sultan Abdul Hamid the water level of Lake Scutari

29 tehničku komisiju. Razumije se, i veliki vezir and form a joint technical board. It went without je obećao da će svi crnogorski zahtjevi ubrzo saying that the Grand Vizier also promised that biti povoljno riješeni. Kada je sve izgledalo all Montenegro’s demands would be met. When načelno dogovoreno, nastupili su problemi: everything appeared settled, problems arose: veliki vezir je naknadno obavijestio ministra the Grand Vizier informed Minister Vuković Vukovića da će se sa realizacijom ugovora that the implementation of the contract had to morati pričekati, jer je navodno albansko be postponed, because of alleged protests from stanovništvo skadarske obalsti negodova- the Albanian population against the planned lo zbog planiranih radova. I čim se ispitaju works. As soon as the causes of discontent were uzroci nezadovoljstva, obećava veliki vezir, examined, the Grand Vizier promised, the Porte Porta će odmah pristupiti sklapanju ugo- would resume the drafting of the contract. And vora. Tako je počelo uobičajeno osmansko so began the usual Ottoman practice of delaying odugovlačenje. Vojvoda Gavro Vuković u matters. In his memoirs, Duke Gavro Vuković memoarima navodi da je svakog dana išao stated that he visited the ministries on a daily od jednog do drugog ministarstva, a ni veli- basis, and not even the Grand Vizier was spared ki vezir nije bio pošteđen od njegovih čestih from his frequent visits. In order to exert pres- posjeta. Da bi izvršio pritisak na Portu, on je sure on the Porte, he asked for support from the tražio podršku i od ruskog, austrougarskog i Russian, Austro-Hungarian and British envoys britanskog poslanika u Carigradu, ali je i nji- in Constantinople, but the Ottoman government hove intervencije osmanska vlada obesnažila skilfully avoided their interventions too. The vještim izgovorima. Sve se još više zakompli- matter got more complicated once the Ottoman kovalo kada je osmanska vlada iznijela novi government proposed a new reason for the delay razlog za odlaganje regulicije voda Skadar- to regulating the water level of Lake Scutari. Al- skog jezera. Navodno je skadarski upravitelj legedly, the administrator in Scutari had protest- negodovao zbog ovog poduhvata, jer bi spu- ed because this endeavour of lowering the water štanjem nivoa jezera oko Skadra, bilo stvore- level of Lake Scutari would create a swamp, where no močvarno zemljište, stanište komaraca i mosquitoes and malaria would breed, rendering malarije, što bi život tamošnjeg stanovništva the lives of people in the area impossible. More- učinilo nemogućim. Uz to, Skadrani bi ovim over, this would incur immense material costs poduhvatom pretrpjeli veliku materijalnu to the population of Scutari, since they would štetu, budući da bi ostali bez velikih priho- lose income from fishing. Such alleged problems

30 da od ribe. Ovi navodni problemi nametnuli imposed new questions: could the Montenegrin su neka nova pitanja: da li crnogorska vlada government guarantee that there would not be garantuje da oko Skadra neće biti stvorene swamps surrounding Lake Scutari and was it močvare i da li je spremna da skadarskim ri- willing to offer compensation to the fishermen of barima nadoknadi izgubljene prihode? Scutari for their loss of income?

Ministru Vukoviću bilo je jasno da je u pi- Minister Vuković understood that this was tanju samo osmanski manevar da se isušiva- no more than an Ottoman manoeuvre to delay nje dijela Skadarskog jezera odlaže u nedo- the drainage of Lake Scutari indefinitely. The gled. Crnogorski ministar je ponovo zatražio Montenegrin minister sought an audience with audijenciju kod sultana, žaleći se na Portino the Sultan again, complaining of the Porte’s de- odugovlačenje. Sultan je najljubaznije pri- lays. The Sultan received Duke Vuković most mio vojvodu Vukovića, saopštivši mu da je courteously, informing him that he had ordered naredio Porti da tzv. Skadarsko pitanje naj- the Porte to settle the so-called Scutari question hitnije riješi. Da ne bi ostavio mjesta sumnji, urgently. So as to leave no place for doubt, he crnogorskom ministru je pokazao i naredbu showed the Montenegrin minister the order he koju je s tim u vezi poslao velikom veziru, had sent to the Grand Vizier, but also a letter ali i pismo velikog vezira kojim ga obavje- from the Grand Vizier informing him that the štava da rješavanje ovog pitanja mora sače- resolution of this issue would have to wait until kati bolje vrijeme. Sultan je ljutito uzvratio better times. The Sultan angrily replied that the da je veliki vezir takvu odluku donio protiv Grand Vizier had made this decision against his njegove volje, iscijepavši u ljutnji vezirovu will, ripping the letter up in his rage. Regard- odluku. Bez obzira na sultanovu ljutnju, voj- less of the Sultan’s anger, after four months in voda Gavro Vuković se nakon četiri mjeseca Constantinople, and after countless audiences, boravka u Carigradu, i nakon stotinu audi- requests and letters, Duke Gavro Vuković had jencija, molbi i pisama, vratio u Crnu Goru to come back to Montenegro without the job neobavljena posla. Svoj neuspjeh objasnio je completed. He explained his failure by the out- čudnovatom prirodom osmanske diploma- landish nature of Ottoman diplomacy: ‘Turkey tije: “Turska je jedinstvena država na svijetu, is the only country in the world that can make koja znade okretati s pregovorima, da izgle- negotiations go such a way that it appears that da iz dana u dan da posao galopira naprijed, the day-to-day business is galloping forwards,

31 a u stvari ili da stoji sve na jednom mjestu, while matters actually are either standing still ili da umjesto ide naprijed vraća se natrag.” or going backwards.’ He also said that a nego- On kaže i da pregovarač mora posjedovati tiator must possess extensive patience, that veliku dozu strpljenja, koja će ga spasiti da would prevent him from doing anything inju- ne napravi eksces, jer nepostojanost i prevrt- dicious, because the instability and inconstancy ljivost turskih državnika nema granica. of Turkish officials had no limit.

Zbor pregovora o Negotiations on regulisanju voda Ska- regulating the water darskog jezera vojvoda levels of Lake Scutari Gavro Vuković je još brought Duke Gavro Vu- jednom boravio u Ca- ković to Constantinople rigradu, 1895. godine, again in 1895, but besides ali osim novih obeća- new promises, there were nja, nikakvog poma- no advances this time ka ni ovog puta nije around either. Besides bilo. Pored razmatra- this issue, while in Con- nja ovog pitanja, on je stantinople, he initiated u Carigradu pokrenuo another question of par- i jedno, za Crnu Goru, ticular importance for važno pitanje – pitanje Montenegro – the ques- teritorijalnih kompen- tion of territorial com- zacija. Naime, crnogor- pensation. Namely, the ski ministar inostranih Montenegrin minister djela ponudio je Porti of foreign affairs offered podršku Crne Gore za Montenegrin support to očuvanje cjelovitosti the Porte for maintain- Albanije, što je podra- ing the integrity of the zumijevalo i odricanje territory of Albania. This Crne Gore od bilo ka- Instrukcija vojvode Instructions by Duke meant that Montenegro kvih aspiracija prema Gavra Vukovića Gavro Vuković would give up any aspi-

32 ovoj oblasti, s tim što bi kao protivuslugu rations it may have had to this area, but Berane ona dobila Beranski kraj. Ova misija vojvo- and its surroundings would be granted as com- de Gavra Vukovića imala je za cilj da među pensation. This mission of Duke Gavro Vuković osmanskim zvaničnicima stvori uvjerenje o was aimed at planting the belief among Otto- zainteresovanosti Crne Gore za sporazumi- man officials that Montenegro was interested in jevanje s Portom oko budućnosti Balkana, communicating with the Porte about the future dok je u stvari služila za prikrivanje konač- of the Balkans, while it actually served to cover nog cilja crnogorske državne politike - po- up the ultimate goal of Montenegrin state pol- djele teritorija Osmanskog carstva između icy – division of the Ottoman Empire territory balkanskih nacionalnih država. amongst the Balkan nation states.

Upravo je vojvoda Gavro Vuković, u It was Duke Gavro Vuković himself who ime knjaza Nikole, bio glavni pregovarač negotiated on behalf of Prince Nikola with the sa balkanskim vladama o podjeli teritori- Balkan governments about the division of Ot- je Osmanskog carstva. Razgovori o podje- toman territory. Talks regarding the division li evorpskih teritorija Carstva vođeni su u of the Empire’s European territories were con- najvećoj tajnosti sa Srbijom i Bugarskom, a ducted in great secrecy with Serbia and Bulgaria, crnogorski ministar inostranih djela bio je and the Montenegrin minister of foreign affairs idejni tvorac zajedničkog sporazuma. Sve was the initial drafter of the joint agreement. All tri države – Crna Gora, Srbija i Bugarska, three states – Montenegro, Serbia and Bulgar- slagale su se u tome da je najpravednije da ia – agreed that the Ottoman territories in the osmanske teritorije na Balkanu budu podi- Balkans should be divided amongst those coun- jeljene između onih država i naroda kojima tries and nations they had historically belonged istorijski pripadaju, odnosno kojima su pri- to, i.e. those that they had belonged to prior to padale prije osmanskog osvajanja Balkana. Ottoman rule in the Balkans. But, how and in No, kako i na koji način izvršiti podjelu teri- what way they were to carry out the division of torija Carstva, balkanske saveznice se nijesu the Empire’s territories, was not an easy matter mogle lako dogovoriti. Svaka od njih ima- to determine for the Balkan allies. Each country la je svoje granice teritorijalnih aspiracija i had its own territorial aspirations and a sketch skicu “istorijskih teritorija” koje treba da joj of the ‘historical territories’ it should obtain, and pripadnu, i po pravilu, te se granice i skice ni as a rule, those borders and sketches did not fit

33 u čemu nijesu podudarale. “Istorijske terito- together at all. The ‘historical territories’ that a rije” koje je jedna balkanska država smatra- particular Balkan country thought of as its own la svojim, obično su obuhvatale i oblasti na usually included areas which at least one of the koje je pretendovala ona druga. I tu je do- other countries considered rightfully theirs. And lazilo do spora koji je onemogućavao posti- so, a quarrel developed that prevented them zanje sporazuma o zajedničkom uklanjanju achieving an understanding of a unified expul- Osmanskog carstva sa Balkana. sion of the Ottoman Empire from the Balkans.

Sljedujući plan spoljnopolitičke akcije Adhering to the Montenegrin foreign poli- Crne Gore o zajedničkoj akciji balkanskih cy plan for unified action by the Balkan peoples naroda protiv Osmanskog carstva, crnogor- against the Ottoman Empire, the Montenegrin ski ministar inostranih djela je u ime knja- minister of foreign affairs, on behalf of Prince

Osmansko carstvo poslije Berlinskog kongresa Ottoman Empire after the Congress of Berlin

34 za Nikole, 1896. godine, ponudio Bugarskoj Nikola, offered Bulgaria in 1896 a proposal for rad na sporazumnoj podjeli njegovih evrop- the two countries to work together on an agree- skih teritorija. Tokom posjete Sofiji, vojvo- ment determining the division of Ottoman da Gavro Vuković je predočio bugarskom territories in Europe. During a visit to Sofia, vladaru da se ovim sporazumom, kome je Duke Gavro Vuković told the Bulgarian ruler trebalo da pristupi i Srbija, jedino može that this agreement, that Serbia would have to spriječiti da velike sile na Balkanu crtaju sign too, was the only thing that could prevent granice prema svom nahođenju. Sa preci- the Great Powers from drawing the borders in zno utvrđenom linijom podjela osmanskih the Balkans according to their own will. Once a provincija – Makedonije, Stare Srbije i Al- precise line of division of the Ottoman provinc- banije, balkanske zemlje trebalo je da sače- es – Macedonia, Old Serbia and Albania – was kaju povoljan momenat za akciju. Bugarski drawn, the Balkan states would only need to vladar je ovu ideju smatrao umjesnom, ali wait for a favourable moment to act. The Bul- je crnogorskom ministru spoljnih poslova garian ruler was in favour of this idea, but he rekao da sumnja da će do sporazuma doći, told Montenegro’s foreign minister that he had navodeći kao razlog neumjerene aspiraci- doubts concerning the agreement, noting as a je Srbije. Knez Ferdinand je kao nespornu reason Serbia’s inappropriate aspirations. Duke sferu bugarskih aspiracija smatrao najveći Ferdinand considered that Macedonia – from dio Makedonije – od Skoplja do Bitolja, i Skopje to Bitola, and from Bitola to Valona on od Bitolja do Valone na Jadranu, ali je pret- the Adriatic Sea – was an undeniable territori- postavljao da Srbija nikada neće pristati da al aspiration of Bulgaria, but he supposed that Skoplje, nekadašnja prijestolnica cara Du- Serbia would never agree to cede Skopje, which šana, pripadne Bugarskoj. once was the capital under its Tsar Dušan.

Uviđajući da je sporazum nemoguć bez Seeing that an agreement was impossible pridobijanja Srbije za ovu akciju, vojvoda without convincing Serbia, Duke Gavro Vu- Gavro Vuković je otpočeo tajne pregovore sa ković began secret negotiations with the Ser- srpskom vladom. Do pregovori sa Srbijom bian government. The negotiations with Serbia o podjeli osmanskih teritorija došlo je 1896. about the divisions of the Ottoman territories godine, a crnogorski ministar je tokom pre- began in 1896, and during the negotiations govora predložio susret između srpskog i cr- the Montenegrin minister proposed a meeting

35 nogorskog vladara, koji bi trebalo da postignu between the rulers of Serbia and Montenegro, dogovor o granicama teritorijalnih aspiracija who would reach an agreement about their dvije zemlje. Njegova ideja je prihvaćena, pa countries’ territorial aspirations. His propo- je sredinom 1896. godine došlo do prvog zva- sition was accepted, and in mid-1896 the first ničnog susreta srpskog i crnogorskog vladara official meeting between the Serbian and the u Beogradu. Naredne godine srpski vladar je Montenegrin rulers took place in Belgrade. The posjetio Cetinje. following year the Serbian ruler visited Cetinje.

Tokom posjete knjaza Nikole Beogradu, During Prince Nikola’s visit to Belgrade in juna 1896, i posjete kralja Aleksandra Obre- June 1896 and King Aleksandar Obrenović’s vis- novića Cetinju, aprila 1897. godine, vojvoda it to Cetinje in April 1897, Duke Gavro Vuković Gavro Vuković vodio je pregovore sa pred- led negotiations with the president of the Serbian sjednikom srpske vlade o zajedničkoj nacio- government about joint national policy and the nalnoj politici i podjeli osmanskih provincija division of the Ottoman provinces in the Balkans. na Balkanu. Crnogorski ministar inostranih On behalf of the Prince, the Montenegrin min- djela iznio je, u ime knjaza Nikole, prijedlog ister of foreign affairs proposed that Serbia and da Srbija i Crna Gora, a sa njima i Bugarska i Montenegro, along with Bulgaria and Greece, Grčka, naprave sporazum o podjeli svih teri- form an agreement about the division of all the torija Carstva do Egejskog mora. Istovreme- territories of the Empire as far as the Aegean Sea. no, predložio je da se postigne sporazum o At the same time, he proposed an agreement on budućim granicama između Crne Gore i Sr- future borders between Montenegro and Serbia, bije, odnosno, podjeli teritorija prema istorij- i.e. the division of the territory according to the skim pravima dvije države. U svojim memoa- historical rights of the two states. In his memoirs rima navodi kakvu je podjelu predložio: “Da he described the division he had proposed: ‘To podijelimo Sandžak i Kosovski vilajet tako: divide Sanjak and the Kosovo Vilayet so that Ser- Srbiji stara Dušanova prijestolnica Skoplje, bia gets Dušan’s capital Skopje, and Montenegro Crnoj Gori Prizren. Prostor između Skoplja gets Prizren. The area between Skopje and Stru- do Struge ili Ohrida da se podijeli tako kako ga or Ohrid is to be divided in such a way as to bi granice bile što prirodnije – Sandžak po- make the borders as natural as possible – Sanjak pola, s obzirom na što prirodnije granice. Sr- split in half, bearing in mind the natural borders. bija da se raširi što je dublje moguće na jug, a Serbia to spread to the south as far as possible,

36 Crna Gora na zapadnu stranu put Adrijatika. and Montenegro to the West towards the Adri- Skadar, Drač do rijeke Skumbre Crnoj Gori, atic Sea. Skadar [Shkodra] and Drač [Durrës] to niže na jug Grčkoj, a Manastir (Bitolj) Srbiji, the River Skumbra were to be given to Monte- ostavljajući Ohrid Crnoj Gori.” No, ovi pla- negro, the area to the south to Greece, while the

Balkan na početku XX vijeka Balkans at the beginning of the 20th century

37 novi o podjeli teritorija, koji bi Crnu Goru Monastery (Bitola) should be given to Serbia, proširili do Ohrida, ubrzo su odbačeni, jer leaving Ohrid to Montenegro.’ But, these plans srpski kralj Aleksandar nije htio pristati da for territorial division, that would extend Mon- u ovoj podjeli Crnoj Gori pripadne Prizren. tenegro as far as Ohrid, were quickly rejected, Kada je to čuo, ni knjaz Nikola nije htio pri- because the Serbian King Aleksandar would not stati da se odrekne Prizrena, što je sporazum agree to cede Prizren to Montenegro, making an učinilo nemogućim. agreement impossible.

Kao ministar inostranih poslova, vojvo- As minister of foreign affairs, Duke Gavro da Gavro Vuković bio je jedan od glavnih Vuković was one of the main supporters of es- pobornika uspostavljanja dobrih odno- tablishing positive relations with Serbia, which sa sa Srbijom, koji su u XIX vijeku rijetko were rarely friendly in the 19th century. He be-

Kraljev dvor King’s Court

38 bili prijateljski. U nastojanju da se odnosi lieved that to improve relations between Serbia između dvije zemlje poprave, smatrao je za and Montenegro it was necessary for the Ser- neophodno da srpska vlada prihvati Crnu bian government to recognize Montenegro as Goru kao ravnopravnog političkog partne- an equal political partner, regardless of Serbia’s ra, bez obzira na državnu premoć Srbije, i state pre-eminence, and to accept it as a sover- da je uvaži kao suverenu državu koja ima eign state that had its historical distinctiveness. svoju istorijsku prepoznatljivost. Jednom In a word, Serbia had to view Montenegro as an riječju, da u Crnoj Gori vidi saveznika, a ne ally, and not as an inferior. During negotiations poslušnika. U razgovorima sa izaslanikom with representatives of the Serbian government, srpske vlade, crnogorski ministar inostra- the Montenegrin minister of foreign affairs said nih djela je rekao da od proglašenja Crne that ever since Montenegro had been declared a Gore za knjaževinu (1852) srpski državnici Principality (in 1852), Serbian officials had of- često omalovažavaju i ometaju njen državni ten undermined and hindered its development, razvoj, ne libeći se ni da u Crnoj Gori ogra- not hesitating to create a network of agents even nizuju agenturnu mrežu “Po unutrašnjosti in Montenegro. ‘Agents came to the central Crne Gore”, piše vojvoda Vuković, “dola- parts of Montenegro,’ wrote Duke Vuković, ‘and zili su agenti s gomilama dukata, da mite used ducats to bribe eminent Montenegrins to vrsnije Crnogorce da su pristalice Obre- become supporters of the rich Obrenović and to novića bogatog, a da se mahnu siromašnih ignore the poor of Njeguši.” The Montenegrin Njeguša.” Crnogorskog ministra ljutilo je i minister was also upset because of the offensive uvredljivo pisanje većeg dijela beogradske writing by the majority of the Belgrade press štampe o knjazu Nikoli i Crnoj Gori, pla- about Prince Nikola and Montenegro; as well siranje raznih izmišljotina i protežiranje i as about the fabrication of various untrue news materijalno pomaganje emigranata iz Crne stories, and favouritism and material support Gore koji su radili protiv svoje zemlje i svog provided to emigrants from Montenegro who vladara. Iako je smatrao da Crna Gora treba had worked against their country and their ruler. da se bori za interese cjelokupnog srpskog Although he believed that Montenegro should naroda i da radi za dobro Srbije kao za svoje fight in the interests of the entire Serbian nation dobro, vojvoda Gavro Vuković nije smtrao and work for the benefit of Serbia, just as much da “srpski osjećaji” i ljubav prema Srbiji tre- as for its own good, Duke Gavro Vuković did ba da budu iznad odanosti svojoj zemlji i not believe that ‘Serbian affiliations’ and love for

39 svom vladaru. Kada ga je srpski kralj Petar Serbia should take priority over loyalty to one’s Karađorđević jednom prilikom prekorio što own country and sovereign. When the Serbi- vjerno služi knjazu, a ne “opštesrpskim in- an King Petar Karađorđević once reprimanded teresima”, vojvoda Vuković mu je odgovo- him for serving the Prince loyally and for not rio: “Uzeti na sebe jednu ulogu kao što je serving ‘overall Serbian interests’, Duke Vuković biti ministar jednog vladara, pa nesavjesno replied: ‘To assume a role such as the minister igrati na štetu svoje domovine i vladara, a za of the sovereign, and to unconscientiously act račun ma koga drugoga, bilo bi mi ni manje to cause harm to your homeland and your rul- ni više nego izdajstvo. Stoga ne znam s ka- er, and promote anyone else’s benefit, would for kvim pravom Vi ste mogli od mene zahtije- me be nothing short of treason. Hence I do not vati da budem u jedno isto vrijeme ministar know what right you have to demand of me to moga Gospodara i agent za Vaše agitacije u be at the same time a minister of my Sovereign Srbiji.” and an agent of your agitations in Serbia.’

Iako se u odnosima između Crne Gore i Sr- Even though his goal was to ensure equality bije zalagao za po- and recognition of litičku ravnoprav- his country’s inter- nost i uvažavanje ests in its relations državnih interesa with Serbia, Duke svoje zemlje, vojvo- Gavro Vuković did da Gavro Vuković not support Mon- nije podržavao cr- tenegrin policies nogorsku politiku that would involve koja bi značila mi- interfering in Ser- ješanje u unutraš- bian internal affairs, nje stvari Srbije, particularly with posebno u dina- disputes between stičke sporove iz- the Karađorđević među Karađorđe- and Obrenović dy- vića i Obrenovića. nasties. He did not Njemu se nije do- Crnogorska zastava Flag of Montenegro like the aspirations

40 padala aspiracija knjaza Nikole na srpski pri- that Prince Nikola had to the Serbian throne, if jesto, ukoliko bi došlo do nestanka vladajuće the current dynasty were to vanish. He consid- dinastije. Takve aspiracije smatrao je megalo- ered such aspirations megalomanic and unre- manskim i nerealnim, čak smiješnim. O tome alistic, even ridiculous. He wrote about it in his u memoarima navodi: “Često puta slušao sam memoirs: ‘I often listened to how the Prince, in Knjaza, u momentima njegovog raspoloženja, his moments of good spirits and with certain sa nekim samopouzdanjem, uobražava da bi confidence, imagined that he could gain sup- on znao zadobiti Srbijance i za kratko vrije- port from Serbia and win the Serbians over to me zadobiti ih za sebe. Na takve, lakomislene, himself in no time. To such frivolous stories, I priče davao sam mu opore primjedbe: ako se would give sharp remarks: if you, my Sovereign, vi, Gospodaru, uzdate u vaše teatralne šetnje relied on your theatrical walks along Terazije po Terazijama i Kalimegdanu, sa manjim ili and Kalemegdan, in smaller or larger groups, as višim grupama, kao što ste navili po Ćipuru, if you were strolling around Ćipur, you would postali biste ne samo smiješni, već odvratni.” become not only funny, but also repugnant.’

Za vojvodu Gavra Vukovića kao crnogor- Relations with the Russian government and skog ministra inostranih djela, poseban su its diplomatic representatives were of particular značaj imali odnosi sa ruskom vladom i nje- importance to Duke Gavro Vuković as Montene- nim diplomatskim predstavnicima. Budući grin minister of foreign affairs. Since Russia was da je Rusija bila najvažniji spoljnopolitički the most important foreign political supporter oslonac Crne Gore, dobri odnosi s njom bili of Montenegro, good relations with them were su prioritet crnogorske diplomatije. Od kada the priority of Montenegrin diplomacy. Since he je došao na čelo crnogorske diplomatije, on had become the leading figure of Montenegrin je osjetio svu delikatnost svog djelovanja diplomacy, he sensed how delicate it was work- kada je u pitanju Rusija, ali i važnost koju ing with Russia, but also how important it was ona ima za državni život Crne Gore. No, če- for the life of Montenegro as a state. However, sto je Rusija, svjesna svoje moći u evropskim aware of its power on the European and global i svjetskim okvirima, svog ogromog znača- arena, its huge importance to Montenegro and ja za Crnu Goru, i još većih zasluga za njen the credit due to it for the development of Mon- državotvorni razvitak, prema crnogorskim tenegrin state, Russia often showed an air of su- ministrima znala pokazati nadmenost i ne- periority and failed to show political recognition

41 dovoljno političko uvažavanje. Crnogorskog to Montenegrin ministers. As Duke Vuković ministra inostranih djela, kako tvrdi vojvo- claimed, the Montenegrin minister of foreign da Vuković, čak je i ruski poslanik na Ceti- affairs was considered by the Russian envoys nju “smatrao za nešto sićušno i kao nekog in Cetinje ‘tiny and as if their own agent, who svog agenta, koji je po dužnosti obavezan was by duty obliged to keep them informed of držati ih u toku stvari svojih poslova, pa im his work, even to report to them, as if to his own podnositi i raporte, kao svome vladaru...” Za ruler…’ Talking about himself, he said that he sebe kaže da je u odnosu prema ruskoj diplo- had chosen a decent middle ground in his rela- matiji izbrao pristojnu sredinu: odan jedino tions with Russian diplomacy: loyal only to his svom vladaru, a prema ruskim diplomatama ruler, while towards Russian diplomats – qui- predusretljiv i povjerljiv, ali nikad servilan. et and trustworthy, but never servile. He added Dodaje i da je diplomatija “ćudljiva, zavid- that their diplomats were ‘whimsical, envious, ljiva, a često puta i pakosna”, ali je od svih and often malicious’, but that out of all the diplo- diplomatija, kada je riječ o odnosu prema matic corps, when it came to their relationships

Petrograd Saint Petersburg

42 Crnoj Gori, ipak, najćudljivija ruska. Ona se toward Montenegro, the Russians were the most i pored zvaničnih molbi da podrži rješenje whimsical. Despite official requests to support a nekog crnogorskog spoljnopolitičkog pro- resolution of some of Montenegro’s foreign poli- blema, teško odlučivala na akciju. A ukoliko cy issues, Russia was very reluctant to act. And if Crna Gora sama uspješno riješi taj problem, Montenegro managed to successfully resolve an ruska diplomatija joj je na tome čestitila, issue on its own, Russian diplomacy would con- iako nikako nije mogla da trpi “našu samo- gratulate them on it, even though it could barely stalnu radnju u spoljnoj politici”. Posebno je tolerate ‘our independent acting in foreign poli- rusko nepovjerenje izazivalo uspostavljanje tics’. Russian distrust was particularly caused by intenzivnih ekonomskih odnosa Crne Gore the establishment of intense economic relations i Italije, odnosno, ulaganje italijanskog ka- between Montenegro and Italy, in particular the pitala u razvoj industrije i saobraćajnica u investment of Italian capital into the develop- Crnoj Gori. “Ruska diplomacija”, kaže voj- ment of industry and traffic in Montenegro. ‘Rus- voda Vuković, “roptanjem, prijetnjama, ši- sian diplomacy,’ said Duke Vuković, ‘wanted, by kanerijama, htjela je zaustaviti pokret našeg grumbling, threatening and chicanery, to attempt ekonomskog preporođaja.” to stop the progress of our economic revival.’

Pored političkih planova, vojvoda Gavro Besides political plans, as minister of for- Vuković je kao ministar inostranih djela po- eign affairs, Duke Gavro Vuković attempted to kušavao da realizuje i jednu značajnu eko- implement another significant economic idea – nomsku ideju - izgradnju transbalkanske the building of a trans-Balkan railway stretching željeznice od donjeg Dunava do Jadranskog from the lower Danube to the Adriatic Sea (the mora, odnosno Bara. Svjestan ogromnog city of Bar). Aware of the huge significance that značaja koju bi transbalkanska željeznica a trans-Balkan railway would have for Monte- imala za Crnu Goru, on je o realizaciji ove negro, he negotiated the implementation of this ideje vodio pregovore sa francuskom i itali- idea with the French and Italian governments, janskom vladom, italijanskim kraljem Vik- the Italian King Vittorio Emmanuelle, as well as torom Emanuelom, kao i sa ruskim posla- the Russian envoy in Cetinje. The French and nikom na Cetinju. Francuska i italijanska the Italian sides thought this project could be of strana smatrala je da ovaj projekat može biti great economic benefit for the Balkan nations, od velike ekonomske koristi za balkanske na- particularly Montenegro. They also thought that

43 rode, a za Crnu Goru posebno, ali i politič- it could be of political benefit, since it would ke, jer eliminiše austrougarsku dominaciju eliminate Austro-Hungarian dominance of the na glavnim balkanskim komunikacijama. I main Balkan communication routes. Both the francuska i italijanska vlada iskazale su spre- French and the Italian governments showed mnost da politički i finansijski pomognu re- their readiness to politically and financially sup- alizaciju Vukovićeve ideje. Nažalost, takva port the realization of Vuković’s idea. Sadly, such podrška nije dobijena i u Petrogradu. Ruska support did not come from Saint Petersburg. vlada odbila je da pomogne ovu ideju, pla- The Russian government refused to help, fearing šeći se da bi za njeno ostvarivanje Crnogorci that, in order to implement the plan, the Mon- najprije tražili bespovratni zajam od Rusije, tenegrins might ask for a loan from Russia that ali i zbog toga što je, kako tvrdi vojvoda Ga- they would never pay back, but also because, as vro Vuković, smatrala da Crna Gora ne treba Duke Gavro Vuković claimed, Russia believed da se ekonomski razvija, već zauvijek treba Montenegro should not develop economically, da ostane patrijarhalni vojni logor. but forever remain a patriarchal military camp.

Pored ideje o transbalkanskoj željeznici, Other than the idea of the trans-Balkan rail- crnogorski ministar inostranih djela predla- way, the Montenegrin minister of foreign affairs gao je početkom had, in the early XX vijeka Srbiji 20th century, sug- zajednički rad na gested a joint proj- izgradnji jadran- ect with Serbia to ske željeznice, build an Adriatic koja bi počinjala railway, that would od Niša, a zatim start in Niš, and linijom: Mitrovi- then follow the Mi- ca - Prizren - Peć trovica–Prizren– - Plav - Gusinje - Peć–Plav–Gusin- Podgorica, jednim je–Podgorica road, krakom izlazila na have one branch Bar, a drugim na Bar početkom XX vijeka Bar at the beginning of the line going to Bar, Skadar i Medo- 20th century and another to Scu-

44 vu. No, sve srpske vlade, kako tvrdi vojvoda tari and Medova. But, all the Serbian govern- Gavro Vuković, izbjegavale su podrže njego- ments, as Duke Gavro Vuković claimed, avoided vu ideju. Pretpostavljao je da je glavni razlog declaring open support for this idea. He sup- neopravdani strah srpskih političara da bi iz- posed that the main reason was an unfounded gradnjom pruge od Niša do Bara Srbija u svo- fear among Serbian politicians that by building joj spoljnoj trgovini postala zavisna od Crne a railway from Niš to Bar, Serbia would become Gore. dependent on Montenegro in its foreign trade.

Vojvoda Gavro Vuković bio je i tvorac Duke Gavro Vuković was also the drafter of prijedloga ugovora o političkoj i vojnoj sa- a proposed agreement on political and military radnji između Crne Gore i Srbije. Nacrt cooperation between Montenegro and Serbia. ugovora nastao je 1904. godine i predviđao A draft of the agreement was drawn up in 1904 je zajednički rad Srbije i Crne Gore u zau- and proposed Serbia and Montenegro working zimanju Stare Srbije, Makedonije i Albanije, together in taking over Old Serbia, Macedonia tj. u oblastima koje su pod osmanskom vla- and Albania, i.e. those areas still under Ottoman šću. Sporazumom se predviđaju i principi na rule. The agreement also outlined the principles osnovu kojih treba izvršiti podjelu osvojenih that should be considered when dividing the teritorija, pri čemu treba voditi računa da in- conquered territories, while also making sure teresi i aspiracije Bugarske ovom podjelom Bulgaria’s interests and aspirations were not ne budu ugrožene. Predlogom ugovora Srbi- jeopardized in this division of territories. The ja i Crna Gora treba da postignu saglasnost o agreement also outlined that Serbia and Monte- odbijanju miješanja drugih država u podjelu negro should reach an understanding about pre- teritorija Osmanskog carstva na koje imaju venting the participation of any other countries istorijsko i etničko pravo, kao i da samostal- in the division of the Ottoman Empire’s territo- no pristupe rješavanju albanskog pitanja. ries that they had a historical and ethnic right Nacrt ugovora koji je predložio crnogorski to, as well as about dealing with the Albanian ministar inostranih poslova, i koji je pred- question on their own. The draft of the agree- viđao veću samostalnost balkanskih država ment proposed by the Montenegrin minister of u nacionalnoj politici, kao i srpsko-bugar- foreign affairs envisaged greater independence ski sporazum oko podjele teritorija, srpska of the Balkan states in their national policies, as vlada je odbacila smatrajući da je, s jedne well as an agreement between Serbia and Bul-

45 strane, nekorektan prema Rusiji, kojoj treba garia concerning the division of territory. The dati pravo da arbitrira u balkanskim pitanji- Serbian government rejected the draft because ma, a s druge, da je previše korektan prema they felt, on the one hand, that it was unfair to Bugarskoj, koju je trebalo ostaviti bez dijela Russia, which should be given the right to arbi- Makedonije. Rad na sklapanju ovog ugovora, trate in Balkan matters, and, on the other hand, tokom 1904. godine, bio je jedan od posljed- that it was too accommodating to Bulgaria, njih diplomatskih zadataka vojvode Gavra which should not be granted part of Macedonia. Vukovića kao ministra inostranih djela Kn- The work on drafting this contract during 1904 jaževine Crne Gore. was one of the last diplomatic tasks that Duke Gavro Vuković worked on as minister of foreign affairs of the Principality of Montenegro.

Kada je decembra 1905. godine Crna When Montenegro got its first constitution Gora dobila svoj prvi ustav, postavši ustavna in December 1905 and became a constitutional

Zakletva vojvode Gavra Vukovića The Oath of Duke Gavro Vuković

46 i parlamentarna monarhija, dotadašnja vlada and parliamentary monarchy, the incumbent koju je na osnovu lične volje formirao vla- government, that had been formed by the ruler dar, okončala je svoju misiju. Tako je vojvoda on the basis of his will, ended its mandate. Thus Gavro Vuković završio svoj mandat ministra Duke Gavro Vuković ended his mandate as inostranih poslova. Poslije odlaska sa mini- minister of foreign affairs. At that time Prince starske funkcije, knjaz Nikola ga je imenovao Nikola entrusted him with the office of Presi- za predsjednika Državnog savjeta Knjaževine dent of the State Council of the Principality of Crne Gore, najviše administrativne instituci- Montenegro, which was the highest adminis- je u zemlji. Predsjednik Državnog savjeta bio trative function in the country. He remained je do 1907. godine, kada se zbog političkog in that position until 1907, when he had to neslaganja s knjazom, odnosno pripadnosti withdraw because of political disagreements opozicionom pokretu, morao povući iz ove with the Prince, which came about because he institucije. joined the opposition movement.

Nakon prvih parlamentarnih izbora u Kn- Following the first parliamentary elections jaževini Crnoj Gori, koji su održani septembra in the Principality of Montenegro held in 1906. godine, formiran je prvi crnogorski parla- September 1906, the first Montenegrin Parlia- ment. Među njegovim poslanicima bio je i voj- ment was formed. Duke Gavro Vuković was voda Gavro Vuković, koga je kao predsjednika one of its members. As President of the State Državnog savjeta sljedovalo poslaničko mjesto Council, he was automatically granted a seat u Crnogorskoj narodnoj skupštini na osnovu in the Montenegrin national assembly. Duke funkcije koju je imao u državnoj upravi. Vojvo- Vuković became a so-called minister plenipo- da Vuković bio je tzv. virilni poslanik. Ali, u Cr- tentiary. In the Montenegrin national assem- nogorskoj narodnoj skupštini vojvoda Vuković bly, he quickly joined a group that opposed se ubrzo svrstao u grupu protivnika knjaza Ni- Prince Nikola, thus becoming a member of kole, postavši član poslaničkog kluba iz koga će the political movement that would grow into izrasti Narodna stranka, prva opoziciona parti- the People’s Party, the first opposition party in ja u Crnoj Gori. Kada je početkom 1907. godi- Montenegro. When, in early 1907, the People’s ne formirana Narodna stranka, vojvoda Gavro Party was formed, Duke Gavro Vuković was Vuković bio je jedan od potpisnika njenog pro- one of the signatories to its programme. It was grama. Između crnogorskog vladara i njegovog a time of conflicts and the split between the

47 dugogodišnjeg ministra inostranih djela tada je Montenegrin ruler and his long-time minis- došlo do sukoba i prekida njihovih ličnih veza. ter of foreign affairs.

Kao ličnost nespornog autoriteta, i zasi- As a figure of undisputable authority, and gurno jedna od najznačajnijih političkih fi- certainly one of the most important political per- gura epohe knjaza i kralja Nikole, vojvoda sonalities of the epoch of Prince, and later King,

Vladarska porodica Petrović-Njegoš Royal family Petrović-Njegoš

48 Gavro Vuković je u vrijeme parlamentarnih Nikola, Duke Gavro Vuković provided strong borbi početkom XX vijeka predstavljao sna- support to the opposition movement at the time žan oslonac opozicionom pokretu. Mno- of parliamentary struggles in the early 20th gi mlađi pripadnici ovog pokreta, posebno century. Many younger members of this move- Marko Daković, nalazili su u njemu savjetni- ment, in particular Marko Daković, saw him as ka i zaštitnika, iako ne i istomišljenika kada an adviser and a protector, although he did not je u pitanju način bobre protiv crnogorskog agree with them when it came to the manner of režima i odnos prema vladaru. Vojvoda Ga- fighting against the Montenegrin regime and to vro Vuković nije bio pristalica nasilne smje- their attitude towards the ruler. Duke Gavro Vu- ne crnogorskog vladara, pogotovo ne bom- ković was not a supporter of the violent replace- bama i oružanom pobunom, niti je htio da ment of the Montenegrin ruler, especially not by u dnevnopolitičkoj borbi osporava velike means of bombs and an armed uprising, nor did Gospodareve zasluge za Crnu Gori i njegovo he wish to deny the ruler’s credit for what he had političko umijeće. On je bio njegov politički done for Montenegro or his political skills in the protivnik, ali ne i njegov lični neprijatelj. day-to-day political struggle. He was his politi- cal opponent, but not his personal enemy.

Kao član Narodne stranke vojvoda Gavro As a member of the People’s Party, Duke Gav- Vuković bio je poslanik u Skupštini i u nje- ro Vuković had a seat in the last convocation of nom posljednjem sazivu, 1914. godine. Od iz- Montenegrin Parliament in 1914. From the start bijanja Prvog svjetskog rata, u kome je od av- of the First World War that Montenegro partic- gusta 1914. učestvovala i Crna Gora, zalagao ipated in from August 1914, he advocated more se za više političke promišljenosti prilikom political forethought when rendering major de- donošenja krupnih odluka, a manje nacio- cisions, and less national romanticism and zeal. nalnog romantizma i zanosa. Kada je tokom When, in 1915, it became clear that Montenegro 1915. godine postalo izvjesno da Crnoj Gori would face hard times, Gavro Vuković proposed a predstoje teški dani, on je na sjednici Skupšti- separate peace agreement with Austria-Hungary ne (decembra 1915.) predlagao sklapanje se- in the Parliament session held in December 1915. paratnog mira sa Austrougarskom, što je veći- The majority of the members of Parliament con- na poslanika ocijenila kao akt izdaje i predlog sidered this an act of treason and a suggestion not nedostojan nacionalne časti Crne Gore. worthy of the national honour of Montenegro.

49 Kada je januara 1916. godine Crna Gora When the Austro-Hungarian army occu- okupirana od austrougarske vojske, mnogi po- pied Montenegro in January 1916, many sup- bornici rata sa moćnom carevinom, napustili porters of war against the powerful empire left su Crnu Goru. Vojvoda Gavro Vuković ostao Montenegro. Duke Gavro Vuković stayed in je na Cetinju. Odmah je uspostavio kontakt Cetinje. He immediately made contact with sa prvim čovjekom austrougarske okupacione the head of the Austro-Hungarian occupa- vlasti u Crnoj Gori, pokušavajući da dopri- tion government in Montenegro, attempting nese snošljivijem sistemu uprave. Smatrajući to contribute to a more bearable system of ad- da je za crnogorsko stanovništvo najbolje da ministration. Believing that in such hard times

Crnogorska vojska u Prvom svjetskom ratu Montenegrin Army in the First World War

50 u ovim teškim vremenima pokaže lojalnost it was the best for the Montenegrin population novoj vlasti, protivio se oružanom otporu koji to show loyalty to the new government, he was bi, u tadašnjim prilikama, više štete nanio ne- against any armed uprising which would, in borbenom stanovništvu nego okupatoru. To- the given circumstances, cause more harm to kom okupacije vojvoda Gavro Vuković je čak the unarmed population than to the occupiers. nekoliko puta intervenisao kod austrougar- During the occupation, Duke Gavro Vuković skih vlasti da se iz internacije vrate crnogorski even intervened several times with the Aus- državljani. tro-Hungarian government to bring Montene- grin citizens back from internment.

Napori vojvode Gavra Vukovića da sara- Gavro Vuković’s efforts to cooperate with the đujući sa okupacijskim vlastima ublaži nevo- occupiers in order to ease the plight and avoid lje i stradanja civilnog stanovništva, ponekad the deaths of the civil population were sometimes su nakon rata osuđivani kao oblik saradnje s adjudged a form of collaboration with the occu- okupatorom. Na takve optužbe obično je uz- pier. To such accusations he usually responded vraćao riječima - da sve što je radio, nije radio saying that everything he had done, he had done zbog sebe, nego zbog drugih. Izgleda da je i not for himself, but for others. It appeared that nova država koja je stvorena 1918. godine na the new state created in 1918 took the same view takav način tumačila njegovo djelovanje to- of his activities during the Austro-Hungarian oc- kom austrougarske okupacije, pa ga je imeno- cupation, and thus named him the fully autho- vala opunomoćenim poslanikom Kraljevine rized envoy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and SHS u Carigradu. Ovaj gest imao je isključivo Slovenes in Constantinople. However, this was politički i simbolički značaj, tako da je ubrzo more a gesture of political and symbolic signifi- nakon imenovanja penzionisan u rangu mini- cance, and soon after being appointed he retired stra-rezidenta. to the rank of minister resident.

Stvaranje zajedničke jugoslovenske dr- Duke Gavro Vuković did not welcome the žave, vojvoda Gavro Vuković nije dočekao creation of the unified Yugoslav state with un- kao bezrezervni pobornik rada i odluka Po- reserved support for the work and decisions of dgoričke skupštine. Iako je u vrijeme knja- the Podgorica Assembly. Even though he was a za i kralja Nikole bio poslanik opozicione member of the opposition People’s Party during

51 Narodne stranke, on je smatrao da dinasti- the time of Prince, and later King, Nikola, he be- ja Petrović Njegoš nije zaslužila poniženje lieved that the Petrović Njegoš dynasty did not koje su joj nanijeli tzv. ujedinitelji, niti da deserve the humiliation it endured from the so- Crna Gora treba da uđe u zajedničku dr- called unifiers. He also believed that Montenegro žavu kao jedan od srpskih okruga, umjesto should not have joined the joint state as a district kao viševjekovna nezavisna država. Zbog of Serbia. He thought that Montenegro should neslaganja sa potpunim potiranjem crno- have been treated as a sovereign state, which it gorske državne posebnosti, vojvoda Gavro had been for centuries. Since he did not agree

Kralj Nikola King Nikola

52 Vuković je 1920. godine prihvatio da bude with the absolute denial of Montenegrin state- nosilac izborne liste u Crnoj Gori, koja je hood, in 1920 Duke Gavro Vuković accepted to okupljala buduće članove Crnogorske fede- become the leader of the list of candidates in the ralističke stranke. Potpisnici liste na čijem elections that gathered future members of the je čelu bio vojvoda Gavro Vuković, zastupali Montenegrin Federalist Party. The signatories su stanovnište da Crna Gora u novoj državi to the list, with Duke Gavro Vuković being the ne smije biti dio Srbije, već jedan od njenih most prominent among them, held the view that, sastavnih činilaca. Ovakvi politički stavovi in the new state, Montenegro could not and must nijesu bili posljedica nezadovoljstva ličnim not be a part of Serbia, but one of the constituent statusom u novoj državi, već uvjerenja da je members of the new state. These political atti- ona ustrojena na način koji je čini nestabil- tudes were not motivated by him being unhappy nom i neodrživom. Poslije ovog angažmana with his own personal status in the new coun- vojvoda Gavro Vuković povlači se iz politič- try, but by his conviction that the new state had kog života, čime se završava njegova politič- been set up in such a way that would render it ka karijera, koja unstable and un- je trajala više od sustainable. After četiri decenije. this engagement, Duke Gavro Vu- ković withdrew Posljednje go- from political life dine života voj- and ended a po- voda Gavro Vu- litical career that ković proveo je had lasted for over u Beranama, ži- four decades. vjeći povučeno i skromno. Upravo Duke Gav- tih godina u Be- ro Vuković spent ranama je učio his final years in gimnaziju Milo- Berane, leading

Kuća vojvode Gavra Vukovića u Beranama House of Duke Gavro Vuković in Berane

53 van Đilas, revolucionar i kasnije najpoznatiji a secluded and modest life. At that time, Milo- komunistički disident, koji je o nekadašnjem van Đilas, the revolutionary and later the best- knjaževom ministru inostranih djela ostavio known communist dissident, was attending the zanimljivo svjedočanstvo. U knjizi “Besudna grammar school in the same town. He left an zemlja”, Đilas kaže: “Vojvoda Gavro je živio interesting testimony about the former minis- ka vrhu varoši. Njegova nova kuća, u kojoj ter of foreign affairs. In his book ‘Land without je i stanovao, tek ako je bila gotova... Bio je Justice’, Đilas says: ‘Duke Gavro lived in the up- niskog srednjeg rasta, već star i oslabio. Tih per part of the town. The new house where he i mio čovjek, kojemu nije bilo, što se kaže, lived was barely finished… He was short to me- zazorno ni s djetetom da progovori. Uprkos dium in stature, already old and weakened. The tom povučenom držanju, bilo je kod njega quiet and kind gentleman respected adults and utoliko više nečeg dostojanstvenog i na dla- children equally in his conversation. Despite ku odmjerenog. Držao je do svakog pokreta i his secluded behaviour and his modesty, there svake riječi. Vidjelo se na njemu da je iz gla- was something about him that showed dignity varskih kuća trebalo da se odnjeguje plem- and a sense of balance. Every gesture and every stvo... Prije podne vojvoda Gavro nikada nije move he made was thoughtful. You could see by izlazio. Ali je kasno popodne uvijek kretao u looking at him that it took a family of leaders to šetnju, s polucilindrom i u crnim naočarima. raise a nobleman… Duke Gavro never went out Išao je lagano kao da pipa štapom – niz ulicu, in the morning. But he always went for walks in pa dalje k starom manastiru... Vojvoda se, što the late afternoon, with a bowler hat and dark se brže primicao smrti, sve žudnije spajao s glasses… He walked slowly, as if he was feeling prošlošću – trebalo da bude veliko nevrijeme his way with a cane – down the street, and fur- pa da on ne prošeta k manastiru. U mrak bi ther towards the old monastery… The older he se vratio. A noću je dugo tinjala lampa iza za- got, the more enthusiastically he would connect vjese na njegovu prozoru. Vojvoda je čitao ili with the past – and only a serious storm would pisao svoje uspomene. Živio je od sjećanja, prevent him from walking to the monastery. He čekajući smrt.” would not come back until dark. And at night, for a long time, a lamp would glow behind the curtain in his window. The duke would read or would be writing his memoirs. He lived from his memories, waiting for death.’

54 Posljednjih godina života vojvoda Gavro During the last years of his life, Duke Gavro Vuković je intenzivno pisao memoare, koji Vuković intensively wrote his memoirs, pre- su ponajmanje lično sjećanje na jedno vrije- senting an era and events, less as a personal me i događaje, a više pokušaj da se napravi recollection and much more as an overview of pregled spoljne politike Crne Gore u periodu Montenegro’s foreign policy at the time when kada je bio na čelu crnogorske diplomatije. To he was head of Montenegrin diplomacy. His potvrđuje i činjenica da memoirs are largely su memoari najvećim based on original doc- dijelom utemeljeni na uments that he had in originalnim dokumen- his personal archive. He tima koja su dio lične started with a descrip- arhive vojvode Gavra tion of the events that Vukovića. Memoari po- led to the Montenegrin– činju opisom događaja Ottoman war in 1876– koji su bili uvod u cr- 1878, and continued nogorsko-osmanski rat with an overview of the 1876-1878. godine, za- most important events tim pregledom najvaž- of the war. He provid- nijih ratnih dešavanja, ed a description of the a nakon toga posveće- process of demarcation ni su dešavanjima oko between Montenegro razgraničenja između and the Ottoman Em- Crne Gore i Osmanskog pire and Montenegro’s carstva i političkim od- political relations with nosima Crne Gore sa the Balkan states and balkanskim državama i the Great Powers. Of velikim silama. Od po- special historiographi- sebnog istoriografskog cal significance are the značaja su i poglavlja chapters describing sev-

Italijanska kraljica Jelena Jelena, Queen of Italy

55 o pojedinim delikatnim diplomatskim misi- eral delicate diplomatic missions that Duke jama vojvode Gavra Vukovića, koje su imale Gavro Vuković undertook and that had partic- poseban značaj za međunarodnu afirmaci- ular importance for the international recogni- ju Crne Gore. Jedno poglavlje “Memoara” tion of Montenegro. One chapter of ‘Memoirs’ posvećeno je rješavanju spora između Crne was dedicated to the resolution of the dispute Gore i Osmasnkog carstva povodom spora between Montenegro and the Ottoman Em- oko predaje Plava, Gusinja i Ulcinja 1878. do pire over the surrender of Plav, Gusinje and 1880. godine. Zatim je ukazao na okolnosti Ulcinj from 1878 to 1880. Gavro Vuković also koje su uticale na dolazak izbjegle srpske di- described the circumstances that affected the nastije Karađorđevića u Crnu Goru, žendibu arrival of the fleeing Karađorđević dynasty in kneza Petra Karađorđevića princezom Zor- Montenegro and their relationship with Prince kom Petrović Njegoš, kao i na političku dje- Nikola. Another chapter of ‘Memoirs’ deals latnost Karađorđevića i njihove odnose sa with the topic of the marriage between the knjazom Nikolom. Jedno poglavlje “Memo- Montenegrin Princess Jelena and the Italian ara” odnosi se na udadbu princeze Jelene za heir to the throne and with the political impli- italijanskog prestolonasljednika i poliička tu- cations of this marriage. Duke Gavro Vuković mačenja tog događaja. Opisane su i najvažnije also described his most important diplomatic diplomatske misije vojvode Gavra Vukovića, missions, the visits of Prince Nikola to Serbia posjete knjaza Nikole Srbiji i kralja Aleksan- and of King Aleksandar Obrenović to Monte- dra Obrenovića Crnoj Gori, značajni događaji negro, as well as the significant events in dip- iz diplomatskih odnosa Crne Gore sa velikim lomatic relations between Montenegro and silama, a posebno sa Rusijom. Jedno poglavlje the Great Powers, especially Russia. Another odnosi se na diplomatsku akciju za dobijanje chapter concerns the diplomatic activities re- međunarodne saglasnosti za povišenje vla- lated to obtaining international consent to up- darske titulu knjaza Nikole, povodom četiri grade the ruling title of Prince Nikola, on the decenije vladavine. Značajno je i Vukovićevo occasion of the fortieth anniversary of his rule. svjedočenje o posjeti knjaza Nikole sultanu The memoirs also contain Vuković’s account Abdul Hamidu, odnosima Srbije i Crne Gore of Prince Nikola’s visit to Sultan Abdul Hamid, na početku XX vijeka, kao i povratku dinastije of relations between Serbia and Montenegro in Karađorđević na vlast u Srbiji. the early 20th century, and of the return of the Karađorđević dynasty to power in Serbia.

56 Djelovi obimnih memoara vojvode Gavra Parts of Duke Gavro Vuković’s extensive Vukovića, koji imaju u rukopisu više od hilja- memoirs, constituting over a thousand pag- du strana, publikovani su još za vojvodinog es of manuscripts, were published during his života. Jedno poglavlje memoara najprije je lifetime. One chapter was published first in objavljeno 1927. godine u cetinjskom časo- 1927 in the Cetinje journal ‘Records’ (Zapisi). pisu “Zapisi”. Od 1927. do 1932. objavljen The largest part of the memoirs was published je u posebnim knjigama njihov najveći dio, between 1927 and 1932 in separate volumes, a prvo kompletno izdanje memoara publi- while the first complete edition was not pub- kovano je tek 1985. godine u tri knjige. Isto- lished until 1985 when it appeared in three ričari su odmah prepoznali da su memoari volumes. Historians immediately recognized izuzetno značajni kao istorijski izvor za isto- how important the memoirs were as a source riju crnogorske diplomatije i spoljnu politiku of information about the history of Monte- Crne Gore poslije Berlinskog kongresa. Po- negrin diplomacy and Montenegrin foreign red toga, memoari policy after the imaju vrijednost Berlin Congress. za izučavanje cr- Besides that, the nogorskog druš- memoirs are of tva, političke kul- value for studies of ture i menaliteta, Montenegrin so- jer je pišući o naj- ciety, its political važnijim spoljno- culture and men- političkim dešava- tality, because, in njima i odnosima writing about sig- autor ukazao i na nificant events and unutrašnjopoli- relations in foreign tičke i društvene politics, the author okolnosti koje su also described the spoljne odnose situation on the Crne Gore imale domestic political

Memoari Gavra Vukovića Memoirs of Gavro Vuković

57 znatnijeg uticaja. Mnogi djelovi memoara scene and the social circumstances that had mogu se smatrati sasvim pouzdanim, jer su an immense influence on Montenegro’s rela- pisani na osnovu službenih izvora. Imajući tions with other countries. Many parts of the u vidu činjenicu da su pisani poslije 1918. memoirs can be considered completely reli- godine, u vrijeme kada je kralj Nikola bio able, since they are based on official sources. predmetom osporavanja i diskreditacije, po- Bearing in mind the fact they were written sebno je važno primjetiti da je vojvoda Ga- after 1918, at the time when King Nikola was vro Vuković sačuvao mjeru objektivnosti being impugned and discredited, it is par- prema vladaru čiji je ministar bio. Zasigurno ticularly important to note that Duke Gav- i to dosta govori o moralnom profilu vojvode ro Vuković maintained a level of objectivity Gavra Vukovića. towards the ruler under whom he served as minister. That certainly speaks volumes about Duke Gavro Vuković’s morality.

Vojvoda Gavro Vuković umro je 29. jula Duke Gavro Vuković died on 29 July 1928 1928. godine u Beranama, a sahranjen je kod in Berane and was buried next to Đurđevi manastira Đurđevi Stupovi. Odmah nakon Stupovi monastery. The first historiographi- smrti, pojavile su se prve istoriografske ocje- cal evaluations of his diplomatic and political ne njegovog diplomatskog i političkog djelo- activity came immediately after his death. All vanja, koje su upućivale na zaključak da je ri- of them said that he was one of the most sig- ječ o jednoj od najznačajnijih ličnosti u istoriji nificant figures in the history of Montenegro. Crne Gore. Što su kasnija istorijska izučava- As later historical research on 19th - and 20th nja prošlosti Crne Gore XIX i XX vijeka bi- - century Montenegro got deeper and more vala dublja i svestranija, to je i sud o njegovoj varied, evaluations of his political role be- političkoj ulozi bio sve utemeljeniji, a zasluge came even more firmly based and his merits uočljivije. Sam vojvoda Vuković je u memoa- even more appreciated. Duke Vuković him- rima napisao da o svim događajima i istorij- self wrote in his memoirs that historic events skim ličnostima treba suditi i presuđivati na and figures should be judged based on the osnovu okolnosti i mjerila njihovog vremena, circumstances and the criteria of their time, a ne prema mjerilima i okolnostima savreme- and not according to the contemporary cri- nosti. No, presuđivali o njegovim zaslugama i teria and circumstances. Yet, no matter what

58 značaju na osnovu mjerila njegovog ili našeg criteria we take, those of his time or those of vremena, istoriografski sud o vojvodi Gavru ours, opinions on Duke Gavro Vuković agree Vukoviću danas je uglavnom ujednačen - on at least on one thing – that he is one of the se ubraja u najznačajnije političke ličnosti no- most important political figures in Montene- vovjekovne istorije Crne Gore. gro’s recent history.

Vojvoda Gavro Vuković Duke Gavro Vuković

59 Crna Gora 1913. Montenegro 1913.

60 Izvještaj crnogorskog konzula Report by the Montenegrin consul u Skadru to Scutari (Shkodra)

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