Chapter One the Philosopher and the Press
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Annual Report
COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS ANNUAL REPORT July 1,1996-June 30,1997 Main Office Washington Office The Harold Pratt House 1779 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. 58 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10021 Washington, DC 20036 Tel. (212) 434-9400; Fax (212) 861-1789 Tel. (202) 518-3400; Fax (202) 986-2984 Website www. foreignrela tions. org e-mail publicaffairs@email. cfr. org OFFICERS AND DIRECTORS, 1997-98 Officers Directors Charlayne Hunter-Gault Peter G. Peterson Term Expiring 1998 Frank Savage* Chairman of the Board Peggy Dulany Laura D'Andrea Tyson Maurice R. Greenberg Robert F Erburu Leslie H. Gelb Vice Chairman Karen Elliott House ex officio Leslie H. Gelb Joshua Lederberg President Vincent A. Mai Honorary Officers Michael P Peters Garrick Utley and Directors Emeriti Senior Vice President Term Expiring 1999 Douglas Dillon and Chief Operating Officer Carla A. Hills Caryl R Haskins Alton Frye Robert D. Hormats Grayson Kirk Senior Vice President William J. McDonough Charles McC. Mathias, Jr. Paula J. Dobriansky Theodore C. Sorensen James A. Perkins Vice President, Washington Program George Soros David Rockefeller Gary C. Hufbauer Paul A. Volcker Honorary Chairman Vice President, Director of Studies Robert A. Scalapino Term Expiring 2000 David Kellogg Cyrus R. Vance Jessica R Einhorn Vice President, Communications Glenn E. Watts and Corporate Affairs Louis V Gerstner, Jr. Abraham F. Lowenthal Hanna Holborn Gray Vice President and Maurice R. Greenberg Deputy National Director George J. Mitchell Janice L. Murray Warren B. Rudman Vice President and Treasurer Term Expiring 2001 Karen M. Sughrue Lee Cullum Vice President, Programs Mario L. Baeza and Media Projects Thomas R. -
Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit?
The “Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit? A Master’s Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Hornstein Jewish Professional Leadership Program Professors Ellen Smith and Jonathan Krasner Ph.D., Advisors In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Leah Robbins May 2020 Copyright by Leah Robbins 2020 Acknowledgements This thesis was made possible by the generous and thoughtful guidance of my two advisors, Professors Ellen Smith and Jonathan Krasner. Their content expertise, ongoing encouragement, and loving pushback were invaluable to the work. This research topic is complex for the Jewish community and often wrought with pain. My advisors never once questioned my intentions, my integrity as a researcher, or my clear and undeniable commitment to the Jewish people of the past, present, and future. I do not take for granted this gift of trust, which bolstered the work I’m so proud to share. I am also grateful to the entire Hornstein community for making room for me to show up in my fullness, and for saying “yes” to authentically wrestle with my ideas along the way. It’s been a great privilege to stretch and grow alongside you, and I look forward to continuing to shape one another in the years to come. iii ABSTRACT The “Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit? A thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Brandeis University Waltham, Massachusetts By Leah Robbins Fascination with the famed “Black-Jewish coalition” in the United States, whether real or imaginary, is hardly a new phenomenon of academic interest. -
Power and the Idealists: Or, the Passion of Joschka Fischer and Its Aftermath by Paul Berman, Soft Skull Press, 2005, 311 Pp
Power and the Idealists: Or, The Passion of Joschka Fischer and its Aftermath by Paul Berman, Soft Skull Press, 2005, 311 pp. Philip Spencer Paul Berman’s latest book is remarkable. It is partly a collective biography, partly a work of contemporary history, and partly a political essay and argument about what has happened to the radical left over the past 30 years. It examines political and ethical issues of the utmost seriousness and challenges all of us on the left at the deepest level. It is also, one has to say, an extraordinarily well-written book, and hard to put down once you have started. Some of this has to do with the cast of characters that Berman assembles, all of whom committed themselves in various ways to the radical cause in their youth, and who have largely never given up on these commitments, even as they have had to come to terms with disappointment, dismay and, let it be said, betrayal, not least by many of their erstwhile comrades. Berman describes – in prose worthy of a novelist – the political odyssey of many of the 68’ers ‘from radical leftism to liberal anti-totalitarianism.’ Yet Berman is not engaged in hagiography. He shows how each has made mistakes and had to learn (often the hard way). They have argued with each other and with themselves at almost every stage, sometimes losing friends in the process, exposing themselves to vilification and abuse, their motives as much as their judgements impugned. And it is with the question of motive that Berman’s account really commences. -
Reverse Breakthrough: the Dutch Connection Hent De Vries
Reverse Breakthrough: The Dutch Connection Hent de Vries SAIS Review of International Affairs, Volume 37, Number 1S, Supplement 2017, pp. S-89-S-103 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/sais.2017.0017 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/673244 Access provided by JHU Libraries (20 Oct 2017 20:37 GMT) Reverse Breakthrough: The Dutch Connection Hent de Vries Introduction uring and immediately after World War II, the Dutch term doorbraak D(breakthrough) became a spiritual rallying cry for political renewal in the Netherlands.1 It designated the then decidedly progressive idea that religious faith should no longer exclusively, or even primarily, determine one’s political views and affiliations with political parties. Its ambition, first formulated by a group of functionaries who were taken hostage by the German occupation in Sint Michielsgestel, was to convince open-minded Roman Catholic and Protes- tants to join forces with social and liberal democrats and religious socialists to form one broad political party. Such a broad coalition of forces seemed neces- sary during the postwar period of wederopbouw (reconstruction); economic recovery and social consensus was imperative but a multitude of national wounds also required healing. The term doorbraak was used in the concluding lines of a speech by Wil- lem Banning in February 1946, at the founding congress of the Dutch Labor Party (Partij van de Arbeid, PvdA), when it joined the members of several parties that had been dissolved the day before: the Social Democratic Workers’ Party (Sociaal-democratische Arbeiderspartij, SDAP), the Liberal-Democratic Union (Vrijzinnig-Democratische Bond, VDB), and the Christian Democratic Union (Christelijk-Democratische Unie, CDU). -
Political Islam: a 40 Year Retrospective
religions Article Political Islam: A 40 Year Retrospective Nader Hashemi Josef Korbel School of International Studies, University of Denver, Denver, CO 80208, USA; [email protected] Abstract: The year 2020 roughly corresponds with the 40th anniversary of the rise of political Islam on the world stage. This topic has generated controversy about its impact on Muslims societies and international affairs more broadly, including how governments should respond to this socio- political phenomenon. This article has modest aims. It seeks to reflect on the broad theme of political Islam four decades after it first captured global headlines by critically examining two separate but interrelated controversies. The first theme is political Islam’s acquisition of state power. Specifically, how have the various experiments of Islamism in power effected the popularity, prestige, and future trajectory of political Islam? Secondly, the theme of political Islam and violence is examined. In this section, I interrogate the claim that mainstream political Islam acts as a “gateway drug” to radical extremism in the form of Al Qaeda or ISIS. This thesis gained popularity in recent years, yet its validity is open to question and should be subjected to further scrutiny and analysis. I examine these questions in this article. Citation: Hashemi, Nader. 2021. Political Islam: A 40 Year Keywords: political Islam; Islamism; Islamic fundamentalism; Middle East; Islamic world; Retrospective. Religions 12: 130. Muslim Brotherhood https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12020130 Academic Editor: Jocelyne Cesari Received: 26 January 2021 1. Introduction Accepted: 9 February 2021 Published: 19 February 2021 The year 2020 roughly coincides with the 40th anniversary of the rise of political Islam.1 While this trend in Muslim politics has deeper historical and intellectual roots, it Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral was approximately four decades ago that this subject emerged from seeming obscurity to with regard to jurisdictional claims in capture global attention. -
The Prisoner Intellectuals
Published on The New Republic (http://www.tnr.com) The Prisoner Intellectuals • Paul Berman • May 5, 2010 | 6:34 pm Koestler: The Literary and Political Odyssey of a Twentieth Century Skeptic By Michael Scammell (Random House, 689 pp., $40) I. The opening pages of Arthur Koestler’s Darkness at Noon are thrilling to read. In a very few sentences, Koestler managed to wrap his arms around one of the huge and mysterious philosophical master-themes of the last two centuries, and, in a muscular feat of poetic compression, to reduce his giant theme to a handful of simple images: The cell door slammed behind Rubashov. He remained leaning against the door for a few seconds, and lit a cigarette. On the bed to his right lay two fairly clean blankets, and the straw mattress looked newly filled. The wash-basin to his left had no plug, but the trap functioned. The can next to it had been freshly disinfected, it did not smell. The walls on both sides were of solid brick, which would stifle the sound of tapping, but where the heating and drain pipe penetrated it, it had been plastered and resounded quite well; besides, the heating pipe itself seemed to be noise-conducting. The window started at eye- level. And Rubashov observes the vista beyond the window bars: the snow, the moon, the Milky Way, a marching sentry, the yellow light of electric lanterns. You will remember that Rubashov is a hardened militant of the Communist revolution. In the old days, when he was a high-ranking commissar, he used to enforce Communist discipline on the party rank-and-file in different parts of the world, in the interest of the Soviet Union. -
Camus' Catch: How Democracies Can Defeat Totalitarian Political Islam
Camus’ Catch: How democracies can defeat Totalitarian Political Islam Alan Johnson Editor’s Note: This is a version of a speech given at a conference organised by MedBridge Strategy Center, Camus: Moral Clarity in an Age of Terror, in Paris, 25 February, 2006. …the Cold War was fought with not only weapons that were military or intelligence based; it was fought through newspapers, journals, culture, the arts, literature. It was fought not just through governments but through foundations, trusts, civil society and civic organisations. Indeed we talked of a cultural Cold War – a Cold War of ideas and values – and one in which the best ideas and values eventually triumphed. And it is by power of argument, by debate and by dialogue that we will, in the long term, expose and defeat this extremist threat and we will have to argue not just against terrorism and terrorists but openly argue against the violent perversion of a peaceful religious faith. it is … necessary to take these ideas head on – a global battle for hearts and minds, and that will mean debate, discussion and dialogue through media, culture, arts, and literature. And not so much through governments, as through civil society and civic culture – in partnership with moderate Muslims and moderates everywhere – as globally we seek to isolate extremists from moderates. (Gordon Brown, British Chancellor of the Exchequer, February 13 2006) I speak today from the democratic left and, mainly, about the left. But I am seeking interlocutors from, and alliances with, the much wider set of democratic and liberal traditions represented at this conference. -
An Artist's Murder: Critical Reflections on the Relationship Between
Pakistan Journal of Criminology Vol. 9, Issue 2, April 2017 (89-101) An Artist’s Murder: Critical Reflections on the Relationship between Contemporary Art and Muslim Political Sensibility Syed Sami Raza* Abstract In 2004 a young Dutch Muslim murdered a famous Dutch artist and film director, Van Gogh, in Amsterdam, Netherlands. The murder provoked an intense wave of propaganda against Muslims and Islam in Europe, particularly in the Netherland. The outburst of propaganda demonstrated how one single incidence of criminal act by a relatively unknown man of Islamic calling could put the peaceful identity of an entire community of Muslims under threat. This essay endeavors to place Van Gogh’s murder in its temporal and historical context. I engage other similar incidents and the resulting propaganda, and argue that the polemic that these incidents provoke often is not politically disinterested. Moreover, I argue that there is need to understand the troubled relationship between art and religion, especially as the appeal of violence draws a large number of people to its call. Keywords: Theo Van Gogh, Contemporary Art, Blasphemy, Political Sensibility, Terrorism. I: Introduction: The Murder On the morning of November 2, 2004, Mohammed Bouyeri, a young Morracan-Dutch Muslim, stabbed to death the famous Dutch film director Theo Van Gogh. The latter was riding a bicycle to his office. More audaciously Bouyeri stuck a note with a knife on Van Gogh’s chest, which carried a threatening message for his co- producer, and a women rights activist, Hirsi Ali. Ostensibly, one of the major reasons of the attack was the provocative film, Submission, which Van Gogh had directed in collaboration with Hirsi Ali. -
The Flight of the Intellectuals
book reviews The Flight of the Intellectuals of the Left, who, apparently in the both the Nazi war machine and By Paul Berman name of a distorted and morally the Nazi’s ‘final solution’ for Scribe Publications, simplistic multicultural ethic, the Jews, and a close intimate Melbourne, 2010 feel the need to downplay the of al-Banna and the Muslim $29.95, 304 pages utter illiberality of the Islamist Brotherhood. ISBN 9781921640773 movement and its thinkers, All of this is essential background including Ramadan. to looking in detail at Ramadan’s aul Berman is a left-liberal As Berman recently told an published writings and speeches PAmerican intellectual who interviewer, this book was the and where he places himself in the has done as much as anybody in product of his own annoyance at Muslim Brotherhood tradition. the English-speaking ‘the refusal or inability Over 100 or so pages of often witty, world to grapple with of intellectuals and always fair-minded, and carefully the implications and journalists in the US researched argument, Berman problems of the violent and the West to come demonstrates convincingly many Islamist ideological to grips with the kinds devastating points about Ramadan. movement responsible of doctrines that are These include: for September 11 and cropping up.’ Instead, • Despite his ability to say most other subsequent he said, they prefer to what Western liberals want to hear, international terrorism. ‘project fantasies onto and the portrayal of Ramadan His book Terror and what they’re reading.’ by himself and others as a free- Liberalism was one of Berman begins with thinking reformer, he is nothing the most penetrating and original a review of Ramadan’s Islamist of the sort. -
„Islam Does Not Belong to Germany.” a Proxy Debate for an Insecure
UPPSALA UNIVERSITY Department of Theology Master Programme in Religion in Peace and Conflict Master thesis, 15 credits Spring, 2019 Supervisor: Håkan Bengtsson „Islam does not belong to Germany.” A proxy debate for an insecure national identity? An analysis of a controversial German discourse and its underlying reasons. Submitted by Carlotta Mezger Table of Contents I. Introduction………………………………………………………………………...1 II. Method and Theoretical Framework………...……………………………………..5 III. Key Concepts and Previous Research…………...…………………….…………...7 • Belonging…………………………………………………………………..7 • Imagined Community……………………………………………………...9 • Political Islam…………………………………………………………….10 • German Leitkultur and Heimat…………………………………………...11 • Ian Buruma’s “Murder in Amsterdam”…………………………………..12 IV. History of Migration in Germany 1955 to Present……………………………….14 • The Churches……………………………………………………………..17 • The Basic Law…...……………………………………………………….18 • Emergence of Islam as the Problem……………………………………....19 V. Exploration of National Identity Threat Argument……………………………...22 • Herbert Blumer and Perceived Group Threat...……….…………………22 • Charles Taylor on “Modern Social Imaginaries”……………………….24 • The Indecisiveness of German Debate…………..………………...…….25 • Arjun Appadurai and “The Fear of Small Numbers”…………………...27 VI. Exploration of Cultural Citizenship Argument…………………………………29 • Arjan Reijerse et al. and Cultural Citizenship Representations…………30 • The German Leitkultur……………...…………………………………...32 • Samuel Huntington’s “Clash of Civilizations”.……….………………...34 • José Casanova and -
The Post-Left: an Archaeology and a Genealogy
The Post-Left: An Archaeology and a Genealogy Gabriel Noah Brahm Jr. Distrust those cosmopolitans who search out remote duties in their books and neglect those that lie nearest. Such philosophers will love the Tartars to avoid loving their neighbor. – Jean-Jacques Rousseau The victims most interesting to us are always those who allow us to condemn our neighbors. And our neighbors do the same. – René Girard Prelude or Postmortem? A synchronic (structural) and diachronic (historical) analysis of today’s anti- Western left is sorely needed. [1] This essay is a first attempt. I will highlight the malaise experienced by parts of the left – the ‘proto-post-left’ so to speak – in the 1980s and 1990s. This period was defined by the demise of systemic opposition to liberalism and was experienced, as Fredric Jameson has confessed, as a time of ‘existential disorientation.’ In this period a pattern of discourse congealed that would help create a ‘post-left’ paradigm in the wake of 9/11. [2] During the interregnum of 1991-2001 – the period between the end of the cold war and the beginning of the war on terror – a post-cold war, postmodern, post- Marxist, postcolonial-theory ‘left’ emerged. It has been called, variously, a ‘Zombie Left’ (Bernard-Henri Levy), ‘The Left that Doesn’t Learn’ (Mitchell Cohen), and ‘The Unpatriotic Left’ (Richard Rorty). In this essay I explain why, after 9/11, it became a ‘post-left’ – linked more with tyranny and reaction than emancipation and progress – and I explore its character and influence. One hopes that what follows is its postmortem, but it is too early to say. -
The Ramadan Controversy Dilemmas in Mediating Between Cultures Through the Study of Dutch and Iranian Media Discourses in the Post-Iranian Uprising
To Cite: Arora, P., & Pannikar, A. (2010). The Ramadan Controversy Dilemmas in Mediating between Cultures through the Study of Dutch and Iranian Media Discourses in the Post-Iranian Uprising. In Y. Kamalipour (Ed) Media, Power, and Politics in the Digital Age: The 2009 Presidential Election Uprising in Iran, pp. 191-202. Chapter Eighteen The Ramadan Controversy Dilemmas in Mediating between Cultures through the Study of Dutch and Iranian Media Discourses in the Post-Iranian Uprising Payal Arora and Ashok Panikkar Abstract Playing the role of mediator between Islam and the West is one that is particularly fraught with danger. Mediators often find themselves in a critical dilemma of placement of the self within larger contesting discourses. Tariq Ramadan, a Swiss-born Islamic scholar, is one such appointed mediator between Dutch statehood and its multiethnic Islamic population. He was invited by the Rotterdam City Council to serve as an integration advisor for its multicultural population. However, his affiliation with an Iranian TV station sponsored by the regime caused considerable consternation, with his credibility being questioned by the Council. The post-Iranian election and uprising triggered a wave of reactions culminating in the dismissal of this prominent scholar, recently named by Time magazine as one of the world’s top one hundred scientists and thinkers. This chapter focuses on the nature of media discourses and ideological leanings among key actors to explain how these issues can escalate, often with severe consequences to those involved. The authors use this event as a springboard to analyze the role of public mediators in complex political and cultural environments, using the lens of mediation and dialogue.