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The Magnitsky Law and the Rico
SSRG International Journal of Economics and Management Studies Volume 8 Issue 7, 6-20, July, 2021 ISSN: 2393 – 9125 /doi:10.14445/23939125/IJEMS-V8I7P102 © 2021 Seventh Sense Research Group® The Magnitsky Law and The Rico Law - The Guarantee For The Fight Against Corruption And The Mafia In Bulgaria And The European Union - The Example of The Attempts To Steal Private Land Through Concession, Theft of Land And Theft of Land Through State Structures Lord Prof. PhD PhD Momtchil Dobrev-Halachev Scientific Research Institute Dobrev & Halachev.JSC., Sofia.Bulgaria Received Date: 17 May 2021 Revised Date: 22 June 2021 Accepted Date: 05 July 2021 Abstract - Lord prof PhD PhD Momtchil Dobrev- The fight against the mafia and corruption in Bulgaria Halachev and Prof. Mariola Garibova-DObreva and in the European Commission and the European Union developed 2006 “Theory of degree of democracy” and does not yield results because the mafia is at the highest “Theory of degree of justice / injustice /” based on their state and European level and does what it wants. This practice in court, prosecutor's office, state. Prof. Momchil mafia holds courts, prosecutors and all kinds of state Dobrev has been creating Theory of Corruption, "Theory institutions and the latter carry out its orders. of the Mafia," Theory of Mafia "," Financial Banking Resource Technological Mafia Materialism "since 2003" 1.1 Introduce the Problem The problem with the mafia and corruption in Bulgaria Keywords - Crise, mafia, corruption, Magnitsky law, and in the European Union and the European Commission RICO law, finance. is huge. We have repeatedly applied evidence of the scale . -
Zornitsa Markova the KTB STATE
Zornitsa Markova THE KTB STATE Sofia, 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or express written consent from Iztok-Zapad Publishing House. transmitted in any form or by any means without first obtaining © Zornitsa Markova, 2017 © Iztok-Zapad Publishing House, 2017 ISBN 978-619-01-0094-2 zornitsa markova THE KTB STATE CHRONICLE OF THE LARGEST BANK FAILURE IN BULGARIA — THE WORKINGS OF A CAPTURED STATE THAT SOLD OUT THE PUBLIC INTEREST FOR PRIVATE EXPEDIENCY CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS / 12 EDITOR’S FOREWORD / 13 SUMMARY / 15 READER’S GUIDE TO THE INVESTIGATION / 21 1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND / 23 DEVELOPMENTS IN THE BULGARIAN BANKING SECTOR THAT PRE-DATE KTB ..........................................................25 Headed for a Banking Crisis .................................................................................................. 26 Scores of Banks Close Their Doors................................................................................... 29 First Private Bank — Backed by the Powerful, Favoured by the Government ......................................................... 33 Criminal Syndicates and Their Banks — the Birth of a State within the State ...........................................................................35 A Post-Crisis Change of Players ..........................................................................................37 A FRESH START FOR THE FLEDGLING KTB ..................................................... 40 KTB SALE ..........................................................................................................................................42 -
Far from Stability: the Post-Election Landscape in Bulgaria Dariusz Kałan
No. 50 (503), 15 May 2013 © PISM Editors: Marcin Zaborowski (Editor-in-Chief) . Katarzyna Staniewska (Managing Editor) Jarosław Ćwiek-Karpowicz . Artur Gradziuk . Piotr Kościński Roderick Parkes . Marcin Terlikowski . Beata Wojna Far from Stability: The Post-Election Landscape in Bulgaria Dariusz Kałan Early parliamentary elections not only will not help restore political stability in Bulgaria but also could further deepen the chaos because of the high dispersion of votes and the expected difficulties with creating a coalition. For a country immersed in crisis, maintaining the post-election stalemate is particularly not beneficial because of the deteriorating economic situation and growing public pressure. Regardless of which party will return to power, one should not expect a significant improvement in Bulgaria’s image in the EU or a positive settlement of the most important issues, including the country’s rapid accession to the Schengen area. Although the winner of the early parliamentary elections of 12 May was the centre-right Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria (GERB, 30% of votes), for all four parties that exceeded the 4% electoral threshold, the results can be seen as satisfactory. GERB, the ruling party in 2009–2013, won for the second time in a row during unfavourable economic and social situations. The similar support for the Bulgarian Socialist Party (27%), which received more than 600,000 additional votes than in 2009, is because of the mobilisation of its permanent electorate and generational changes in the party. Also, for the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (11%), which represents the Turkish minority, and the nationalist Attack party (7%), the results are a confirmation of their stable positions on the political scene. -
HUMAN RIGHTS in BULGARIA in 2013 the Bulgarian Helsinki Committee Is an Independent Non-Governmental Organisation for the Protection of Human Rights
HUMAN RIGHTS IN BULGARIA IN 2013 The Bulgarian Helsinki Committee is an independent non-governmental organisation for the protection of human rights. It was established on 14 July 1992. Chair: Krassimir Kanev Deputy chair: Desislava Simeonova Members of the General Assembly: Antoaneta Nenkova, Daniela Furtunova, Desislava Simeonova, Dimitrina Petrova, Georgi Bankov, Georgi Toshev, Iliana Savova, Ivan Bedrov, Kalina Bozeva, Kiril Ivanov, Krassimir Kanev, Margarita Ilieva, Ramadan Kehajov, Vassil Chaprazov, Valko Stanev, Yana Buhrer Tavanier. Contents Political developments in Bulgaria during 2013 5 Right to life, protection from torture, inhuman and degrading treatment 7 Right to liberty and security of person 12 Independence of the judiciary and fair trial 16 Right to respect for private and family life, home and the correspondence 21 Freedom of conscience and religion 23 Freedom of expression and access to information 26 Conditions in places of detention 33 Protection against discrimination 42 Right to asylum, freedom of movement 53 Women’s rights 60 Rights of the child 64 LGBTI rights 69 List of abbreviations AEJ Association of European Journalists – Bulgaria AIP Access to Information Programme BHC Bulgarian Helsinki Committee BNT Bulgarian National Television BSP Bulgarian Socialist Party CBS Correctional boarding schools CEM Council for Electronic Media CPA Child Protection Act ECHR European Convention on Human Rights ECtHR European Court of Human Rights ESDRA Enforcement of Sentences and Detention under Remand Act FRA EU Fundamental -
Alternative Civil Sector Report
ALTERNATIVE CIVIL SECTOR REPORT TO THE SECOND REPORT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BULGARIA PURSUANT TO ART. 25, PARAGRAPH 2 OF THE FRAMEWORK CONVENTION FOR THE PROTECTION OF NATIONAL MINORITIES (FCNM) Inter-Ethnic Initiative for Human Rights Foundation Sofia, Bulgaria September 2009 This report was produced with the financial support of the Trust for Civil Society in Central and Eastern Europe Information, opinions and expert assessments on particular issues in this Alternative Civil Sector Report were contributed by the following representatives of non-governmental organisations and individual experts (in alphabetical order): • Deyan Kolev, Amalipe Centre for Inter-Ethnic Dialogue and Tolerance, Veliko Tarnovo • Emilia Mateina, Inter-Ethnic Initiative for Human Rights Foundation • Kalina Bozeva, Inter-Ethnic Initiative for Human Rights Foundation • Ramadan Kehayov, human rights activist, Madan, Southern Bulgaria • Fetie Sharanska, Evroalternativi 21 Association, Yakoruda The information was compiled and the conclusions and recommendations drafted by the team of the Inter-Ethnic Initiative Human Rights Foundation This report was translated from Bulgarian into English by Mark Bossanyi ([email protected]) І. Inter Ethnic Initiative for Human Rights (IEI) Foundation The IEI foundation is a non-profit, non-governmental organisation registered in Bulgaria in July 1996. It strives to promote the rights of minorities and inter-community co-operation in practice in all areas of public life. Іts operational aims are: • To influence official policies in accordance with international human/minority rights protection standards. • Тo inform and sensitise politicians, state and municipal employees about these standards. • To encourage citizen control on the implementation of international minority rights standards. • To enhance public sensitivity and understanding about the problems and rights of minorities, encouraging a spirit of inter- ethnic tolerance, mutual support and non-discriminative practices. -
Political History of the Balkans (1989–2018) This Page Intentionally Left Blank POLITICAL HISTORY of the BALKANS (1989–2018) Edited by József Dúró – Zoltán Egeresi
The Balkan Peninsula has played a crucial role in human history many times. The region framed the 20th century. The end of the Political History of the Balkans Cold War also had a significant effect on the region as it resulted (1989–2018) in bloody wars, economic collapse and complicated political transitions. The 2000s and 2010s opened the way towards EU membership, as many countries received candidate status and launched accession negotiations – however, this process has recently been facing obstacles. Political History This volume provides a general overview of the Post-Cold War history of the Balkans and explores the dynamics behind these tremendous changes ranging from democratic transitions to EU prospects. The authors describe the transitional period, the evolution of the political system and highlight the most important of the Balkans political developments in each country in the region. We recommend this book to those who seek a deeper insight into the recent history of the Balkans and a deeper understanding of its political developments. (1989–2018) POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE BALKANS (1989—2018) POLITICAL HISTORY The work was created in commission of the National University of Public Service under the priority project PACSDOP-2.1.2-CCHOP-15-2016-00001 entitled “Public Service Development Establishing Good Governance”. Zoltán Egeresi (eds.): Egeresi Zoltán — József Dúró József Edited by JÓZSEF DÚRÓ European Social Fund ZOLTÁN EGERESI INVESTING IN YOUR FUTURE Political History of the Balkans (1989–2018) This page intentionally left blank POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE BALKANS (1989–2018) Edited by József Dúró – Zoltán Egeresi Dialóg Campus Budapest, 2020 The work was created in commission of the National University of Public Service under the priority project PACSDOP-2.1.2-CCHOP-15-2016-00001 entitled “Public Service Development Establishing Good Governance”. -
FINAL CONFERENCE REPORT Conference Reporters: Claudia Laštro, Alexander Strelkov Edited by Christian Hagemann
REALITY CHECK SERIES SOURCES, TOOLS AND IMPACT OF EXTERNAL NON-EU-ENGAGEMENT IN SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE PART II – TURKEY FINAL CONFERENCE REPORT Conference Reporters: Claudia Laštro, Alexander Strelkov Edited by Christian Hagemann © Photo shows Sinan Paşa Camii in Prizren (Kosovo), courtesy of Hansjörg Brey. SOG’s Reality Check Series Part II – Turkey INTRODUCTORY SESSION AND KEYNOTE SPEECH The conference took place as part of a series of events organized by the Southeast Europe Association in cooperation with the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe focusing on external actors’ engagement in Southeast Europe (SEE). The discussions on the 5th and 6th of June 2019 in Berlin addressed the interplay of the EU and Turkey in the region. The overarching question of the conference was the following: Does a more assertive Turkish engagement with Southeast Europe across economic, cultural and political domains run counter to EU strategies in the region, and can it be balanced with the country’s involvement in Euro- Atlantic institutions? The debates were guided by four key questions that have been deemed crucial by the expert community for a comprehensive ‘reality check’ of both the EU and Turkish policies in the region: • How has the Justice and Development (AK) party’s coming into power shaped Turkish policies towards Southeast Europe? • What are the trends and key aspects of Turkish policy towards particular SEE countries? • What is the effect of Turkey’s economic challenges, for example depreciation of the lira, on the country’s presence in the region? • How does Ankara shape the EU’s response to the increased migration flows? The panels were preceded by a keynote speech by Dr. -
EUI RSCAS Working Paper 2020/84 the Politics of Differentiated Integration: What Do Governments Want? Country Report – Bulgari
RSCAS 2020/84 Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Integrating Diversity in the European Union (InDivEU) The Politics of Differentiated Integration: What do Governments Want? Country Report – Bulgaria Elitsa Markova European University Institute Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Integrating Diversity in the European Union (InDivEU) The Politics of Differentiated Integration: What do Governments Want? Country Report – Bulgaria Elitsa Markova EUI Working Paper RSCAS 2020/84 Terms of access and reuse for this work are governed by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 (CC- BY 4.0) International license. If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper series and number, the year and the publisher. ISSN 1028-3625 © Elitsa Markova, 2020 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 (CC-BY 4.0) International license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Published in November 2020 by the European University Institute. Badia Fiesolana, via dei Roccettini 9 I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy Views expressed in this publication reflect the opinion of individual author(s) and not those of the European University Institute. This publication is available in Open Access in Cadmus, the EUI Research Repository: https://cadmus.eui.eu Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, created in 1992 and currently directed by Professor Brigid Laffan, aims to develop inter-disciplinary and comparative research on the major issues facing the process of European integration, European societies and Europe’s place in 21st century global politics. -
The Determinants of Ethnic Minority Party Formation and Success in Europe
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Illinois Digital Environment for Access to Learning and Scholarship Repository THE DETERMINANTS OF ETHNIC MINORITY PARTY FORMATION AND SUCCESS IN EUROPE BY DANAIL L. KOEV DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2014 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Carol Leff, Chair Professor Robert Pahre Professor William Bernhard Associate Professor Milan Svolik ii Abstract Why do some ethnic minority groups in Europe form political parties of their own in order to obtain political representation, whereas others choose to work within the confines of established, mainstream political parties? Further, why do some ethnic minority parties (EMPs) achieve electoral success, whereas others fail? In addressing these questions, I incorporate insights from history and social psychology to develop an original theory of EMP emergence and success. I argue that an ethnic minority group’s historical background influences its political engagement strategies through sociopsychological processes. I propose that native groups (those that inhabited the territory of the modern-day state in which they reside prior to that state’s establishment) and groups with historical experiences of autonomous self-rule are more likely to form ethnic minority parties, and that EMPs formed by such groups are more likely to enjoy electoral success. I argue that groups possessing one or both of these characteristics are more likely to exhibit the traits of positive distinctiveness and shared grievances, contributing to the development of a salient collective political identity. -
Bulgaria. Le Elezioni Europee Del 2019
ISSN 1826-3534 15 MAGGIO 2019 Bulgaria. Le elezioni europee del 2019 di Arianna Angeli Ricercatore di Diritto pubblico comparato Università degli Studi di Milano Bulgaria. Le elezioni europee del 2019* di Arianna Angeli Ricercatore di Diritto pubblico comparato Università degli Studi di Milano Sommario: 1. Quadro politico e istituzionale. 2. Il sistema elettorale per le elezioni europee. 3. Le elezioni europee del 2014. 4. Campagna elettorale e forze politiche in competizione. 1. Quadro politico e istituzionale La Bulgaria è un paese che ha acquisito tardivamente la propria statualità, tra la fine del XIX e l’inizio del XX secolo. Sulla base di quanto stabilito al Congresso di Berlino, nel 1878 la Bulgaria divenne un Principato autonomo tributario dell’Impero ottomano ed il 16 aprile 1879 la Grande Assemblea nazionale approvò la c.d. Costituzione di Tărnovo1, la quale introduceva una monarchia parlamentare dualista2. Solo a seguito dell’insurrezione dei Giovani Turchi dell’estate del 1908, che indebolì profondamente l’Impero ottomano, la Bulgaria proclamò la propria indipendenza, il 5 ottobre 1908, ma mantenne la stessa Costituzione, che rimase in vigore fino al 19473. Nonostante sia stata sospesa più volte e sia stata in larga misura disapplicata nel periodo interbellico, la Costituzione di Tărnovo ha esercitato una profonda influenza sulla successiva evoluzione costituzionale del paese. Dopo essere entrata nel secondo conflitto mondiale a fianco della Germania nazista, con il colpo di Stato del 9 settembre 1944 del Fronte patriottico, guidato dai comunisti bulgari4 – e la successiva occupazione delle truppe sovietiche – la Bulgaria entrò nella sfera di influenza dell’Unione sovietica5. -
Download/Print the Study in PDF Format
GENERAL ELECTIONS IN BULGARIA 12th May 2013 European Elections monitor Bulgaria: a second mandate for Boïko Borissov? Since the beginning of 2013 Bulgaria has been undergoing a violent political crisis. On 20th Februa- Corinne Deloy ry 2013, Bulgarian Prime Minister Boïko Borissov (Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria, Translated by Helen Levy GERB) resigned his position at the head of the government. Consequently parliamentary elections – held two months early since the vote was initially planned for early summer – have been called for 12th May. In spite of the protest movement, the outgoing Prime Minister’s party is ahead in all the opinion polls. It remains to be seen when it will be able to govern. Analysis Its vice-chairman, outgoing Interior Minister Tsvetan Tsvetanov has excluded the party from any «major» coalition with the Socialist Party (BSP) or an alliance with the extreme right-wing party, Ataka. He did not appear to be opposed to the idea of governing with the Rights and Freedoms Mo- vement (DPS) or with Bulgaria for Citizens, created by Meglena Kuneva. After the last parliamenta- ry elections on 5th July 2009, Boïko Borissov formed a minority government, comprising members of his party only, supported by other right-wing parties and the extreme right-wing party, Ataka. A total of 38 parties and 7 coalitions are in the running for the vote on 12th May. 242 observers from the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) will be present in the country to monitor proceedings. During the elections held on 23rd and 30th October 2011, the 21 observers present had ordered Bulgaria to improve its electoral process. -
Анализи B Aromete R 1/2013 1
The protests in the country have shown that the citizens’ discontent is not related only to high electricity prices – they are the cause of social tension, but not the reason for it. The problems are more complex and have to do with the overall poverty, unemployment, and the diminished trust of citizens in politicians and institutions. GERB is now in a new and unexpected situation, connected to the pre-election environment. High levels of unemployment, low incomes, the bankruptcy of hundreds of small and medium-sized enterprises, the existence of monopolies in a number of sectors of the economy, the poor results of the fight against corruption and organized crime are topics that will be addressed by the opposition during the campaign and answers will be required from GERB. The main challenge for BSP is whether it will manage to ride the wave of protests in the country. The demands of voters can be determined as left-wing, but what weighs on BSP at the moment is that many people determine it as a party of the status quo. Stanishev is making efforts to renew the party ranks, relying on new and young faces, while politicians of the transition remain in the background. From today’s point of view, it is hard to make a clear prediction on the outcome of the election. The protests in the country introduced a new element to the political situation. No one knows if and to what extent the protest vote of the citizens will go to some of the new formations, established by leaders of the protests, but there is potential for this.