Documentation, Reclamation and the Place of the Settler Linguist

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Authors Gordon, Bryan James

Publisher The University of Arizona.

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Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/634275 DOCUMENTATION, RECLAMATION AND THE PLACE OF THE SETTLER LINGUIST

by

Bryan James Gordon

Copyright © Bryan James Gordon 2019

a Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the

DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS

and the

SCHOOL OF

in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

for the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

in the Graduate College

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

2019

1 2 Acknowledgements Uzhóⁿgeagthiⁿ (Albeⁿta Grⁿatt Catb) ́ⁿthiⁿge, Tesóⁿⁿwiⁿ (Emmalite aaleeⁿ Satchez ́ⁿthiⁿge, ísebe (Aⁿlete aaleeⁿ , Graⁿ) bibitette ́ⁿthiⁿge, ́ebbie bibitette, bilat NiEaⁿ ́ⁿthiⁿge, Paⁿⁿish ailliams ́ⁿthiⁿge, Hiiⁿtaⁿi ThigⁿePi (Jimm Grii Tⁿaces , the late ́att) López, Hiiⁿxpeⁿwiⁿ (Vi a aii hull Stableⁿ , iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi (Alice Fⁿeemitt Sautsici ́ⁿthiⁿge, Chit ́i Peña Ismaⁿe, el ifutti Tiñi Peña Citquista, Shu a Grita (bufus ahite , aetiⁿte (Patⁿicia Phillips , Thaba u (Eugete Pappat , Eva Stableⁿ, Hiaⁿwata) (aitita iitchell Caⁿamit) ́ⁿthiⁿge, Aseaxube (Grletta iitchell Slateⁿ , Hiapp) iitchell Caⁿmita, bu i iitchell, Octa iitchell Keet, í Hiiu Sa (a)tema iiⁿⁿis , TheumbaGrhegtha (Jiseph Hiaⁿlat , TaTiⁿthiⁿShea e (́ital Grⁿatt thatóⁿi thaae iⁿthathai tʰe aéⁿwahiⁿe ⁿẃbthahiⁿi hó, tat^uhiⁿta aⁿⁿwi ⁿwaⁿigⁿóxaⁿwï ee,hʌu hajieⁿⁿʌm, thate )iu fiⁿ pit)itg me, beitg patiett ⁿwith me, shaⁿitg )iuⁿ teachitgs at etciuⁿagemett ⁿwith me. Ju i Petisea Niebuⁿ, Jiⁿ at aasaⁿ Niebuⁿ, Jicel)t Niebuⁿ, Jeⁿem) Niebuⁿ, Jazmit Niebuⁿ Hieⁿschlag, live )iu all at see )iu siit. Tambiet chi litguistataatau el ifutti Titt) iembiⁿa Peñaau, ́iⁿis Cheucaⁿama iembacheeu ) Chivii iembache Peñaau, hamach paoboⁿ taumau hʌ̈ u hajieⁿⁿʌm, muchas gⁿacias tambiet a biti Ismaⁿe Peña ) a Chetieⁿ Caⁿpii Opua piⁿ ti is sus esfueⁿzis e paⁿte el puebli aiutaat. The families if all these El eⁿs at Teacheⁿs – especiall) Sage Grii Tⁿaces, iiaiuxasah Stableⁿ, ítexi (bisette Stableⁿ , iethe (Lati iiⁿatSSamqua at Izh́ⁿge aaeóⁿ a – eseⁿve special appⁿeciatiit fiⁿ shaⁿitg if theiⁿ ⁿelativesa pⁿeciius time, th́ shti ⁿẃbthahiⁿi hó, ⁿ́^e he a ⁿwaⁿigⁿóxaⁿwi ee. iat) hel me ⁿwhet I ciul haⁿ l) stat : Nichilas K. i. Paffiⁿ , Ashli Axtell, Sitja Bieteⁿt, ́evit aait, Hiattah Hiafteⁿ, E. Alat Hiigue, ́aleatt a., ́ata i. Osbiⁿte, Liⁿi Labitea, Hiiⁿtaⁿi Jimm, aieʰage Vi a, Niⁿma iet izaŚettit, Jessica Nelsit, Aciius & Yihattah, bi it aIgtazii, Lett) iilita, Jettifeⁿ Cilumbus, Jiⁿge iuⁿiel, ́at Bⁿetteⁿ, iaisa Taha, Jish ie)eⁿ, Jaime Paⁿchmett, Pⁿiscilla Liu Shit, Natasha aaⁿteⁿ, ́eta Baumgaⁿtteⁿ, Jeff at SACASA, a half izet atit)mius felliⁿwships, Tit)a, ́uee, at ettiⁿel) tii mat) if m) felliⁿw gⁿa uate stu etts ti list. Al)ce Sa itgei, Jettifeⁿ Cilumbus, Catheⁿite Lehmat, Niⁿma ia)taⁿ , Scitt Ellegii , Sha)ta aaleeⁿ, Stephatie Ama i, Niⁿma ia)taⁿ , ba)shma Peⁿeiⁿa, Chaⁿla ́ait, iaⁿcia bibeⁿtsit, Cⁿ)stal biss, Jettifeⁿ biss, Jatelle ailfe, iiee Beⁿgeⁿ, Shita Campbell, Falit Tóⁿⁿez, Tⁿi) iuthifet, ́aⁿwte Pⁿice, Kⁿistite Su bece at all itheⁿs at the Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege, Umóⁿhiⁿ Natiit Public Schiil at m) iⁿwt almae matⁿes ⁿwhi ⁿwith might) hat eeep ships afliat fiⁿ the stu ettsa saee: thate )iu fⁿim the bittim if m) heaⁿt. Special thates ti the teacheⁿs ⁿwhi have mist eepl) fiⁿme me: Tim Eⁿicesit, Susat iausilf, Ju i Stⁿat , bat ) Hiaⁿshbaⁿgeⁿ, E aeittⁿaut, Hiipe icIlⁿwait, the late iaⁿe AⁿwaeutiSSⁿwetlat , Vatce Applitg, Jeatette Grut el, Pebaamibites (́ettis Jites , babbi Shaⁿit Stiefel, Am) Shel it, Bet iutsit, Niⁿma iet izaŚettit, Grⁿegiⁿ) aaⁿ , Bett) Biⁿteⁿ, Bill Beemat, Su ah Yehu a Kivesh Shaheb, aachimamachi̱ (Stace) Obeⁿl) , Elizabeth Lapivse) Kette ), Julie Velasquez bute, bit Bit eⁿ, Samiⁿa Faⁿⁿwateh, Isⁿa Yaghiubi, Ofelia Zepe a, Qitg Zhatg, iaⁿibel Alvaⁿez, Luz Jimetez Quispe, Vatessa Atthit)SStevets, Philip Stevets, Sheilah Nichilas, Jettie ́eGrⁿiat the

3 late Theⁿese e Vet, ) a ti is lis maestⁿis el pⁿigⁿama SEÉ /e Semilla e lis añis 2012 a 2014 quietes muchi mas me etseñaⁿit e li que jamas les pi ⁿ́a habeⁿ etseña i a uste es. Ti the mat) litguists tit alⁿea ) tame ⁿwhi have betefitte cimmutit) ⁿwiⁿe thⁿiugh geteⁿius shaⁿitg if )iuⁿ time at ⁿesiuⁿces it behalf if mat) cimmutities, thate )iu. biⁿ) Laⁿsit, Catheⁿite bu it, Aⁿ is Tiiⁿgthehe Eschetbeⁿg, Kath) Shea, Jiht Bi)le, the late Jiht Kiittz at the late Bib bateit, I etiⁿw fiⁿsthat the scale if )iuⁿ cittⁿibutiits, at appⁿeciate )iu. iat) thates ti the Omaha Tⁿibe if Nebⁿasea, the Umóⁿhiⁿ Natiit Public Schiil, the Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege, the Natiital Scietce Fiut atiit, the Kelligg Fiut atiit, the Sheⁿⁿwii Fiut atiit, the Et atgeⁿe Latguage Fut , the Nebⁿasea Hiumatities Ciutcil, eⁿ ́eutsche Pa agigische Austausch ietst, ieⁿceⁿ Utiveⁿsit), the Utiveⁿsit) if iittesita, the Utiveⁿsit) if Aⁿizita at the Latguage Citseⁿvatc) fiⁿ mateⁿiall) suppiⁿtitg the ⁿatge if ⁿwiⁿe pⁿesette heⁿeit. Ti m) famil): thate )iu eveⁿ) sitgle ite fiⁿ )iuⁿ suppiⁿt. aeaⁿe it this tigetheⁿ! A special ⁿecigtitiit ti m) bⁿieetSheaⁿte stepmitheⁿ, the fiⁿst ́ⁿ. Griⁿ it: Iall jiit )iu siit at ⁿwish I ciul see at heaⁿ )iu siiteⁿ. At ti m) belive sⁿweet Chⁿis, m) be ⁿice, m) heaⁿtas elight at caⁿe, I ciul tit have ma e it heⁿe ⁿwithiut )iu. Thate )iu ite at all. iat) El eⁿs have cime befiⁿe thise I have tame heⁿe. Please excuse m) iveⁿsight fiⁿ at)bi ) I have teglecte ti acetiⁿwle ge.

4 Dedication ia) the settleⁿas claim ti Native latguage be blitte iut spee il) ⁿwithit iuⁿ a)s. ia) m) teacheⁿsa at ⁿelativesa pit) pa) iff. ia) m) gⁿatitu e excee these ⁿwiⁿ s. Éⁿwithai zat́. Shulam aale)eham.

5 Table of Contents Abstⁿact 7 Chapteⁿ 1: Settleⁿ cilitial pⁿijects 8 1.1: The settleⁿ litguist as guest ⁿwiⁿeeⁿ 8 1.2: The settleⁿ " efites" Umóⁿhiⁿ. 9 1.3: The settleⁿ "classifies" Umóⁿhiⁿ. 11 1.4: ii titeteetth cettuⁿ) 16 1.5: The ethtiligists at be)it 17 1.6: Cimmutit)Sbase at cillabiⁿative publicatiits 20 1.7: The "Siiuatists" 23 1.8: Cat the settleⁿ becime a litguist it iⁿ eⁿ ti ⁿepatⁿiate? 24 1.9: Testitg pⁿe ictiits if the givettess hieⁿaⁿch) fⁿameⁿwiⁿe 26 1.10: Attitipic at afteⁿthiught 27 1.11: Grⁿ́hiⁿgⁿagi ee: The ⁿelatives bⁿitg me bace hime. 28 1.12: Tucsit 29 1.13: Cuⁿⁿiculum evelipmett 30 Chapteⁿ 2: The place if the settleⁿ litguist 32 2.1: Settleⁿ litguistics is histile ti ecilitizatiit at ⁿeclamatiit. 32 2.2: Ethical " evelipmetts" 33 2.3: Claⁿif)itg authiⁿit) 35 2.4: Cimmitmett 39 2.5: bepatⁿiatitg extⁿacte aⁿtifacts 40 2.6: Tⁿauma at healitg 41 2.7: Clisitg ⁿwiⁿ s 43 Bibliigⁿaph) 45 Appet ix A: Testitg pⁿe ictiits if the givettess hieⁿaⁿch) fⁿameⁿwiⁿe: A cⁿissSlitguistic itvestigatiit (ⁿwith Jeatette Kuht Grut el, iama iu Bassete, Lit a Hiumtice & Amel Khalfaiui 71 Appet ix B: Attitipic at afteⁿthiught: Grivettess it the gⁿammaⁿ it Pitca at Omaha 88 Appet ix C: Peⁿspectives it Chiⁿweⁿe ⁿevitalizatiit (ⁿwith Jimm ThigⁿePi Grii Tⁿaces & Saul Schⁿwaⁿtz 103 Appet ix ́: ItfiⁿmatiitSstⁿuctuⁿal vaⁿiatiits it Siiuat latguages 136

6 Abstract The pⁿesett ⁿwiⁿe atal)ses a seⁿies if its authiⁿas publishe ⁿepiⁿts if ⁿeseaⁿch itti itfiⁿmatiit at ittitatiit stⁿuctuⁿe, at if activities it cimmutit)Sbase latguage ⁿeclamatiit at ⁿepatⁿiatiit, it "Siiuat" latguages at latguage cimmutities, paⁿticulaⁿl) Umóⁿhiⁿ at ti a lesseⁿ extett Póⁿea at Baxije, at the ⁿwiⁿe iut if ⁿwhich these ⁿepiⁿts have emeⁿge , as itteⁿvettiits it at thⁿiugh settleⁿ cilitial icumettaⁿ) litguistics. Tetsiit betⁿweet settleⁿSgui e at cimmutit)Sgui e itteⁿvettiits cat be fⁿuitful fiⁿ latguageSⁿeclamatiit at Sⁿepatⁿiatiit aget as, but the tee e claⁿificatiit if authiⁿit) has tit )et fiut its ⁿwa) itti the ethical liteⁿatuⁿe if icumettaⁿ) litguists iⁿ litguistic atthⁿipiligists ⁿwiⁿeitg it these aget as.

7 Chapter 1: Settler colonial projects

1.1: The settler linguist as guest worker A escet att if settleⁿs at ⁿefugees, at caⁿⁿieⁿ if the icumettaⁿ) at isciplitaⁿ) tⁿa itiit if "Ameⁿicatist" litguistics, I ⁿwⁿite as a guest ⁿwiⁿeeⁿ it Umóⁿhiⁿ iiⁿzhóⁿ1, the latguage cuⁿⁿiculum specialist fiⁿ the Umóⁿhiⁿ )e T́2 at the iac) campus if the Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. Umóⁿhiⁿ cimmutit) latguage lea eⁿship, at iuⁿ epaⁿtmett as ite if its cimpitetts, aⁿe embaⁿee it a missiit ti ⁿeclaim Umóⁿhiⁿ latguage fⁿim cilitial itstitutiits, at cilitial litguists liee me. The ⁿelevatt ipet questiits that citfⁿitt me it eveⁿ) mimett if m) ⁿwiⁿe, thet, aⁿe ⁿwh) it eaⁿth Umóⁿhiⁿ cimmutit) latguage lea eⁿship aⁿe it the pisitiit if aseitg me fiⁿ m) seⁿvices, at hiⁿw it eaⁿth m) seⁿvices cat fuⁿtheⁿ Umóⁿhiⁿ latguage lea eⁿshipas ⁿeclamatiit missiit ⁿatheⁿ that the cilitial aget as iut if ⁿwhich m) isciplitaⁿ) fiⁿmatiit at seillsets emeⁿge. The "settleⁿ" if this ⁿwiⁿeas title at tumeⁿius ⁿefeⁿetces is a citceptual escet att if Fⁿattz Fatitas Les damnés de la terre (1961 , ⁿwhich paitts a pictuⁿe if a settleⁿ (colon) licee it miⁿtal cimbat ⁿwith a tative (colonisé), fⁿim ⁿwhich "theⁿe ⁿwill siit be ti ⁿwa) iut but flight" (p. 48 . Atitheⁿ titable cittitatiit I have it mit it m) use if the teⁿm is Patⁿice ailfeas titiit if "settleⁿ itvasiit [as] a stⁿuctuⁿe tit at evett" (1999: 2 – a stⁿuctuⁿe ⁿwhich I taee ti cettⁿall) featuⁿe a citsetsus ettitlemett ti lat thⁿiugh ⁿwhich settleⁿ escet atts, immigⁿatts at itheⁿ titSsettleⁿs becime settleⁿs. i) a iptitg a "guest ⁿwiⁿeeⁿ" i ettit), thet, is a citceit liee Liⁿetzi Veⁿacitias, ⁿwhi "ⁿecimmet [s] a Fatitiat (at metaphiⁿical aculla if the settleⁿ" (2017: 2 , as if Fatit ha meatt ti be ⁿea metaphiⁿicall). Thⁿiugh it, hiⁿweveⁿ, I alsi tame a ⁿejectiit if the citsetsus ettitlemett that cat teveⁿ be taeet fiⁿ givet iⁿ evet fiⁿ cimpⁿehetsible, at acetiⁿwle ge that accimplicitg m)self ti at Umóⁿhiⁿ ⁿeclamatiit aget a must, it a veⁿ) Fatitiat ⁿwa), cittⁿibute ti the estⁿuctiit, as such, if the veⁿ) settleⁿ aca em) at stⁿuctuⁿes if authiⁿitative etiⁿwle ge at methi iut if ⁿwhich this isseⁿtatiit emeⁿges at ti ⁿwhich it cittⁿibutes. "bepatⁿiatiit" is atitheⁿ teⁿm I fⁿequettl) use, bith ti chaⁿacteⁿize m) eaⁿl) citceptualizatiit if m) aget a it etteⁿitg litguistics fiⁿ the puⁿpise if cillectitg, ecipheⁿitg at eliveⁿitg extⁿacte icumettatiit ti ⁿelatives, at ti theiⁿize the limite ⁿile if the settleⁿ it ecilitial ⁿeclamatiit aget as. I use, at have use , this teⁿm ⁿwith acetiⁿwle gmett if its pⁿimitett ⁿile it stⁿuggle iveⁿ atcestⁿal ⁿemaits. It ⁿwas fiⁿ ⁿepatⁿiatitg his sitas ⁿemaits that iiⁿchʰu Niⁿzhiⁿ3 ma e legal histiⁿ) it the settleⁿ ciuⁿts, at the peⁿii if m) iⁿwt activit) it the "fiel " is cittiguius ⁿwith Umóⁿhiⁿ stⁿuggles iveⁿ the ⁿepatⁿiatiit if sacⁿe beitgs, aⁿtifacts at atcestiⁿs it the 1980as at 1990as, it cittectiit ⁿwith ⁿwhich see Grhazi et al. (1983 , ́ibeits (1992 , beithaⁿ & Grhazi (1992 , i)eⁿs (1992 , bi itgtit (1993a , Hiastitgs (1995 , Pe eⁿsit & Attót (1998 , Campbell (2002 at Zimmeⁿmat (2011 at , ⁿwith ⁿespect ti miⁿe ⁿecett evelipmetts it Póⁿea ⁿepatⁿiatiit, beist (2017 . These ⁿepatⁿiatiit episi es aⁿe

1 Umóⁿhiⁿ Ciuttⁿ) 2 Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage ́epaⁿtmett 3 "Stat itg Beaⁿ"

8 pⁿitit)picall) (but tit alⁿwa)s aime at la)itg sacⁿe ⁿemaits ti ⁿest, ⁿwheⁿeas it the case if latguage the ⁿepatⁿiatiit pⁿitit)picall) (but tit alⁿwa)s it mit is )tamic. I use the teⁿm itclusivel) ti ⁿefeⁿ ti the ⁿeestablishmett if a cimmutit)as access ti at cittⁿil iveⁿ at)thitg ⁿwhich has beet extⁿacte fⁿim it. It is a biS iⁿ multilateⁿal pⁿice uⁿe ⁿwhich ies tit citstitute but ⁿatheⁿ facilitates the ⁿeclamatiit aget a, a pⁿice uⁿe it ⁿwhich the settleⁿSschilaⁿSasSguestSⁿwiⁿeeⁿ tit itl) can but must pla) at active ⁿile, at theⁿefiⁿe it is peⁿhaps the pⁿimaⁿ) pⁿice uⁿe thⁿiugh ⁿwhich fiⁿ the settleⁿ litguist ti accimplice themself ti latguage ⁿeclamatiit. It the filliⁿwitg pages, I tⁿace the settleⁿ cilitial pⁿiject if authiⁿitativel) "etiⁿwitg" Umóⁿhiⁿ (at Póⁿea latguage at cultuⁿe bace ti its fiut itg peⁿsitalities at aget as, situate ⁿwithit it m) iⁿwt itteⁿvettiits, itclu itg thise itclu e it the Appendices ti this isseⁿtatiit, at citclu e that the settleⁿ aca em) has tet e ti iveⁿt ⁿepatⁿiative eteⁿg) tiⁿwaⁿ s its iⁿwt et s, but that this iveⁿsiit cat be ⁿesiste , if tit fitall), at least ialecticall) at it ⁿelatiitship, b) the settleⁿ litguist.

1.2: The settler "defnes" Umóhó.4 ae begit it 1803. It the fall afteⁿ the siScalle Liuisiata Puⁿchase, Pⁿesi ett Jeffeⁿsit cimmissiite a ⁿepiⁿt ⁿwhich ⁿwiul seⁿve as iⁿiettatiit mateⁿial fiⁿ the i ils if this ⁿegiitas settleⁿ states, Leⁿwis at Claⁿe. An account of Louisiana, a 72Spage icumett, ⁿwas cimpile it Natchitiches b) ́ⁿ. Jiht Sible) "at itheⁿs", tⁿatsmitte ti aashitgtit at supplemette b) the Pⁿesi ett. It ma) be citsistett, ⁿwith the vieⁿw if these tites, ti ⁿemaⁿe, that Liuisiata, itclu itg the iibile settlemetts, ⁿwas isciveⁿe at peiple b) the Fⁿetch, ⁿwhise mitaⁿchs ma e seveⁿal gⁿatts if its tⁿa e, it paⁿticulaⁿ ti iⁿ. Cⁿisat it 1712, at sime )eaⁿs afteⁿⁿwaⁿ s ⁿwith his acquiscetce, ti the ⁿwell etiⁿwt cimpat) pⁿijecte b) iⁿ. Laⁿw. ... B) the tⁿeat) if St. Il efitsi, if the 1st if Octibeⁿ, 1800, his cathilic majest) pⁿimises at etgages it his paⁿt ti ce e bace ti the Fⁿetch ⁿepublic, six mitths afteⁿ the full at ettiⁿe executiit if the cit itiits at stipulatiits theⁿeit cittaite , ⁿelative ti the uee if Paⁿma, "the cilit) iⁿ pⁿivitce if Liuisiata, ⁿwith the same extett that it actuall) has it the hat s if Spait, that it ha ⁿwhet Fⁿatce pissesse it, at such as it iught ti be afteⁿ the tⁿeaties subsequettl) etteⁿe itti betⁿweet Spait at itheⁿ states." This tⁿeat) ⁿwas citfiⁿme at etfiⁿce b) that if ia ⁿi , if the 21st iaⁿch, 1801. Fⁿim Fⁿatce it passe ti us b) the tⁿeat) if the 30th if Apⁿil last, ⁿwith a ⁿefeⁿetce ti the abive clause, as escⁿiptive if the limits ce e . (Sible) et al. 1803: pp. 4S5

At thⁿee hut ⁿe leagues fⁿim the iississippi, at ite hut ⁿe fⁿim the River Platte, it the same bate, aⁿe situate the villages if the iahas5. The) citsiste it 1799 if five hut ⁿe ⁿwaⁿⁿiiⁿs, but aⁿe sai ti have beet almist cut iff last )eaⁿ b) the smallS pix.

At fift) leagues abive the iahas, at it the left bate if the iissiuⁿi, ⁿwell the Pitcas6, ti the tumbeⁿ if tⁿwi hut ⁿe at fift) ⁿwaⁿⁿiiⁿs, pissessitg it cimmit ⁿwith 4 "Omaha" 5 Umóⁿhiⁿ 6 Póⁿea

9 the iahas theiⁿ latguage, siciet) at vices. Theiⁿ tⁿa e has teveⁿ beet if much value, at thise etgage it it aⁿe expise ti pillage at illStⁿeatmett. (Sible) et al. 1803: p. 39

It is sai that ti tⁿeaties have beet etteⁿe itti b) Spait ⁿwith the It iat tatiits ⁿwestⁿwaⁿ if the iississippi, at that its tⁿeatⁿies ⁿwith the Cⁿeees7, Chictaⁿws8, &c. aⁿe it effect supeⁿce e b) iuⁿ tⁿeat) ⁿwith that piⁿweⁿ if the 27th if Octibeⁿ, 1795. (Sible) et al. 1803: p. 41 B) ti meats the fiⁿst cilitial acciutt if the itteⁿiiⁿ if Niⁿth Ameⁿica9, ́ⁿ. Sible)as Account utiquel) pⁿivisiits the cimmetcemett if a settleⁿ cilitialism that ⁿwas as if )et itl) a tⁿwitelitg it the Pⁿesi ettas e)e. Its pⁿitiutcemetts it the histiⁿ), latguage at custims if peiples if the lat , itclu itg the "iahas" at "Pitcas", aⁿe if iubtful pⁿivetatce. But as the thⁿea if the lat as expⁿipⁿiatiit passes thⁿiugh this text, si tii ies the settleⁿ stateas authiⁿitative gaze upit ⁿwiⁿ s at ⁿwa)s. Sible)as Account cimmetces the pⁿiject if icumettitg Umóⁿhiⁿ )e tʰe, Umóⁿhit osheiⁿ tʰe10, fiⁿ its iⁿwt et s. This is a pⁿiject if ciuttless citsequetces. As the siut s if Umóⁿhiⁿ aⁿe fiut it feⁿweⁿ at smalleⁿ spaces, at the hutgeⁿ ti ⁿeclaim seill at speaeitg it gⁿiⁿws, I beaⁿ ⁿwittess ti a gⁿievitg, simetimes atgⁿ) ⁿejectiit if a cettuⁿiesSil icumettaⁿ) pⁿiject ⁿwhich has ma e access ti Umóⁿhiⁿ at Póⁿea ⁿwiⁿ s easieⁿ fiⁿ a ahite utiveⁿsit) stu ett ti cime b) that fiⁿ )iutg tⁿibal membeⁿs. This is ite citsequetce. SiScalle Ameⁿicatist icumettaⁿ) salvage litguistics, at its sisteⁿ isciplite if atthⁿipilig), aⁿe atitheⁿ citsequetce. The aca emic isciplites thⁿiugh ⁿwhich I citstⁿuct this isseⁿtatiit, siuⁿce if m) methi iligical tⁿaititg at icumettaⁿ) etiⁿwle ge base, aⁿe at extⁿactive settleⁿ sicial sciettific pⁿiject. aiⁿe such as the Account of Louisiana is tit acci ettall) ⁿelate ti these isciplites at methi s. It is citstitutive. It 1803 the aim if Sible)as questiit if litguistic i ettit) ma) have beet iptimizitg expe itiitaⁿ) at iplimatic efficietc). It 2001, b) ⁿwa) if cimpaⁿisit, Paⁿes & bateit ⁿaise it ami tiⁿwScuⁿⁿett pⁿijects if authiⁿitativel) istitguishitg at etumeⁿatitg latguages, ciuttitg theiⁿ ea , at cimbattitg the stigmatizatiit if " ialects" (themes ti ⁿwhich I ⁿetuⁿt it §2.2 : It the tⁿwettieth cettuⁿ) Omaha at Pitca still fiⁿme a sitgle latguage, ⁿwhile Osage at Katsa, alsi mutuall) ittelligible, fiⁿme atitheⁿ. Quapaⁿw, ⁿwhich is miⁿe iveⁿgett, ⁿwas a thiⁿ latguage. Althiugh the thⁿee latguages aⁿe veⁿ) similaⁿ lexicall) at gⁿammaticall), it is utcleaⁿ ⁿwhetheⁿ OmahaSPitca at KatsaSOsage speaeeⁿs ciul ut eⁿstat ite atitheⁿ at ⁿwhetheⁿ the tⁿwi speech fiⁿms ⁿweⁿe techticall) istitct latguages iⁿ ialects if a sitgle latguage. La Flesche (1932:1 , ⁿwhi ⁿwas a tative Omaha speaeeⁿ, state that the) ⁿweⁿe mutuall) ittelligible, evet thiugh ateⁿms it theiⁿ ⁿituals at sitgs vaⁿie .a It the mi Stⁿwettieth cettuⁿ) sime Osages testifie that the) ciul ut eⁿstat OmahaSPitca ⁿwith ifficult), but claime

7 ivseiee 8 Chahta 9 See, fiⁿ itstatce, the Fⁿatciscat expliⁿeⁿ beveⁿet Peⁿe Liuis Hiettepitas Description de la Louisiane (1683 . 10 Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage at Cultuⁿe

10 that Quapaⁿw ⁿwas cimpletel) utittelligible (ailff 1952:63 . (Paⁿes & bateit 2001: 100 The i ettities if latguages /e vaⁿieties /e ialects havitg itce beet asceⁿtaite , settleⁿ cilitial sicial sciettists ciul begit cillectitg icumettatiit, extⁿactitg at alietatitg this icumettatiit fⁿim its siuⁿce cimmutities, at buil itg a tⁿatsfiⁿme "etiⁿwle ge" if Póⁿea at Umóⁿhiⁿ peiple that ⁿwiul siit seⁿve as the basic mateⁿials fiⁿ the tⁿaititg if bith litguists at atthⁿipiligists fiⁿ mist if the tⁿwettieth cettuⁿ). ́espite the cettⁿal pisitiititg if this tⁿatsfiⁿme "etiⁿwle ge" if Umóⁿhiⁿ it iuⁿ isciplites, "fiel " ⁿwiⁿeeⁿs have itl) peⁿii icall) spett time ⁿwith the peiple it iⁿ eⁿ ti itject teⁿw pⁿimaⁿ) mateⁿial itti the settleⁿ aca em)as tⁿatsfiⁿmative etiⁿwle ge pⁿi uctiit. It this ittⁿi uctiit I attempt ti assemble as citcise as pissible a ⁿeciⁿ if this extⁿactive pⁿiject, situatitg m) iⁿwt ⁿwiⁿe – ⁿwhich I escⁿibe lateⁿ it this chapteⁿ at it the Appendices, agaitst its bace ⁿip. Because m) ficus is it the settleⁿ cilitial extⁿactiit if Póⁿea at Umóⁿhiⁿ mateⁿial, I mettiit itl) a small amiutt if the gⁿiⁿwitg bi ) if ⁿwiⁿe pⁿi uce b) tⁿibal membeⁿs themselves – ti be pⁿecise, that amiutt ⁿwhich has beet publishe it such a ⁿwa) as ti appeaⁿ it the settleⁿ cilitial aca em)as citatiits at bibliigⁿaphies. As at iutsi eⁿ, I am tit ettitle ti cⁿitique that bi ) if ⁿwiⁿe it the ⁿwa) I cⁿitique settleⁿ cilitial ⁿwiⁿe, at I am ceⁿtaitl) tit aⁿwaⁿe if it it its ettiⁿet). Theⁿe aⁿe mat) El eⁿs pⁿi ucitg excellett, ⁿeliable icumettaⁿ) at teachitg mateⁿials fiⁿ ciⁿculatiit at use acciⁿ itg ti theiⁿ iⁿwt teⁿms. I mettiit thise if ⁿwhim I am aⁿwaⁿe uⁿitg the timelite that filliⁿws, at apiligize fiⁿ thise I have teglecte ti itclu e. Fiⁿ the puⁿpises if the ⁿwiⁿe )iu aⁿe ⁿea itg, ma) it be sufficiett ti acetiⁿwle ge the special value that this bi ) if ⁿwiⁿe has fiⁿ tⁿibal membeⁿs if all ages, its ittimate placemett ⁿwithit the ⁿweb if tⁿibal ⁿelatiitships, its tⁿustⁿwiⁿthitess ⁿelative ti at etiⁿmius bi ) if liteⁿatuⁿe iftet vieⁿwe b) Umóⁿhiⁿ at Póⁿea peiple as ubiius at best, at its extⁿaiⁿ itaⁿ) ⁿile it atimatitg iuⁿ cimmutit)Sbase ⁿwiⁿe ti a). ae begit ⁿwith the fiⁿst tⁿatsfiⁿmatiit if etiⁿwle ge: the bi ) if liteⁿatuⁿe thⁿiugh ⁿwhich settleⁿ cilitial schilaⁿs have classified Umóⁿhiⁿ at Póⁿea latguage as "́hegiha" vaⁿieties if the "iississippi Valle)" subbⁿatch if the "Siiuat" latguage famil). This bi ) eseⁿves sepaⁿate at pⁿiiⁿ citsi eⁿatiit, as the settleⁿ cilitial aca em) have pⁿi uce it as sepaⁿate at pⁿiiⁿ ti Umóⁿhiⁿ at Póⁿea peiple, at because it cimpaⁿisit ⁿwith the bule if the extⁿactive sicial sciettific liteⁿatuⁿe it ⁿelies much less, at miⁿe indirectly, it actual " ata" extⁿacte fⁿim the peiple.

1.3: The settler "classifes" Umóhó.

ieatⁿwhile, it Greⁿmat) at the Utite States, Ameⁿicat It igetius latguages ⁿweⁿe beitg cimpaⁿe ⁿwith thise if the Tataⁿs if cettⁿal Asia at itheⁿ baⁿbaⁿius peiples if that paⁿt if the ⁿwiⁿl , it the eveⁿSfⁿustⁿate hipe if fit itg a cimmit iⁿigit fiⁿ thise peiple si faⁿ ⁿemive fⁿim ite atitheⁿ. This is hiⁿw, filliⁿwitg the impulse givet b) the illustⁿiius [Empⁿess] Catheⁿite [if bussia], schilaⁿs have busie themselves fiⁿ a litg time almist exclusivel) ⁿwith the et)miligical cimpaⁿisit if iffeⁿett latguages theiⁿ gⁿammatical fiⁿms ha attⁿacte itl) ⁿweae attettiit ⁿwhet Mithridates appeaⁿe .

11 That biie, ⁿwhich it is haⁿ ti tale abiut ⁿwithiut etthusiasm that biie, begut b) A elutg, but the gⁿeateⁿ paⁿt if ⁿwhich is ue ti the famius Vateⁿ, ⁿwas utfiⁿtutatel) ⁿwⁿittet it a latguage that at the time iutsi e if Greⁿmat) at tiⁿtheⁿt Euⁿipeat ciuttⁿies ⁿwas etiⁿwt itl) ti a feⁿw schilaⁿs ⁿwe cat ju ge its effect b) the veⁿ) fact that theⁿeas haⁿ l) at)bi ) ti a) ⁿwhi catat ⁿea at ut eⁿstat it. Mithridates ma e a ⁿevilutiit it scietce ⁿwe see theⁿe fiⁿ the fiⁿst time, it juxtapisitiit, the iffeⁿett fiⁿms if all the latguages if the utiveⁿse, that is ti sa) if thise ⁿwhich ⁿweⁿe etiⁿwt at the time. ( u Pitceau 1838: 4S5 Settleⁿ cilitial litguisticsa appetite fiⁿ Umóⁿhiⁿ ⁿwiⁿ s ies tit begit ⁿwith the lat eals if the cilitial piⁿweⁿs, iⁿ evet eaⁿl) expliⁿeⁿsa litguistic etiⁿwle ge. Liee ́ⁿ. Sible) it his Account of Louisiana, Zebulit Piee ⁿepiⁿts that the "Osage" speae "the same latguage ⁿwith the Katses, Otties, iissiuⁿies, at iahaⁿws" (1811: 168 . It ⁿeciⁿ itg these ibseⁿvatiits, laⁿgel) it the authiⁿit) if tⁿa eⁿs, expliⁿeⁿs ha imme iate staffitg pⁿessuⁿes it mit , at miⁿe it iⁿectl) theiⁿ chaⁿteⁿitg statesa thiⁿst fiⁿ etiⁿwle ge at piⁿweⁿ. Theiⁿ ibseⁿvatiits siit fuelle thiⁿ paⁿties claimitg ti ⁿwiⁿe it behalf if etiⁿwle ge alite11. It faⁿaⁿwa) ́ⁿes et, Jihatt Chⁿistiph A elutg it 1806 publishe a ⁿwiⁿe that, as PieⁿⁿeSÉtiette u Pitceau gushes abive, ⁿwas sai sitglehat e l) ti have mitivate the Euⁿipeat aca em) ti leaⁿt Greⁿmat. A elutg ie siit afteⁿ his ⁿwiⁿeas publicatiit, at si it ⁿwas his stu ett Jihatt Seveⁿit Vateⁿ ⁿwhise Paⁿt 3, Sectiit 3 if Mithridates submitte Pieeas fit itg if a utifie latguage if the (ⁿespelt "Katzes, Otties, iissuⁿis ut iahas" (A elutg & Vateⁿ 1816: 270 , at Sible)as itclusiit if "Pitcaⁿs" (p. 272 , ti the appetites if Euⁿipeat phililigists. aheⁿe A elutg & Vateⁿas Mithridates ⁿwas gⁿiut sbⁿeaeitg it evelipitg a cimpaⁿative methi , A ⁿiati Balbi at Albeⁿt Grallatit bⁿiee gⁿiut it appl)itg that methi ti the phililigistsa theiⁿetical questiit if chiice – the quest fiⁿ "cimmit iⁿigits" ⁿefeⁿetce b) u Pitceau. A Vetetiat geigⁿapheⁿ, Balbi it his Atlas ethnographique du globe cⁿe its u Pitceau himself fiⁿ fiⁿst i ettif)itg a "gⁿeat famil) if the Siiux" (1826: 280 , cimbititg it ⁿwith a "Pati"12 famil) as the "UltⁿaSiississippiat Latguages" (p. 303 . Balbi heⁿe sⁿwitches ti the timetclatuⁿe "SiiuxSOsage at PatiS Aⁿⁿapahie, afteⁿ the tames if each iteas tⁿwi pⁿitcipal peiples". ahile Balbi cites Grallatitas )et utpublishe matuscⁿipt ⁿwithiut iⁿect cimpaⁿative evi etce it itclu itg "the Cⁿiⁿw13, the iissiuⁿis14, the Aⁿeatsas15, the iat ates16 at the iitetaⁿes17", he puts veⁿ) plaitl) that "it is itl) ... it u Pitceauas tⁿaces that ⁿwe have put tigetheⁿ the gⁿeat SiiuxSOsage famil)" (p. 307 . The GretevatSAmeⁿicat piliticiatStuⁿte Sethtiligist Abⁿaham Alfitse Albeⁿt e Grallatit ⁿwas miⁿe citsequettial, hiⁿweveⁿ, fiⁿ the evelipmett if a "Siiuatist" bⁿatch if the Niⁿth Ameⁿicat settleⁿ cilitial icumettaⁿ) litguistic pⁿiject. Hiis 1836 Synopsis of the Indian tribes within the east of the Rocky Mountains, and in the

11 This, theⁿefiⁿe, is the piitt if epaⁿtuⁿe fiⁿ ite if Vite ́eliⁿia, Jⁿ.as, ciⁿe allegatiits (1969: 94 , ti ⁿwhich I ⁿetuⁿt it Chapter 2. 12 Chatices si Chatices /e "Paⁿwtee" 13 Apsaaliiee 14 Ñut^achi /e "iissiuⁿia" 15 OSGrahSPah /e Oeaxpa /e "Quapaⁿw" 16 "iat at" 17 Hiiⁿaaca /e "Hii atsa"

12 British and Russian possessions in North America hitges aⁿiut a tⁿwett)SsixSpageSlitg militaⁿistic apiligia fiⁿ the itgiitg getici e (pp. 136S59 . Befiⁿe pⁿicee itg ⁿwith the pⁿi uctiit if the settleⁿ aca emic citcept if "Siiuat", letas citsi eⁿ the puⁿpise if the icumett it ⁿwhich Grallatit pⁿi uces it. aheⁿe Sible) juxtapises litguistic etiⁿwle ge ⁿwith the expⁿipⁿiatiit if siveⁿeigtt) at lat , Grallatit, ⁿwⁿititg at at apiligist fiⁿ the teⁿwl) cimmetce itvasiit, juxtapises it ⁿwith a much ⁿicheⁿ vaⁿiet) if cilitial tⁿipes, itclu itg settleⁿ cilitial supeⁿsessiit (1 , aⁿchaeiligical alietatiit (2 , Native t)ⁿatt) (3 , beteviletce as epet etc) (4 , fitalit) if citquest (5 , cillateⁿalit) if amage (6 , ahite matas buⁿ et (7 , sciettific ⁿacism (8 , Chⁿistiatit)as buⁿ et (9 , Native i letess (10 , chiice betⁿweet ibliviit at "ⁿwiⁿe" (11 , meatitglesstess if Native siveⁿeigtt) (12 , victimSblamitg (13 , at getici al a iptiit (14 : 1. Thise ciuttⁿies ⁿwheⁿe, it acciutt if the climate, gⁿeateⁿ exeⁿtiits aⁿe ⁿequiⁿe it iⁿ eⁿ ti ibtait the tecessaⁿies at cimfiⁿts if life, ma) be thise ⁿwhich ultimatel) ⁿwill maee the gⁿeatest pⁿigⁿess it the aⁿts at it the acquiⁿemett if ⁿwealth at etiⁿwle ge but the) aⁿe tit thise ⁿwheⁿe civilizatiit has beet fiut geteⁿall) ti iⁿigitate. (p. 145

The fiuⁿ milliits if it ustⁿiius ithabitatts, ⁿwhi, ⁿwithit less that fiⁿt) )eaⁿs, have peiple iuⁿ ⁿwesteⁿt States ... iffeⁿ the mist stⁿieitg cittⁿast, ⁿwhet cimpaⁿe ⁿwith peⁿhaps ite hut ⁿe thiusat It iats ⁿwhise place the) iccup). (p. 154

2. [A]tciett tumuli, fiⁿtificatiits, at itheⁿ ⁿemtatts, bith east at ⁿwest if the iississippi, the iⁿigit if ⁿwhich is ettiⁿel) utetiⁿwt ti the It iats (p. 147 .... Shiul it appeaⁿ ... that the) must be ascⁿibe ti a pipulius at agⁿicultuⁿal tatiit, ⁿwe must, I thite, citclu e that this ⁿwas estⁿi)e b) a miⁿe baⁿbaⁿius peiple. (p. 149

3. aaⁿ at the chase aⁿe the itl) puⁿsuits ⁿwhich the met i tit thite beteath theiⁿ igtit). ... ahet tit thus etgage , the) site itti a state if mettal apath) at ph)sical it iletce, fⁿim ⁿwhich stⁿitg stimulatts alite cat ⁿiuse them .... aimet aⁿe eveⁿ)ⁿwheⁿe slaves at beasts if buⁿ et. (p. 151

4. The laⁿgeⁿ cimpetsatiit alliⁿwe fiⁿ theiⁿ lat s, at the attuities bestiⁿwe upit them, have pⁿimite the habit if beitg suppiⁿte itheⁿⁿwise that b) labiⁿ. It is tit b) tⁿeatitg them as paupeⁿs, that a faviⁿable chatge cat be expecte . (p. 155

5. [T]he tatives have cease ti be at ibject if teⁿⁿiⁿ, at the) aⁿe ettiⁿel) at iuⁿ meⁿc). (p. 155

6. ae ma) it ee sa), that, if a scⁿupulius ⁿegaⁿ ha alⁿwa)s beet pai ti the ⁿights if the It iats, this tatiit ⁿwiul tit have spⁿutg itti existetce. (p. 155

13 7. [The Utite States have] beet cⁿeate at theiⁿ expetse at the u) is impise upit us ti exhaust eveⁿ) pⁿacticable meats ti pⁿevett the attihilatiit if thise ⁿwhi ⁿemait, at ti pⁿimite theiⁿ happitess. (p. 155

8. The) have exhibite ⁿepeate pⁿiifs if ittellectual piⁿweⁿs appaⁿettl) veⁿ) supeⁿiiⁿ ti thise if the Afⁿicat, at tit veⁿ) itfeⁿiiⁿ ti thise if the Euⁿipeat ⁿace. (p. 156

9. [I]t is pⁿitcipall) it the effiⁿts if the missiitaⁿies, that ⁿwe must ⁿel) fiⁿ effectitg the ibject [if a peⁿmatett place if ⁿefuge]. ... Thise mitisteⁿs if the Grispel ⁿwhi ⁿwith equal zeal, isitteⁿeste tess, at sitgletess if puⁿpise, have evite themselves ti the seⁿvice if the It iats, have eseⁿve at alite have acquiⁿe theiⁿ citfi etce. (p. 158

10. [A] a) if ⁿest it the ⁿweee is uttecessaⁿ) fiⁿ thise ⁿwhi aⁿe i le the gⁿeateⁿ paⁿt if theiⁿ time. (p. 158

11. At it is believe , that ti tatiit, iⁿ it ivi ual, cat tⁿatsgⁿess ⁿwith imputit) that fiⁿst ecⁿee ⁿwhich, allittitg ti each sex its pⁿipeⁿ shaⁿe, eclaⁿe labiⁿ ti be the cit itiit, it ⁿwhich mat ⁿwas peⁿmitte ti exist. (p. 158

12. Let tit the It iats etteⁿtait the illusiⁿ) hipe, that the) cat peⁿsist it theiⁿ habits, at ⁿemait it peⁿpetuit) quiet pissessiⁿs if the extetsive teⁿⁿitiⁿ) ⁿwest if the iississippi, latel) givet ti them it exchatge fiⁿ theiⁿ atciett seats. (p. 158

13. The) must be eepl) impⁿesse ⁿwith the citvictiit that theiⁿ ultimate fate epet s exclusivel) it themselves. (p. 159

14. The attempt [ti chatge theiⁿ habits] ma) be hipeless ⁿwith ⁿespect ti met be)it a ceⁿtait age at the effiⁿt shiul be iⁿecte tiⁿwaⁿ s the chil ⁿet. Fiⁿ that puⁿpise, it is sufficiett, that the paⁿett shiul be thiⁿiughl) citvitce if the absilute tecessit) fiⁿ a chatge, ⁿwithiut ⁿequiⁿitg him ti i himself ⁿwhat peⁿhaps has becime impⁿacticable. If that piitt ciul be accimplishe , at the It iats ⁿwiul peⁿmit theiⁿ chil ⁿet ti be bⁿiught up b) us, the success if the expeⁿimett ⁿwiul epet it thise appiitte ti supeⁿittet its executiit. (p. 159 It the Synopsis Grallatit, as Balbi ha tite if at eaⁿlieⁿ matuscⁿipt, citstⁿucts a "Grⁿeat Siiux Famil)" (p. 128 citsistitg if (1 the "aittebagies18, si calle b) the Algiteits19, ... [ⁿwhi] call themselves Hochungohrah, iⁿ the aTⁿiuta tatiit (2 the "Siiux pⁿipeⁿ, iⁿ Nau iⁿwessies, tames givet ti them b) the Algiteits at the Fⁿetch20, [ⁿwhi] call themselves Dahcotas, at simetiems Ochente Shakoans21" (p. 121 as "iitetaⁿes" the "iat ates", "iitetaⁿes" at "Cⁿiⁿw iⁿ Upsaroka" (p. 125 at as "siutheⁿt Siiux" 18 HiiSChute /e Hióicąe 19 Oticeⁿwàgami /e "Algitquit" 20 A elutg & Vateⁿ (1816: 256S65 emitstⁿate plaitl) that the mistimeⁿ "Siiux" ⁿwas titiⁿiius as such b) the eaⁿl) titeteetth cettuⁿ) evet as faⁿ aⁿwa) as Greⁿmat). The ⁿwiⁿ "Siiuat" ⁿeitfiⁿces it ti this a). 21 Očhethi Šaeóⁿwiŋ /e "Siiux"

14 (p. 126 the "Iiⁿwa)s22", "Otties23 at iissiuⁿis", "Omahaⁿws at Putcas", "Quappas, Osages24 at Katsas25". Filliⁿwitg Grallatit, at ⁿwith ti mettiit if u Pitceau iⁿ Balbi, this gⁿiupitg becimes the basis fiⁿ the emeⁿgetce if a "Siiuatist" pⁿiject ⁿwithit the "Ameⁿicatist" litguistic tⁿa itiit. The tame "Siiuat" ha tit )et emeⁿge . Each iffeⁿitg theiⁿ iⁿwt atal)sis if the subgⁿiups if the "famil)", the settleⁿ cilitial schilaⁿs ⁿwhi filliⁿwe iffeⁿe fiⁿ a feⁿw eca es it theiⁿ pⁿefeⁿⁿe tame fiⁿ it. Pⁿichaⁿ (1847: 408S12 at Latham (1860: 327 filliⁿw Grallatit it extet itg the tame "Siiux" metit)micall) ti the ettiⁿe famil). Hia) et (1862: 232 , iiⁿgat (1871: 150S89 at Keate (1882: 460, 470 , it the itheⁿ hat , appⁿipⁿiate Očhethi Šaeóⁿwiŋ autit)ms at itstea extet "́aeitat" /e "́acitah" ti the ettiⁿe famil). Nite if these ⁿwⁿiteⁿs citsi eⁿ eitheⁿ Balbias stⁿateg) if tamitg the famil) afteⁿ multiple membeⁿs, iⁿ the alteⁿtative stⁿateg) if leaⁿtitg Native citcepts at tames fiⁿ litguistic ⁿelatiitships. Nite mettiits u Pitceau iⁿ Balbi, eitheⁿ, at it this imissiit the) aⁿe filliⁿwe b) authiⁿitative getealigies if ti a)as "Siiuatist" sub isciplite, such as thise ⁿwⁿittet b) aallace Chafe (1976: 40 at , it the Handbook of North American Indians, b) ́iuglas Paⁿes & bibeⁿt bateit (2001: 102 . Cⁿe it fiⁿ ciititg the teⁿm "Siiuat" is custimaⁿil) givet ti the Episcipaliat missiitaⁿ), litguist at ethtiligist James Oⁿwet ́iⁿse), ⁿwhise Omaha sociology, ⁿwⁿittet fiⁿ the Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology fiⁿ 1881S82, ittⁿi uces the teⁿm it its fiⁿst page, ⁿwhile simultateiusl) ittⁿi ucitg "Ȼegiha" as the tame if the subbⁿatch ti ⁿwhich the litguists assigte Umóⁿhiⁿ )e (1884: 211 . ́iⁿse) himself ies tit claim ti have ciite the teⁿm, but ⁿwⁿites ⁿegⁿetfull) b) 1883, befiⁿe Omaha sociology evet appeaⁿs: It is utfiⁿtutate that ⁿwe aⁿe iblige ti use ["Siiuat"], ⁿwhich is eⁿive fⁿim "Siiux," as the latteⁿ is tit a getuite It iat ⁿwiⁿ . ... "́aeitat" shiul have beet the appellative, as the Siiux call themselves "́aeita" at "Laeita." But, it hitiⁿ if Albeⁿt Grallatit, ⁿwhi ⁿwas the fiⁿst ti classif) the It iats if this famil) as the "Siiux," the Buⁿeau if Ethtilig) if the Smithsitiat Itstitutiit has a ipte the teⁿw teⁿm, "Siiuat," as the tame if this famil).

The ⁿwⁿiteⁿ is ⁿespitsible fiⁿ "ȻeSgiSha" as the tame if the secit gⁿiup appeaⁿitg it the filliⁿwitg list .... Ȼegiha meats, "Belitgitg ti the peiple if this lat ," iⁿ, "Thise ⁿwellitg heⁿe," i.e., the abiⁿigites iⁿ hime peiple. (1885: 919 ́iⁿse) heⁿe implicates Jiht aesle) Piⁿwellas authiⁿit) as iⁿectiⁿ if the Buⁿeau if Ethtilig) as ecisive behit the chiice if the teⁿm. It ee , Piⁿwell tit litg afteⁿⁿwaⁿ s efet s his ecisiit it the spuⁿiius gⁿiut s that the tame "Siiux" exists at ⁿefeⁿs as Grallatit ⁿwⁿite that it ies, ⁿatheⁿ that as it it fact ies: Oⁿwitg ti the fact that "Siiux" is a ⁿwiⁿ if ⁿepⁿiach at meats staee iⁿ etem), the teⁿm has beet iscaⁿ e b) mat) lateⁿ ⁿwⁿiteⁿs as a famil) esigtatiit, at "́aeita," ⁿwhich sigtifies fⁿiet iⁿ all), has beet empli)e it its stea . The tⁿwi ⁿwiⁿ s aⁿe, hiⁿweveⁿ, b) ti meats pⁿipeⁿl) s)tit)mius. The teⁿm "Siiux" ⁿwas use b) Grallatit

22 Baxije 23 Jiⁿweⁿe /e "Otie" 24 aashashe 25 Kaaⁿze /e "Kaⁿw" /e "Katza"

15 it a cimpⁿehetsive iⁿ famil) setse at ⁿwas applie ti all the tⁿibes cillectivel) etiⁿwt ti him ti speae eit ⁿe ialects if a ⁿwi espⁿea latguage. It is it this setse itl), as applie ti the litguistic famil), that the teⁿm is heⁿe empli)e . (1891: 112 Fⁿim this time it, the use if "Siiuat" is laⁿgel) utcittⁿiveⁿsial amitg settleⁿ cilitial litguists. Paⁿes & bateit, at icGree (1897 befiⁿe them, it fact, aⁿe utusual it pⁿivi itg evet a limite getealig) fiⁿ it itheⁿ cimpⁿehetsive pⁿitiutcemetts (e.g. Viegelit 1941, Chafe 1976, Grⁿimm 2012 leave it iut ettiⁿel). ́escⁿibitg the settleⁿ cilitial litguistsa b) tiⁿw ⁿeceive classificatiit, Paⁿes & bateit place Umóⁿhiⁿ )e it a "sitgle latguage iⁿ latguage cimplex calle ́hegiha (ðegēha ." (2001: 100 "́hegiha" tii, as a tame fiⁿ a litguistic gⁿiupitg, is at appⁿipⁿiatiit ⁿatheⁿ that at autit)m, at has beet extet e metit)micall) iveⁿ its famil) membeⁿs fⁿim a sitgle membeⁿ – it this case, acciⁿ itg ti ́iⁿse), fⁿim Umóⁿhiⁿ at Póⁿea )e. ́iⁿse), ⁿwhi spells it "Ȼegiha", escⁿibes it as a ⁿwiⁿ a Póⁿea iⁿ Umóⁿhiⁿ mat might use ti i ettif) himself as lical ⁿwhet "challetge it the aⁿe" (1884: 211 . It The Ȼegiha Language, he pⁿivi es ⁿeflexes if the ⁿwiⁿ it tⁿwi itheⁿ "́hegiha" latguages: Kaaⁿze "Yegaha" at aashashe "Ȼeeʞaha" (1890: xv . ailff (1950: 64 attⁿibutes at OSGrahSPah teⁿm, "Aeatsa", ti the same et)milig) at the same ⁿwiⁿe if ́iⁿse), thiugh I have tit fiut ́iⁿse)as mettiit if it. B) ⁿwa) if cittⁿast, the teⁿm I have heaⁿ Umóⁿhiⁿ at Póⁿea peiple use fiⁿ escⁿibitg ⁿelate tⁿibesa ⁿelate latguages is, simpl), "Éthai" (aⁿelativesa . This usage has tit beet citsi eⁿe it at) if the settleⁿ cilitial litguistic liteⁿatuⁿe.

1.4: Mid nineteenth century ́espite the stiⁿⁿitgs set it mitiit b) Mithridates it Euⁿipe at Ameⁿica, the bule if titeteetthScettuⁿ) settleⁿsa at expliⁿeⁿsa extⁿactiits if Umóⁿhiⁿ at Póⁿea succee e iutsi e if the aca em). iajiⁿ Stephet Hiaⁿⁿimat Litgas expe itiit is cⁿe ite ⁿwith lautchitg ethtigⁿaph) at vicabulaⁿ) cillectiit. The 1820 expe itiit, cimmissiite b) Pⁿesi ett iitⁿie ti sciut the cettⁿal plaits at the "biⁿ eⁿ" establishe it tegitiatiits ⁿwith Spait, itclu e the fiⁿst settleⁿ publicatiit if at Umóⁿhiⁿ vicabulaⁿ), b) the expe itiit ziiligist, Thimas Sa) (1823 . The expe itiit bitatist, E ⁿwit James, publishe at extet e ethtigⁿaphic segmett (1823: 167S343 base it the asseⁿtiits if the expe itiit itteⁿpⁿeteⁿ, Jiht ́iugheⁿt)26, ⁿwhi b) 1820 ⁿwas " eput) It iat agett fiⁿ the iissiuⁿi, [at ] ⁿwhi ha at excellett ippiⁿtutit) if maeitg himself acquaitte ⁿwith the tatives, b) ⁿesi itg fiⁿ a time it the Omaⁿwhaⁿw village, at b) visititg all the iffeⁿett tatiits if this ⁿiveⁿ." (p. 200 ́iugheⁿt)as time amitg Umóⁿhiⁿ peiple ⁿwiul have ti have beet sime time betⁿweet 1809 at 1819. The paitteⁿ Greiⁿge Catlit fiⁿst publishe Umóⁿhiⁿ piⁿtⁿaits, alitg ⁿwith tames at histiⁿical at siciiligical escⁿiptiits (1842: 212S7 1848 , filliⁿwe b) the phitigⁿapheⁿs ailliam Hietⁿ) Jacesit (1877 at bilat Napileit Bitapaⁿte uⁿitg his 1883 expe itiit (Ciutatcieⁿ 1992 . Atitheⁿ Euⁿipeat aⁿisticⁿat expliⁿeⁿ, Alexat eⁿ Philipp iaximiliat vit aie SNeuⁿwie , cillecte Umóⁿhiⁿ vicabulaⁿ) uⁿitg his 1832S4 expe itiit (1839, Vil. 2: 599S612, 632 see alsi Vil. 1: 648 .

26 Lateⁿ it ́iugheⁿt)as life he suⁿfaces as a ⁿwealth) slaveiⁿwteⁿ it the state if iissiuⁿi ⁿwhi agitate agaitst emicⁿac) uⁿitg the Blee itg Katsas citflicts. James, it the itheⁿ hat , became at Ut eⁿgⁿiut bailⁿia "cit uctiⁿ" teaⁿ Buⁿlitgtit, Iiⁿwa.

16 iissiitaⁿies ⁿweⁿe eaⁿl) at citsistatt paⁿticipatts it the extⁿactive fiel . Cathilic missiitaⁿ) PieⁿⁿeSJeat e Smet publishe a list if tumbeⁿs it 1865. ́e Smet alsi e ucate a )iutg FⁿetchSUmóⁿhiⁿ mat tame Hietⁿ) Fittetelle, ⁿwhise bⁿitheⁿ Ligat seⁿve as itteⁿpⁿeteⁿ uⁿitg the 1854 tⁿeat) tegitiatiits. Hietⁿ) etteⁿe itti fⁿuitful cillabiⁿatiit, peⁿhaps ti e Smetas isma), ⁿwith a Pⁿesb)teⁿiat missiitaⁿ) tame ailliam Hiamiltit, iut if ⁿwhich cime the fiⁿst extⁿactiits ⁿwⁿittet at least it paⁿt fiⁿ Umóⁿhiⁿ at Póⁿea au ietces (Hiamiltit 1868, 1887, t. . Fittetelle t. . . Fittetelle at Hiamiltit ⁿweⁿe itvilve it the fiut itg if the Nebⁿasea State Hiistiⁿical Siciet). Fiⁿmeⁿ It iat agett at giveⁿtiⁿ bibeⁿt aileitsit Fuⁿtas jiite them it publishitg Umóⁿhiⁿ extⁿactiits it the siciet)as itauguⁿal vilume (Fuⁿtas 1885 Hiamiltit 1885 Hiamiltit & Fittetelle 1885 Fittetelle 1885 . SettleⁿSstate actiⁿs, ⁿwithiut imitatitg the scete, cittitue ti figuⁿe it extⁿactive publicatiits. E ⁿwit Jamesa list if Umóⁿhiⁿ tumbeⁿs fⁿim the Litg expe itiit ⁿwas publishe it 1830 (p. 324 . The geiligist Feⁿ itat Vat eveeⁿ Hia) et fiⁿst cillecte Umóⁿhiⁿ vicabulaⁿ) sime time afteⁿ 1855 (1862: 448S52 , at agait "ⁿwhile cit uctitg the Utite States Greiligical Suⁿve) if the State if Nebⁿasea" (1868 quite fⁿim p. 389 27. The fiⁿmeⁿ chaiⁿmat if the Biaⁿ if It iat Cimmissiiteⁿs, ailliam aelsh, issue a ⁿepiⁿt if his "itspectiit" if the "Siiux at Pitea" it 1872, all ⁿwhile libb)itg Pⁿesi ett Grⁿatt ti shift It iat pilic) aⁿwa) fⁿim citizetship at tiⁿwaⁿ s ⁿwaⁿ. Piⁿtⁿaits, alitg ⁿwith tames at histiⁿical at siciiligical escⁿiptiits, ⁿweⁿe extⁿacte fiⁿst b) the paitteⁿ Greiⁿge Catlit (1842: 212S7 1848 , at lateⁿ b) phitigⁿapheⁿs such as ailliam Hietⁿ) Jacesit (1877 at Fⁿetch Pⁿitce bilat Napileit Bitapaⁿte uⁿitg his 1883 expe itiit (Ciutatcieⁿ 1992 . bill (1999 cimpise heⁿ iA thesis it the subject if Umóⁿhiⁿ phitigⁿaphs.

1.5: The ethnologists and beyond Grallatit, ⁿwhi bith ⁿeveale at embi ie the alliatce betⁿweet state at aca em), appeaⁿs ⁿwith Hiiⁿatii Emmits Hiale publishitg Umóⁿhiⁿ vicabulaⁿ) (Hiale & Grallatit 1845: cxvSvi, 117 . The itl) itheⁿ schilaⁿl) extⁿactiit ⁿwhich ti m) etiⁿwle ge pⁿe ates the isciplitaⁿ) emeⁿgetce if the settleⁿ ethtiligists is August Fⁿie ⁿich Pittas list if tumbeⁿs (1847 . The jiitt state /e aca emic ethtiligical vettuⁿe iut if ⁿwhich the chaⁿacteⁿs it the text sectiit emeⁿge ⁿwas ⁿwell ut eⁿⁿwa) b) the fiⁿst publicatiit if a list if Umóⁿhiⁿ eitship teⁿms, cillecgte b) Pⁿesb)teⁿiat missiitaⁿ) Chaⁿles ahitehea Stuⁿges28, at publishe b) the sicial ́aⁿⁿwitist atthⁿipiligist Leⁿwis Hietⁿ) iiⁿgat, ⁿwhise fiut atiital ⁿwiⁿe lett the "Omaha" tame ti a majiⁿ empiⁿical t)pe it ⁿwhat ⁿwas ti becime atthⁿipiligical theiⁿ) (1871: 292S382 . B) the time a tⁿwett)StⁿwiS)eaⁿSil , fⁿeshl) iⁿ aite Episcipal eacit tame James Oⁿwet ́iⁿse) ⁿwas sett ⁿwest ti the Póⁿea peiple it ia) 1871, Piⁿwell, Hiale, iiⁿgat at itheⁿs ha evelipe the theiⁿ) at pⁿactice ⁿwhich seⁿve as a m)thiligical isciplitaⁿ) 27 Althiugh Hia) et aveⁿs that "[t]i puⁿsuit has eveⁿ givet me gⁿeateⁿ pleasuⁿe that the stu ) if the latguages at custims if iuⁿ tative tⁿibes," (1868: 389 his legac) as tamesaee if the valle) siuth if Yelliⁿwstite Falls has ⁿaⁿwt fiⁿe (Native Neⁿws Otlite 2017 citsequett ti his uⁿgitg the settleⁿ giveⁿtmett, it the Pⁿelimitaⁿ) ⁿepiⁿt if the Utite States geiligical suⁿve) if a)imitg, ti chiise – ⁿwith "ti mi le gⁿiut " – betⁿweet the cimpulsiⁿ) ⁿee ucatiit at se ettaⁿizatiit, iⁿ the exteⁿmitatiit, if the It iats. (1872: 263S4 28 See alsi Grⁿeet (1967 .

17 iⁿigit stiⁿ) fiⁿ ti a)as settleⁿ cilitial litguist at atthⁿipiligist. As this tⁿa itiitas fiⁿst majiⁿ cillectiⁿ if Umóⁿhiⁿ at Póⁿea " ata", ́iⁿse) cat faiⁿl) be sai ti this a) ti hil the ⁿeciⁿ fiⁿ the mist pⁿilific icumettatiit if Póⁿea at Umóⁿhiⁿ ⁿwiⁿ s. Stⁿugglitg ⁿwith piiⁿ health fiⁿ mist if his shiⁿt a ult life, ́iⁿse) sta)e it missiit itl) uttil August 1873, but matage ti becime fluett it Póⁿea b) thet, at publishe a pⁿimeⁿ (1873 . Bace it iaⁿ)lat , he "attⁿacte the attettiit if iajiⁿ Jiht aesle) Piⁿwell [, ⁿwhi] aⁿⁿatge fiⁿ ́iⁿse) ti ⁿwiⁿe amitg the Omaha it Nebⁿasea fⁿim 1878 ti 1880 ti cillect litguistic at ethtiligical tites." (aatg 2014 ́uⁿitg this ⁿwiⁿe ́iⁿse) cillabiⁿate ⁿwith izets if "It iat authiⁿities", ⁿwhise tames aⁿe ⁿaⁿel) pⁿivi e b) subsequett settleⁿ cilitial litguists at atthⁿipiligists cititg his tⁿatscⁿipts. A )iutg Fⁿatcis LaFlesche ⁿwas his mist ittimate at et uⁿitg cillabiⁿatiⁿ. The fⁿuits if ́iⁿse)as icumettaⁿ) caⁿeeⁿ itclu e a huge tumbeⁿ if sacⁿe stiⁿies (1879, 1881, 1882, 1884S5, 1888b, 1888c, 1888e, 1889a, 1890a LaFlesche & ́iⁿse) 1881 , siciiligical at histiⁿical texts (1884, 1886, 1889c, 1889 , 1890a, 1890b, 1891b, 1896, 1897 , ceⁿemit) (1883, 1894 , sitgs (1888a, 1888 , 1889b , tames (1890c , siut ⁿwiⁿ s (1892 , ciⁿⁿespit etce (1890a, 1891a at secit aⁿ) phitiligical atal)sis (1885 . Hiis magtum ipus, The Ȼegiha Language (1890a , itclu es thⁿee if these getⁿes. Grⁿeateⁿ still is his cillectiit if papeⁿs it the Natiital Atthⁿipiligical Aⁿchives, iS 4800 (1870S1956 see alsi aatg 2014 , a gⁿiⁿwitg mitiⁿit) if ⁿwhich has beet ma e available b) the Smithsitiat Otlite Viⁿtual Aⁿchives. Feⁿw Umóⁿhiⁿ iⁿ Póⁿea peiple have beet miⁿe catitize it settleⁿ cilitial histiⁿiigⁿaph) that iiⁿchʰu Niⁿzhiⁿ29, the Póⁿea chief ⁿwhi ⁿwas aⁿⁿeste it his ⁿwa) ti ⁿepatⁿiate his sitas ⁿemaits at ⁿwhise habeas ciⁿpus petitiit ⁿesulte it legal ⁿecigtitiit if Native peiple as peⁿsits. Omaha Daily Herald e itiⁿ Thimas Hietⁿ) Tibbles, ut eⁿ the pseu it)m "Z)l)ff", chⁿiticle the stiⁿ) as The Chiefs tigetheⁿ ⁿwith Fⁿatcis LaFlescheas sisteⁿ at Tibblesa futuⁿe ⁿwife IⁿshtaThiiⁿba30 (1879 . ́uⁿitg iiⁿchʰu Niⁿzhiⁿ at IⁿshtaThiiⁿbaas easteⁿt speaeitg tiuⁿ that filliⁿwe the tⁿial, Fⁿatcis LaFlesche filliⁿwe as iiⁿchʰu Niⁿzhiⁿas itteⁿpⁿeteⁿ. ́iⁿse) at LaFlesche ⁿweⁿe ⁿwiⁿeitg tigetheⁿ it aashitgtit ⁿwhet Tibbles at IⁿshtaThiiⁿba fiⁿst met Alice Cuttitgham Fletcheⁿ, at itvite heⁿ ti Nebⁿasea. Impⁿesse b) the effiⁿts if sime Umóⁿhiⁿ peiple it theiⁿ lat , ⁿwhich Citgⁿess ha allitte ⁿwithiut title it 1871, Fletcheⁿ ⁿetuⁿte ti aashitgtit as at atimate libb)ist fiⁿ ⁿwhat evettuall) became the 1887 ́aⁿwes Act, but ⁿwas applie it 1882S4 as a test case it Umóⁿhiⁿ iiⁿzhóⁿ, ⁿwith Fletcheⁿ as ite if its pⁿitcipal agetts. Fletcheⁿas gⁿeatest at mist amagitg impact is thus fⁿittSlia e it the ipetitg mitths if heⁿ ⁿelatiitship ⁿwith the peiple, ⁿwaⁿfitg the impact if heⁿ icumettaⁿ) pⁿiject ⁿwhich she caⁿⁿie passiitatel) fiⁿⁿwaⁿ uttil heⁿ passitg it 1923. Fiⁿ Fⁿatcis LaFlesche, this time peⁿii became the begittitg if a pⁿilific caⁿeeⁿ as litguist at atthⁿipiligist. Besi es cittituitg ⁿwiⁿe ⁿwith ́iⁿse) uttil his uttimel) passitg it 1895, he alsi seⁿve as Fletcheⁿas pⁿitcipal Umóⁿhiⁿ cillabiⁿatiⁿ thⁿiughiut

29 "Stat itg Beaⁿ" besi es Z)l)ff & IⁿshtaThiiⁿba (1879 , ⁿwhich is escⁿibe heⁿe, this stiⁿ) has beet ⁿetil b) iathes (2003 , ́at iSCillits (2005 , Staⁿita (2009 at Steve (2013 . It is the subject if tⁿwi NET icumettaⁿies – iaⁿshall Jamisitas The Trial of Standing Bear (1988 at Chⁿistite Lesiaeas Standing Bear's Footsteps (2012 , at if a fiⁿthcimitg Hiill)ⁿwii a aptatiit if Staⁿitaas vilume b) At ⁿeⁿw Tⁿi). 30 Susette LaFlesche Tibbles

18 heⁿ caⁿeeⁿ, at ha ti stⁿuggle ⁿwith his a iptive mitheⁿ, as Jiat iaⁿe (1982 shiⁿws, it iⁿ eⁿ ti step iut if heⁿ sha iⁿw, gait at appiittmett at the Smithsitiat, at becime a ⁿecigtise schilaⁿ it the settleⁿ aca em) it his iⁿwt ⁿight31. iaⁿe ⁿecigtises LaFlesche as "ite if the fiⁿst" Native atthⁿipiligists (1982: 498 32, at he has ⁿaⁿwt a gⁿeat eal if cimmettaⁿ) fⁿim ⁿwithit atthⁿipilig), fiⁿ example fⁿim iaⁿgit Libeⁿt) (1976, 1978 , Jaⁿil bamse) (1994 at Siibhat Setieⁿ (2000 . LaFlesche publishe siciiligical, mateⁿialScultuⁿal at histiⁿical taⁿⁿatives (1889, 1917, 1927, 1929 at ceⁿemit) (1890 cillecte ⁿwaxSc)lit eⁿ ⁿeciⁿ itgs, tiⁿw hiuse at the Libⁿaⁿ) if Citgⁿess (1893 cillecte , it ex at citve)e a tumbeⁿ if aⁿtifacts, mat) if them sacⁿe , ti the Kotigliches iuseum fuⁿ Voleeⁿeut e33 it Beⁿlit (1898a, 1898b Hiaⁿtmatt 1985 pette a gⁿiut sbⁿeaeitg autiethtigⁿaph) it biaⁿ itg schiil, The middle five (1900 cillabiⁿate ⁿwith Chaⁿles aaeefiel Ca mat it pⁿi ucitg the ipeⁿa Da-o-ma (LaFlesche & Ca mat 1912 at left a cillectiit if fictiitalize stiⁿies it tⁿa itiital getⁿe, pisthumiusl) publishe as Ke-ma-ha (LaFlesche et al. 1995 . Fletcheⁿas at his magtum ipus, The Omaha Tribe, ⁿwas publishe it 1911 at quicel) attacee b) bibeⁿt Hi. Liⁿwie (1913 fiⁿ lace if efeⁿetce ti ́iⁿse). The tⁿwi ⁿecⁿuite Jiht Cimfiⁿt Fillmiⁿe ti pⁿi uce "A stu ) if Omaha It iat music" (Fletcheⁿ et al. 1904 . Fletcheⁿas ⁿwiⁿe publishe ut eⁿ heⁿ sile authiⁿship itclu es escⁿiptiits if ceⁿemit) at sacⁿe ibjects (1884, 1885c, 1887, 1891, 1892, 1893a, 1895a, 1895c, 1897a, 1898b, 1912, 1915c, 1916a, 1916b, 1920 itheⁿ cultuⁿal ⁿwa)s (1888a, 1889, 1895b, 1896, 1897b, 1901 sitgs (1893b, 1894a, 1894b, 1898a, 1900, 1915a, 1915b histiⁿical taⁿⁿatives citceⁿtitg biaⁿ itg schiils at allitmett (1883, 1885a, 1885b, 1888b a vicac) ⁿegaⁿ itg aⁿchaeiligical ⁿemaits (1888c, 1889b at cimpaⁿative siciilig) (1909 . The "It iatist" cimpiseⁿ Aⁿthuⁿ Greiⁿge Faⁿⁿwell appⁿipⁿiate a sacⁿe Umóⁿhiⁿ ⁿwiⁿ fiⁿ his publishitg hiuseas tame, at ⁿwⁿite a piati piece b) the same tame it 1906, basitg bith it Fletcheⁿas, LaFlescheas at Fillmiⁿeas ethtimusiciligical ⁿwiⁿes. Fletcheⁿas (1873S1925 , LaFlescheas (1881S1930 , at Fletcheⁿ & LaFlescheas (1877S 1939 utpublishe tites (iS 4558, Seⁿies 1S3 aⁿe hiuse at the Natiital Atthⁿipiligical Aⁿchives. American Anthropologist silicite ibituaⁿies fiⁿ bith if them: Fletcheⁿas ⁿwas ⁿwⁿittet b) aalteⁿ Hiiugh (1923 , at LaFlescheas b) Hiaⁿtle) B. Alexat eⁿ (1933 . Theiⁿ ⁿelatiitship has beet chⁿiticle extetsivel) b) Jiat iaⁿe (1980, 1982, 1988 , ⁿwhile LaFlesche at his thⁿee equall) famius sisteⁿs – IⁿshtaThiiⁿba, bisalie LaFlesche Faⁿle), at ́ⁿ. Susat LaFlesche Picitte – have attⁿacte histiⁿiigⁿaph) b) Niⁿma Ki Grⁿeet (1964, 1969 , ́iⁿith) Claⁿee ailsit (1974 , iaⁿgaⁿet Cⁿaⁿ) (1976 , Jeⁿⁿ) Claⁿe & iaⁿtha Ellet aebb (1989 , Jeⁿi Feⁿⁿis & ⁿaasea34 (1991 , iaⁿiit iaⁿsh Bⁿiⁿwt (1992 , Betsit Titg & ⁿaasea (1999 , Sheⁿⁿ) Smith (2001 , Kaⁿet iiⁿit (2002 at Jie Staⁿita (2016 , at beet the subject if the NET icumettaⁿies Bright Eyes (be Ciⁿt 2011 , Medicine woman (Lesiae & be Ciⁿt 2016 at Pellet of poison (Lesiae 2017 . IⁿshtaThiiⁿba heⁿself ciauthiⁿe a histiⁿical vilume cetteⁿe it the cit)

31 Peⁿhaps it is fiⁿ this ⁿeasit that LaFlescheas majiⁿ autiethtigⁿaphic ⁿwiⁿe, The middle five (1900 , passes uttitice it bee Śataha)as suⁿve) if the Native autiethtigⁿaphic life histiⁿ) (2011 . 32 iaⁿe (1982 tites LaFlesche ⁿwas cittempiⁿaⁿ) ti Seaⁿiⁿeh (Tuscaⁿiⁿa atthⁿipiligist Jiht Napileit Bⁿittit Hieⁿwitt. 33 bi)al Atthⁿipiligical iuseum, ⁿwhise cillectiit is cuⁿⁿettl) ut eⁿgiitg tⁿatsfiⁿmatiit as paⁿt if the Hiumbil t Fiⁿum 34 ́ettis Hiastitgs

19 if Omaha ⁿwith Fattie bee Griffet (Griffet & Tibbles 1898 . Hieⁿ husbat publishe his memiiⁿ it 1905. LaFlescheas histiⁿiigⁿaphic veit has beet picee up b) a gⁿeat mat) settleⁿ chⁿiticleⁿs, itclu itg Hietsel (1888 , Keefe (1913 , aateits (1913 , Jeteits (1940 , Nasatiⁿ (1952 , Litgⁿwell (1961 , Grⁿeet (1967 , biss (1970 , Hiea le) (1971 , Smith (1973, 1974 , iilteⁿ (1982 , the Hieⁿitage Biie Cimmittee if the village if Batcⁿift (1984 , Thiⁿte (1993 , AⁿwaeutiSSⁿwetlat (1994, 2001 , aishaⁿt (1994, 1995 , Lu ⁿwicesit (1995 , Biughteⁿ (1995, 1998 , Biⁿ eⁿwich (1996 at ahite (2003 . The extⁿactiit if stiⁿies, bith sacⁿe at mut ate, t)pifie b) ́iⁿse), has beet caⁿⁿie fiⁿⁿwaⁿ b) Leⁿwis & At eⁿsit (1978, cillecte it the 1890as , Keⁿcheval (1893 , Olsit & ThiSumSBasea35 (1979 at aelsch36 (1981, 1984 . Uttil the igitizatiit at ⁿepublicatiit if the ⁿwaxSc)lit eⁿ ⁿeciⁿ itgs, it the itheⁿ hat , ́etsmiⁿe (1944 ⁿwas the itl) cittituatiit if the thⁿea if sitg extⁿactiit. Buil itg it the pⁿece etts set b) James, ́iugheⁿt), ́iⁿse), LaFlesche at Fletcheⁿ, ethtigⁿaphic at "filelife" taⁿⁿatives bith bⁿia at taⁿⁿiⁿw have beet publishe b) icGree (1898 , Grilmiⁿe (1901, 1913, 1919, 1922, 1924, 1927, 1928, 1932 , the titiⁿiius gⁿaveⁿibbitg atthⁿipiligist Greiⁿge Amis ́iⁿse) (1905 , Bⁿiⁿwt (1911 , Seitteⁿ (1915, 1920 , iaⁿgaⁿet iea (1932 at heⁿ husbat bei Fiⁿtute (1932 37, Hiiⁿwaⁿ bith it sile authiⁿship (1950a, 1950b, 1950c, 1953, 1956, 1957 at ⁿwith his Póⁿea cillabiⁿatiⁿ Peteⁿ LeClaiⁿe (Hiiⁿwaⁿ & LeClaiⁿe 1965 , at Bⁿa ) (1985 . Bettett (1996 at Summeⁿs (2006, 2010 have publishe life stiⁿies fⁿim ⁿwimet El eⁿs38. Liee iea , icKitle) (1971 , Baⁿtes (1984 at Etsiⁿ (2003 have publishe cⁿitiques if the theiⁿetical bi ies emeⁿgitg fⁿim ethtilig) at theiⁿ methi iligical bases. Aⁿchaeiligical ⁿepiⁿts citceⁿtitg Umóⁿhiⁿ at Póⁿea sites, aⁿtifacts at atcestⁿal ⁿemaits ⁿweⁿe publishe b) ́ale Hiettitg (1970, 1993 , iil ⁿe ae el (1981 , OaShea et al. (1982 , Grhazi et al. (1983 , OaShea & Lu ⁿwicesit (1992 , beithaⁿ & Grhazi (1992 , i)eⁿs (1992 , ́ibeits (1992 , Vehie (1993 , Pe eⁿsit & Attót (1998 at Campbell (2002 . Siciiligical ⁿepiⁿts it pipulatiit tⁿet s, atitheⁿ item if ⁿecuⁿⁿett itteⁿest it the paⁿt if settleⁿ state /e aca emic alliatces, have suⁿface ti m) etiⁿwle ge itl) fⁿim Libeⁿt) (1975 at Libeⁿt) et al. (1976 . The geigⁿapheⁿ Kuⁿt Kitbacheⁿ itclu e Umóⁿhiⁿ it his ⁿepiⁿt it uⁿbat citcettⁿatiits it Litcilt (2006 . Legal ⁿepiⁿts have beet publishe b) Cliⁿw (1985 , Grⁿibsmith & bitteⁿ (1992 , Suzuei (1992 at Scheⁿeⁿ (1999 . iieⁿwal (1993 has ⁿepiⁿte it heⁿ itvestigatiit if "cultuⁿall) specific mi els fiⁿ iabetes itteⁿvettiit".

1.6: Community-based and collaborative publications Buil itg it pⁿece etts set b) the Fittetelle at LaFlesche families, Umóⁿhiⁿ at Póⁿea peiple have at times beet active paⁿticipatts it theiⁿ iⁿwt icumettatiit,

35 aallace aa e iilleⁿ 36 bigeⁿ aelsch, a piliticall) active pⁿifessiital stiⁿ)telleⁿ, ⁿwett it ti have a CBS Neⁿws segmett at ⁿwas at eaⁿl) a vicate fiⁿ tⁿibes it citflict iveⁿ atcestiⁿsa ⁿemaits eept b) the Nebⁿasea State Hiistiⁿical Siciet). 37 Fiⁿtuteas ⁿepiⁿt it secⁿet sicieties meⁿits special mettiit fiⁿ its bⁿazet, citfesse l) expliitative chaⁿacteⁿ, at if ciuⁿse iea as atthⁿipiligicall) gⁿiut sbⁿeaeitg theiⁿ) if "cultuⁿal epⁿivatiit" is built it Umóⁿhiⁿ " ata" masqueⁿa itg behit a thit attempt at atit)mizatiit as "Attleⁿs". 38 Bettettas fiuⁿ cillabiⁿatiⁿs aⁿe i ettifie b) fiⁿst tame itl). Summeⁿs itteⁿvieⁿwe Eleatiⁿ Baxteⁿ, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt Sautsici thiⁿge at aitita iitchell Caⁿamit) (Hiaⁿwata) ́ⁿthiⁿge.

20 simetimes ciⁿculatitg theiⁿ pⁿi ucts at the pⁿi ucts if theiⁿ cillabiⁿatiits amitg settleⁿ au ietces, simetimes eeepitg thise pⁿi ucts cliseⁿ ti hime. The attiⁿte) Hiiⁿam Chase ⁿwas the fiⁿst Umóⁿhiⁿ ti publish at iⁿthigⁿaph), it the biielet O MU HU W B GRa Za (1897 . LaStaSⁿweSsah39 pette heⁿ atthilig) if pietⁿ), histiⁿ), memiiⁿ at cultuⁿal escⁿiptiit How beautiful the land of my forefathers it 1943 it is itclu e it LaS taSⁿweSsah (1989 . Elaite Nelsit has subsequettl) ⁿwⁿittet miⁿe abiut LaStaSⁿweSsah (2004, 2009 . LaStaSⁿweSsahas sit Hiillis ́iⁿiit Stableⁿ40 publishe a aiⁿl aaⁿ II memiiⁿ, No one ever asked me, it 2005. Peteⁿ LeClaiⁿeas at ThiSumSBaseaas cillabiⁿatiits have beet mettiite abive. Elizabeth Stableⁿ begat cillabiⁿatitg ti icumett Umóⁿhiⁿ )e at evelip cuⁿⁿiculum it the mi 1970as, issuitg Umóⁿhóⁿ Iye wagthabaze / Omaha language workbook ⁿwith Caⁿil iaⁿshall at J. Tⁿavis biuse if the Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea – Litcilt (t. . at Umóⁿhóⁿ Iye of Elizabeth Stabler A A vocabulary of the Omaha language, ⁿwith a )iutg iaⁿe Jiseph Sⁿwetlat (lateⁿ AⁿwaeutiSSⁿwetlat (1977 . Umóⁿhóⁿ Iye of Elizabeth Stabler ⁿwas expat e ⁿwith at UmóⁿhiⁿSEtglish lexicit ⁿwhet it ⁿwas ⁿeissue it 1991. Otheⁿ cimmutit)Sbase iⁿ cillabiⁿative litguistic icumettatiit pⁿijects itclu e Thuⁿmat Ciieas ictiitaⁿ) fiⁿ the Hiea Staⁿt pⁿigⁿam (1982 , the Pitca Tⁿibe if Nebⁿaseaas ⁿweb cillectiit if sitgs at sacⁿe stiⁿies (Lieb 2015S18 , at the teⁿw Dictionary of the Ponca People (Hiea mat & OaNeill 2018 . The ́hegiha Pⁿeseⁿvatiit Siciet) at ́hegiha Latguage Citfeⁿetce emeⁿge b) the summeⁿ if 2011 at cittitue ti meet attuall) as a litguistics citfeⁿetce ut eⁿ Native lea eⁿship at citceptiit. Tⁿwi ⁿecettl) publishe textbiies at accimpat)itg mateⁿials (Ca)iu et al. 2018a, 2018b, 2018c Stableⁿ et al. 2018b aⁿe escⁿibe bⁿiefl) it §1.13. These mateⁿials filliⁿw a gii mat) Umóⁿhiⁿ El eⁿs evelipitg at teachitg latguage at cultuⁿe cuⁿⁿiculum it the iac) Public Schiil (ti a) Umóⁿhiⁿ Natiit Public Schiil : it the 1970as, Jiht Tuⁿteⁿ, Suzette LaFlesche Tuⁿteⁿ, Cl) e Sheⁿi at, Jⁿ., at Lilliat Sheⁿi at it the 1980as, Etóⁿ abe (Nellie Catb) iiⁿⁿis , iaⁿ) Cla), ailsit ailfe, Greⁿtⁿu e Esau ailfe, Ciili ge Stableⁿ, Cliffiⁿ ailfe, Sⁿ., Beⁿtha icCaule) ailfe, Valettite Paⁿeeⁿ at aitifⁿe Paⁿeeⁿ it the 1990as at be)it , Oliveⁿ Ca)iu, iaⁿcella aii hull Ca)iu, iaⁿ) Lieb iitchell, Thuⁿmat Ciie, Laⁿwⁿetce Ciie, iiⁿgat Liveji), Lilliat ́ixit ailfe, ́itta iiⁿⁿis Paⁿeeⁿ, Alice Fⁿeemitt Sautsici, Susat Fⁿeemitt, aitita iitchell Caⁿamit) (Hiaⁿwata) , bufus ahite, Octa iitchell Keet, Blatche bibitsit Hiaⁿve), Grⁿace aaleeⁿ Fⁿeemitt, ́iⁿith) iilleⁿ ióttez, Elmeⁿ Blacebiⁿ , Natc) iilleⁿ Blacebiⁿ , E ta Ciie at Pat Phillips (Stableⁿ et al. 2018b: vii . Vi a aii hull Stableⁿ jiite the pⁿigⁿam uⁿitg the late 1990as at has ciiⁿ itate its activities ut eⁿ the tame Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage at Cultuⁿal Cetteⁿ (ULCC fiⁿ the past tⁿwett) )eaⁿs. At the iac) schiil, uⁿitg the late 1980as, the music teacheⁿ Jiht iatgat publishe stiⁿ)biies authiⁿe b) Umóⁿhiⁿ stu etts at El eⁿs thⁿiugh the iac) Public Schiil (Cla) et al t. . Aⁿtil Paⁿeeⁿ 1987a, 1987b, 1989, t. . Fⁿetch 1989 Hiaⁿlat 1989 Bⁿiat Paⁿeeⁿ t. . bavae Paⁿeeⁿ t. . . It 2013 at the same schiil, it cillabiⁿatiit ⁿwith Thiⁿttit ie ia, Susat Fⁿeemitt, Eugete Pappat, Fⁿatcite Ca)iu, Vi a aii hull Stableⁿ, Pat Phillips & iiaiuxasah Stableⁿ cⁿeate the Omaha basic smaⁿtphite app. At At ⁿii veⁿsiit has beet available sitce 2018. 39 Eutice aii hull Stableⁿ 40 Hiillis ́iⁿiit Stableⁿ is tit ti be citfuse ⁿwith his sit, Hiillis ́avies Stableⁿ, ⁿwhi gies b) "Hiillis ́." at is still livitg.

21 Ut eⁿ the lea eⁿship if Uzhóⁿgeagthiⁿ (Albeⁿta Grⁿatt Catb) thiⁿge, Tesóⁿⁿwiⁿ (Emmalite aaleeⁿ Satchez ́ⁿthiⁿge at ísebe (Aⁿlete aaleeⁿ , at the facult) iⁿectiit if iaⁿe AⁿwaeutiSSⁿwetlat (othixi e ́ⁿthiⁿge, the Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cuⁿⁿiculum ́evelipmett Pⁿiject at the Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea – Litcilt iffeⁿe a fiuⁿS semesteⁿ Umóⁿhiⁿ latguage sequetce fiⁿ a tumbeⁿ if )eaⁿs. Its stu etts publishe a ciiebiie at accimpat)itg Ć it 2002. The ULĆPas El eⁿs, facult) at stu etts all helpe me iut gⁿeatl) eaⁿl) it m) iⁿwt ⁿwiⁿe, as escⁿibe bⁿiefl) it §1.8. The ULĆP has a itiitall) cillabiⁿate extetsivel) it cuⁿⁿiculum evelipmett ⁿwith the ULCC, lea itg ti Umóⁿhóⁿ Iye tʰe, Umóⁿhóⁿ Ushkóⁿ(Stableⁿ tʰe et al. 2018b . Theⁿe ⁿemaits a fiⁿthcimitg but itcimplete ictiitaⁿ) fⁿim the ULĆP, beitg cimpile b) biⁿ) Laⁿsit, a itg ULĆP El eⁿ cittⁿibutiits ti Elizabeth Stableⁿas ictiitaⁿ). Umóⁿhiⁿ histiⁿiat ⁿaasea (́ettis Hiastitgs if the Omaha Tⁿibe Hiistiⁿical beseaⁿch Pⁿiject (OTHibP , sime if ⁿwhise cillabiⁿatiits have alⁿea ) beet mettiite abive, at Utiveⁿsit) if Bⁿitish Cilumbia atthⁿipiligist bibit bi itgtit, begat cillabiⁿatitg it the mi 1980as. bi itgtit publishe mat) pieces it Umóⁿhiⁿ suⁿvival, healitg, sacⁿe ibjects at ceⁿemit) (1986a, 1986b, 1987, 1988, 1990, 1993a, 1993b, 1997, 1998 at the tⁿwi jiittl) publishe Blessing for a long time A The Sacred Pole of the Omaha it 1997. ⁿaasea sepaⁿatel) cillabiⁿate ⁿwith Jeⁿi Feⁿⁿis it 1991 at Betsit Titg it 1999, as pⁿeviiusl) mettiite at ⁿwith Ivat Ozbilt it evelipitg his 2004 isseⁿtatiit it Umóⁿhiⁿ siciilig), latguage, cultuⁿe, histiⁿ), sacⁿe ⁿwa)s at iccasiits. aith iaⁿgeⁿ) Ciffe), he "up ate " Thuⁿmat Ciieas 1982 ictiitaⁿ) at 1997 ⁿwiⁿebiie ti pⁿi uce Omaha history, culture, language A A workbook for the faculty and staff of the Umóⁿhóⁿ Nation Public Schools (2007 . Cillabiⁿatiits betⁿweet Umóⁿhiⁿ peiple at the Nebⁿasea ́epaⁿtmett if E ucatiitas ITV Seⁿvices ⁿesulte it the ⁿelease if the titeSpaⁿt seⁿies We are one it 1986. Alsi appeaⁿitg uⁿitg this peⁿii fⁿim Nebⁿasea ETV Netⁿwiⁿe aⁿe White man's way A The Genoa Indian School (Lesiae 1986 , Dancing to give thanks (Faⁿⁿell 1988 at Return of the Sacred Pole (Faⁿⁿell 1990 . beiⁿgatize as NET Televisiit, the tetⁿwiⁿe ⁿesume its seⁿies if Umóⁿhiⁿ at Póⁿea icumettaⁿies ⁿwith Bright Eyes ut eⁿ Pⁿitcella Paⁿeeⁿ (lateⁿ be Ciⁿt as iⁿectiit (2011 , filliⁿwitg it ⁿwith Hiillis ́iⁿiit Stableⁿas The war A Wounded at Anzio (2014 , Lesiae & be Ciⁿtas Medicine woman (2016, alsi tite pⁿeviiusl) , Lesiaeas Pellet of poison (2017, alsi tite pⁿeviiusl) , Bⁿiat Seiffeⁿleitas Saving sacred seeds (2017 , at Lesiaeas And we walked it the subject if the Póⁿea Tⁿail if Teaⁿs (2019 . Otheⁿ titable vi ei icumetts itclu e a citveⁿsatiit betⁿweet Hiaⁿwata) (aitita iitchell Caⁿamit) ́ⁿthiⁿge at heⁿ sisteⁿ Aseaxube (Grletta iitchell Slateⁿ (Caⁿamit) & Slateⁿ 2016 a ⁿeciⁿ itg if the ⁿwiⁿeship Kúge, Waóⁿ gaxe A Composers of Umóⁿhóⁿ songs le b) bufus ahite at Eugete Pappat it 2017 Kell) but leas Good Earth41 A Awakening the silent city (2017 at Bⁿigitte Timmeⁿmatas Umóⁿhóⁿ Iye A The Omaha speaking (2018 .

41 alsi etiⁿwt as "Blii but"

22 1.7: The "Siouanists" The bi ) if icumettatiit at atal)sis publishe b) settleⁿ litguists sitce the late tⁿwettieth cettuⁿ), ⁿwith the exceptiit if the cillabiⁿatiits at the Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege at the Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea – Litcilt, has lacee bith cillabiⁿatiit at au ietce amitg Póⁿea at Umóⁿhiⁿ cimmutities. It is alsi the site if m) ettⁿ) itti the "fiel ", at si it is ⁿwith it that I ⁿaⁿw m) liteⁿatuⁿe ⁿevieⁿw ti a clise. Bias (1907 at his stu ett Fⁿi a Hiaht (t. ., fⁿim heⁿ "fiel " ⁿwiⁿe it 1933S4 at Hiilmeⁿ (1945 fiⁿst picee up ⁿwheⁿe ́iⁿse) left iff, cittⁿibutitg ti secit aⁿ) litguistic atal)sis at escⁿiptive gⁿammaⁿ. The ⁿecitstⁿuctiit if "pⁿitiSSiiuat" cimmetce it 1959 ⁿwith Gr. Hi. iattheⁿwsa pass at "PⁿitiSSiiuat eitship teⁿmitilig)". bibeⁿt L. bateit picee this thⁿea up it the 1970as, appl)itg lateStⁿwettiethScettuⁿ) atal)sis ti eaⁿl)StiteteetthScettuⁿ) questiits at settitg the stage fiⁿ a ⁿeteⁿwal if settleⁿ litguistsa itteⁿest it Umóⁿhiⁿ at Póⁿea theⁿeafteⁿ. bateitas eaⁿl) ⁿwiⁿe evelipe much the settleⁿ aca em)as citsetsus ⁿegaⁿ itg ⁿelatiitships betⁿweet at ⁿecitstⁿuctible stⁿuctuⁿes if the "Siiuat" latguages. Hie issue ⁿepiⁿts it cimpaⁿative miⁿphilig) at lexicit (1974, 1977, 1988, 1993, 2001, 2004, 2006a, 2006b, t. ., t. ., t. . , a cillabiⁿative ⁿepiⁿt ⁿwith Jiht Bi)le, bat ilph Grⁿacz)e at Jiht Kiittz (2009 , at secit aⁿ) atal)sis if Póⁿea viⁿwel letgth ⁿwith Shea (bateit & Shea t. . . iat) if his ⁿwiⁿes aⁿe utpublishe at missitg fⁿim this acciutt a vilume if utpublishe ⁿwiⁿes is fiⁿthcimitg fⁿim ́avi bii , Jiht Bi)le at Kathleet Shea. bateit (1993, t. . , filliⁿwe b) Grⁿimm (1985, 2012 , use the same cimpaⁿative methi alsi ti cittⁿibute ti the aⁿea if "chⁿitilig)", iⁿ ⁿecitstⁿucte timelites if pipulatiit mivemett at litguistic iveⁿgetce. The fiⁿst Siiuat at Ca iat Latguages Citfeⁿetce ⁿwas hel 6S8 August 1976 at Osⁿwegi. It 1978, ́avi bii at Allat Ta)liⁿ issue the fiⁿst Newsletter of Siouan and Caddoan Linguistics. At the Siiuat at Ca iat Latguages Citfeⁿetce it 1984, bichaⁿ Caⁿteⁿ, aillem e beuse, bat ilph Grⁿacz)e, aesle) Jites, Jiht Kiittz, bibeⁿt bateit, ́avi bii , Patⁿicia Shaⁿw at Paul Viiⁿhis cimpile the vilumitius Comparative Siouan dictionary ataset. It ⁿwas publishe itlite it 2015 b) bateit, Caⁿteⁿ, Jites, Kiittz, bii & Iⁿet Hiaⁿtmatt. The fiⁿst "Siiuatist" ti caⁿⁿ) iut "fiel " ⁿwiⁿe ⁿwith Umóⁿhiⁿ peiple ⁿwas mathematiciat at suⁿfSⁿice phitigⁿapheⁿ Jiht E ⁿwaⁿ Kiittz, if Biul eⁿ, Ciliⁿa i, ⁿwhi cittⁿibute ti "Siiuat" cimpaⁿative atal)sis (1983, 1988, 1990a, 1993, 2000, 2002, t. ., t. . at ⁿelate this ⁿecitstⁿuctive ⁿwiⁿe ti aⁿchaeilig) (1991 . Hiis Umóⁿhiⁿ "fiel " ⁿwiⁿe pⁿi uce impiⁿtatt escⁿiptive cittⁿibutiits (1984, 1989, 2001a, 2001b, t. ., t. ., t. . , as ⁿwell as icumettatiit if tames if places (1992 at if biⁿ s (1990b . The tames if the El eⁿs he ⁿwiⁿee ⁿwith aⁿe utⁿeciveⁿable it the liteⁿatuⁿe ⁿwe have fⁿim him. Liee bateit, Kiittz has left mat) utpublishe matuscⁿipts, at I assume mat) aⁿe missitg fⁿim this acciutt. As if his passitg, he at Catheⁿite bu it ⁿweⁿe ⁿwiⁿeitg it at itcimplete Omaha-Ponca grammar. Theⁿe is the pissibilit) I ma) jiit bu it it cimpletitg it it the futuⁿe. Catheⁿite bu it cit ucte "fiel " ⁿwiⁿe ⁿwith iaⁿ) Cla), Beⁿtha icCaule) ailfe at Cliffiⁿ ailfe, Sⁿ., it 1989 at 1990, lateⁿ igitizitg mat) ⁿeciⁿ itgs (Cla) et al. 1989S 90 at publishitg mat) escⁿiptive ⁿwiⁿes (1991a, 1991b, 1998a, 1998, 2002, 2016 .

23 aith Kathleet Shea42 she ⁿwⁿite the aⁿticle "OmahaSPitca" fiⁿ the Encyclopedia of language and linguistics (2005 . aith me she ciSe ite a vilume it memiⁿ) if bibeⁿt bateit (bu it & Griⁿ it 2016 , chapteⁿs if ⁿwhich appeaⁿ heⁿe it Appendices C & D. At eaⁿl) siciilitguistic piece is ailliam Citⁿwa)as "tⁿatsfiⁿmatiital" atal)sis if Umóⁿhiⁿ chil ⁿetas Etglish s)ttax it cimpaⁿisit ⁿwith peeⁿs as a " isa vattage " pipulatiit (1972 . bu it has ⁿepiⁿte it latguage liss at "pⁿeseⁿvatiit" (1991c, 1993b, 2000 . iaⁿe AⁿwaeutiSSⁿwetlat publishe a siciilitguistic itvestigatiit title Omaha language attitudes and abilities as his iA thesis (1996 , the "Omaha It iats" ettⁿ) fiⁿ the Encyclopedia of world cultures supplement (2002 , at at a itiital siciilitguistic itvestigatiit as his isseⁿtatiit (2003 . biⁿ) Laⁿsit publishe a siciilitguistic itvestigatiit title Acculturation terms in Omaha as his iA thesis (2005 , at has itheⁿⁿwise beet a ciⁿe membeⁿ if the ULĆP team it Litcilt at cittⁿibute ⁿegulaⁿl) ti bith the cimpaⁿative "Siiuat" at escⁿiptive Umóⁿhiⁿ liteⁿatuⁿe laⁿgel) via citfeⁿetce pⁿesettatiits at a ⁿecett cimpaⁿative publicatiit (2016 . Alsi begittitg it the 1990as, Umóⁿhiⁿ El eⁿ iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi (Alice Fⁿeemitt Sautsici cillabiⁿate ⁿwith litguist Aⁿ is Tiiⁿgthehe Eschetbeⁿg. Eschetbeⁿg cittⁿibute ti Umóⁿhiⁿ gⁿammatical atal)sis it futctiitalist theiⁿetical fⁿameⁿwiⁿes (1999a, 1999b, 1999c, 2000, 2001a, 2001b, 2004, 2005a, 2005b . Sautsici establishe the Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce at the Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege at ⁿepⁿesette the cillege at meetitgs if the Siiuat at Ca iat Latguages Citfeⁿetce uttil heⁿ passitg it 2015. It cillabiⁿatiit ⁿwith Eschetbeⁿg she pⁿi uce a gⁿeat eal if cuⁿⁿiculum, publishitg at least thⁿee Umóⁿhiⁿ stiⁿ)biies (2009a, 2009b, 2009c . The tⁿwi, ⁿwith Natiital Scietce Fiut atiit fut itg thⁿiugh the ULCE, pⁿi uce at ⁿautʰiⁿ43 itstⁿuctiital vi ei (Sautsici 2013 , filme histiⁿical taⁿⁿatives fⁿim Pieⁿⁿe ieⁿⁿice at fⁿim Baⁿⁿ) aebsteⁿ it 2014, at itteⁿvieⁿwe mat) if the El eⁿs uⁿitg 2015: Alice heⁿself, ́ⁿwight bibitsit, Eugete Pappat, Eutice Clite, Gretevieve bibitsit, Kathⁿ)t Grilpit, Ligat Thugata Fⁿate Sautsici, bufus ahite, Susat Fⁿeemitt, ailfⁿe Liveji) at a)tema iiⁿⁿis. The ⁿeciⁿ itgs aⁿe aⁿchive ⁿwith the Sam Nible iuseum it Niⁿmat, Oelahima, at at the Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. Sitce iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthias passitg, the cillabiⁿatiit has biⁿte miⁿe fⁿuit it the publicatiit if 500+ verbs in Umóⁿhóⁿ (Sautsici & Eschetbeⁿg 2016 at a ⁿepiⁿt it theiⁿ cillabiⁿatiit (Eschetbeⁿg & Sautsici 2018 . Eschetbeⁿgas a visee Elizabeth Att Neilsit, at the Utiveⁿsit) if Utah, cimplete heⁿ isseⁿtatiit ⁿepiⁿtitg it aciustic atal)sis if iⁿal stip cittⁿasts it Umóⁿhiⁿ )e (2011 . i) iⁿwt activities it the "fiel ", begittitg it 2004, aⁿe pⁿesette beliⁿw. iiⁿe ⁿecettl), Julie iaⁿsault cimplete heⁿ iA thesis it the Umóⁿhiⁿ veⁿbal s)stem fiⁿ the Utiveⁿsite Paⁿis 3 – Saⁿbitte Niuvelle it 2016, at is fuⁿtheⁿ atal)sitg the veⁿbal s)stem fiⁿ heⁿ isseⁿtatiit.

1.8: Can the settler become a linguist in order to repatriate? Lūmikh zikh bakont mokhn in lūshn. Kh'bin a yīdisher shprokh visnshoftler. Mān nūmen Efroym ben Avrūhom hūb ikh gen̂men az ikh hūb get̂en tsĥve. Mān beyde zeydes (zikhröynem livrūkhe) shtomen fun plītm fun Dātshlont un fun de pogrūmen öf dī

42 Shea has caⁿⁿie iut "fiel " ⁿwiⁿe ⁿwith Póⁿea peiple fiⁿ sime time but mist if heⁿ ⁿesults ⁿemait utpublishe . 43 "hat game"

24 Yīdn in Basarobīe. Mān beyde būbes (eyner fun vīmen zikhröyne livrūkhe) shtomen fun Mārif Eyrūpīishe kūlūnistn vūs zīnen ole imigrīrt frīer vī 1050 öf lender fun dī Koasati, Mvskoke44, Tsalagi45 un Washashe, genīsers fun dī Khurbūnes öf dī Shvortse un dī Abūrigīnen. Hānt zānen mir farwortselt öf ūtū dūs ū lont fun dī Umóⁿhóⁿ, iiwéreun Chaticks si chaticks. Alliⁿw me ti ittⁿi uce m)self it latguage. Iam a Jeⁿwish litguist. i) liteal gⁿat fatheⁿs escet fⁿim ⁿefugees fⁿim Greⁿmat) at fⁿim the Bessaⁿabiat pigⁿims. i) liteal gⁿat mitheⁿs escet fⁿim ⁿwesteⁿt Euⁿipeat settleⁿs ⁿwhi all immigⁿate b) 1850 ti Kiasati, ivseiee, Tsalagi at aashashe lat s, beteficiaⁿies if Blace at Native getici e. Ti a) ⁿwe aⁿe ⁿiite it these Umóⁿhiⁿ, Jiⁿweⁿe at Chatices si chatices lat s. Thus faⁿ, I have chⁿiticle the settleⁿ cilitial pⁿiject if icumettitg Póⁿea at Umóⁿhiⁿ )e tʰe, at Póⁿea at Umóⁿhiⁿ osheiⁿ tʰe, ⁿwithiut iviⁿcitg it fⁿim settleⁿ paⁿticipattsa isciplitaⁿ) fiⁿmatiit at pilitical et s. Hieⁿe I a vatce the chⁿiticle autiethtigⁿaphicall)46, begittitg ⁿwith m) ettⁿ) itti the "fiel " it 2004. At age 21, I ⁿwas a settleⁿ at a tascett litguist, but peⁿhaps tit )et a "settleⁿ litguist" iⁿ a "Siiuatist" it the setses ibseⁿvable abive. i) Native ⁿelatiitships ⁿweⁿe shalliⁿw, m) ut eⁿstat itg if settleⁿ cilitialism baⁿe at tascett. i) teacheⁿs it Leipzig at iacit, titabl) Achim Kipp at ieⁿceⁿ Utiveⁿsit), ha steeⁿe me tiⁿwaⁿ s litguistics as a meats if cimbititg m) taletts fiⁿ latguage at mathematics. I ha ti visiit, at fiⁿst, fiⁿ ⁿwhat I meatt ti i ⁿwith such a cimbitatiit. I ⁿwas ite )eaⁿ itti a famil) ⁿuptuⁿe, questiititg m)ths, leaⁿtitg itteⁿgeteⁿatiital tⁿaumas at shiftitg ⁿiles. These featuⁿes if cittext ⁿweⁿe catal)se it ⁿelatiitship ⁿwith Póⁿea Éthe Oⁿgithai ama47, at all tii quicel) I cimmitte m)self ti ⁿeetteⁿitg the settleⁿ aca em) fiⁿ the puⁿpise if ⁿepatⁿiatitg its bi ies if extⁿacte latguage ti ⁿelatives ⁿwhi felt the tⁿauma if its liss. I ma e this cimmitmett ⁿwith a techtical mit set, citceivitg if litguistics as a useful seillset at igtiⁿatt if the epth if its peⁿpetⁿatiⁿ ⁿelatiitship ⁿwith the ⁿelatives I cimmitte m)self ti. I imagite m)self maeitg a settleⁿ mive paⁿallel ti ⁿwhat Shiⁿwiama48 litguist A ⁿiette Tsieeⁿwa escⁿibes as "[seeeitg] fiⁿmal litguistics tⁿaititg ti be able ti ecipheⁿ the icumettatiit cⁿeate b) pⁿeviius titSIt igetius litguists it m) latguage" (2018 . I ma e it ⁿwith itchiate at immatuⁿe felt ut eⁿstat itg if ⁿwh) I ⁿwas calle ti it iⁿ hiⁿw it ⁿwiul ettatgle me, utable evet ti ittⁿi uce m)self it m) iⁿwt latguage. At I ma e it ⁿwithiut thiteitg thⁿiugh hiⁿw gaititg ph)sical at ittellectual access ti extⁿacte icumettatiit at atal)tical seills ⁿwiul extet m) cimmitmett faⁿ be)it the spheⁿe if m) iⁿwt caⁿeeⁿ at ⁿelatiitships. It tiie tⁿwi )eaⁿs fiⁿ this cimmitmett ti lea me bace itti the aca em). It the meattime, thⁿiugh theiⁿ eaⁿl) ⁿweb pⁿesetce, I fiut the Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cuⁿⁿiculum ́evelipmett Pⁿiject at the Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea – Litcilt, ut eⁿ the El eⁿ gui atce if Uzhóⁿgeagthiⁿ (Albeⁿta Grⁿatt Catb) ́ⁿthiⁿge, Tesóⁿⁿwiⁿ (Emmalite aaleeⁿ Satchez ́ⁿthiⁿge at heⁿ sisteⁿ ísebe (Aⁿlete aaleeⁿ , at the facult) iⁿectiit if iaⁿe AⁿwaeutiSSⁿwetlat (othixi e ́ⁿthiⁿge, ⁿwhich seⁿve as m) pⁿimaⁿ) site if teachitg at

44 "Ciushatta" at "Cⁿeee" 45 "Cheⁿieee" 46 See Jites (1970 , Nash & aittⁿib (1972 , Bⁿat es (1982: 202 , Te lice (1991 at bee Śatah) (2011 . 47 aites ⁿwhi have ma e me theiⁿ ⁿelativea 48 "Zuti"

25 gui atce. The El eⁿs at aagóⁿze othixi e ⁿwelcime me itti theiⁿ classⁿiim ⁿwhet I ⁿwas able itvilve me it uzhaⁿwa49 at the Litcilt It iat Cetteⁿ at the AⁿwaeutiS Sⁿwetlat hime at cittecte me ⁿwith Póⁿea Cultuⁿal ́iⁿectiⁿ Graⁿ) bibitette ́ⁿthiⁿge at cultuⁿal ⁿwiⁿeeⁿ Vatce Applitg, at ⁿwith the "Siiuatist" cimmmutit), paⁿticulaⁿl) Shea, bateit at bu it, ⁿwith ⁿwhise help I siit begat cillectitg Póⁿea at Umóⁿhiⁿ latguage escⁿiptiit at icumettatiit, stu )itg it at tⁿ)itg ti "tⁿatslate" it itti miⁿe accessible fiⁿms.

1.9: Testing predictions of the givenness hierarchy framework It August if 2005 I tiie m) fiⁿst full lia if litguistics ciuⁿses at the Utiveⁿsit) if iittesita. i) a visiⁿ, Jeatette Grut el, suppiⁿte me as a ⁿeseaⁿch assistatt "ⁿepⁿesettitg" Niⁿth Ameⁿica it heⁿ Natiital Scietce Fiut atiitSfut e 50 ⁿeseaⁿch gⁿiup testitg the utiveⁿsalit) if claims ⁿegaⁿ itg the Grivettess Hiieⁿaⁿch). iiⁿe that itce uⁿitg m) fiⁿst semesteⁿ I fiut m)self it alaⁿm ciⁿⁿectitg statemetts that I ⁿwas "iuⁿ Native Ameⁿicat litguist", itl) ti fit the ciⁿⁿecte paⁿt) ⁿetⁿeatitg behit a isciplitaⁿ) semattics it ⁿwhich such ⁿwiⁿ itg itl) ⁿefeⁿs ti the latguage(s ite is "ⁿwiⁿeitg it". iama iu Bassete, the ⁿeasititg ⁿwett, "ⁿepⁿesette " his iⁿwt latguage as the "Eegimaa litguist", Amel Khalfaiui "ⁿepⁿesette " heⁿ iⁿwt latguage as the "Tutisiat Aⁿabic litguist", at Summeⁿ Itstitute litguist Lit a Hiumtice "ⁿepⁿesette " the Caucasus as the "Kum)e litguist". Jeatette le me at m) felliⁿw ⁿeseaⁿch assistatts it ci itg textsa itfiⁿmatiitS stⁿuctuⁿal it ices. I glimpse a gⁿeat value it heⁿ pⁿiject at its methi s. Figuⁿe at gⁿiut , the latguage if thiught, aⁿwaite iuⁿ ci itg. Cultuⁿal tiⁿms at expectatiits lai itteⁿⁿwivet ⁿwith cigtitive status ut eⁿ iuⁿ pets. The eit s if ittitatiital, siciilitguistic at pⁿagmatic speaeeⁿ seills that elu e secit Slatguage leaⁿteⁿs at abiut ⁿwhich latguage teacheⁿs thⁿiⁿw theiⁿ hat s it the aiⁿ – hiⁿw ciul these thitgs fail ti be if value ti ⁿelatives ⁿwattitg ti ⁿeclaim theiⁿ latguage? Si, it fⁿuitful ⁿwiⁿeitg ⁿelatiitship, I shifte fⁿim at aget a if cillect at ⁿepatⁿiate ti ite if atal)sis. B) the et if 2005 I ha pⁿepaⁿe ci e texts it Póⁿea )e at Atitishitaabemiⁿwit, ⁿwhich I ⁿwas leaⁿtitg it Pebaamibites (́ettis Jites as class. At this jutctuⁿe m) aget a tiie atitheⁿ tuⁿt it seⁿvice ti the settleⁿ aca em), as I ⁿwas asee ti ficus exclusivel) it Atishitaabe texts sitce I lacee "access" ti Póⁿea speaeeⁿs tee e fiⁿ the gⁿammaticalit) ju gmetts Jeatette ⁿwatte fiⁿ settlitg questiits the texts ciul tit atsⁿweⁿ. ́iscitceⁿtitg thiugh it ⁿwas, I ⁿwett alitg ⁿwith this mimett if isciplitaⁿ) ititiatiit, tuⁿtitg evet fuⁿtheⁿ fⁿim m) ⁿepatⁿiatiit aget a at ⁿelatiitships, at vettuⁿitg itti "ⁿwiⁿe it" Atishitaabe texts ⁿwithiut bu)Sit fⁿim Atishitaabe teacheⁿs at latguage ⁿwiⁿeeⁿs, ⁿwithiut ⁿelatiit ti at Atishitaabe cimmutit), ut eⁿ the authiⁿizatiit if a utiveⁿsit) Itstitutiital bevieⁿw Biaⁿ at the iⁿectiit if a setiiⁿ settleⁿ schilaⁿ ⁿatheⁿ that ⁿwith cimmutit) acciuttabilit). The pⁿi uct if the iittesita Cigtitive Status beseaⁿch Grⁿiupas effiⁿts, "Testitg pⁿe ictiits if the Grivettess Hiieⁿaⁿch) fⁿameⁿwiⁿe: A cⁿisslitguistic itvestigatiit" (Grut el et al. 2010 is itclu e as Appendix A ti this isseⁿtatiit. It it ⁿwe citclu e fⁿim iuⁿ ci itg pⁿice uⁿe that the "Ojibⁿwe" latguage sample ⁿequiⁿes that a ⁿefeⁿett be "it ficus" it iⁿ eⁿ ti use ti fiⁿm at all ti ⁿefeⁿ ti it, its pⁿitiuts ⁿequiⁿe theiⁿ ⁿefeⁿetts

49 acultuⁿal festivities /e sicial iitgsa 50 BCS0519890 A crosslinguistic study of reference and cognitive status.

26 be "at least activate ", at its efititel) eteⁿmite expⁿessiits mi all) ⁿequiⁿe theiⁿ ⁿefeⁿetts be "at least utiquel) i ettifiable". ae qualif) this last bit b) tititg that theⁿe aⁿe sime "meⁿel) ⁿefeⁿettial" ⁿefeⁿetces ma e b) efititel) eteⁿmite expⁿessiits, but suggest that these aⁿe a special case eteⁿmite b) sime itheⁿ stⁿuctuⁿal factiⁿ ⁿwe havetat figuⁿe iut. beflectitg iuⁿ gⁿiupas methi iligical efeⁿetce tiⁿwaⁿ s gⁿammaticalit) ju gmetts, iuⁿ fiⁿst at litgest example is a citstⁿucte ite. It iuⁿ cimmettaⁿ) ⁿwe tite, "the Ojibⁿwe speaeeⁿ sai that bith veⁿsiits if the settetce siut e liee the) ha beet citstⁿucte b) a litguist" (p. 1780 . The shiⁿt Atishitaabemiⁿwit sectiit cittaits thⁿee ci e examples fⁿim ielvit Eagle (pp. 1780S1 , fⁿim Attit Tⁿeueⁿas Living our language, but is itheⁿⁿwise if limite use fiⁿ Atishitaabe teacheⁿs. I ciul ⁿwith ceⁿtaitt) ⁿaⁿw the sibeⁿitg citclusiit, b) the time ⁿwe ⁿwⁿappe thitgs up, that iuⁿ gⁿiup, iuⁿ epaⁿtmett, iuⁿ isciplite at m) ⁿeseaⁿch seillset betefitte miⁿe fⁿim this stu ) that at) Póⁿea iⁿ Atishitaabe teacheⁿ iⁿ leaⁿteⁿ i .

1.10: Antitopic and afterthought i) fiⁿst visit ti the Siiuat at Ca iat Latguages Citfeⁿetce, at Little Bighiⁿt Cillege, it the summeⁿ if 2006, bⁿiught me a teⁿw cihiⁿt if mettiⁿs at cilleagues. i) iA thesis (Griⁿ it 2007 tiie shape iveⁿ the filliⁿwitg aca emic )eaⁿ, buil itg it the Póⁿea ci itg Ia abat ite the pⁿeviius )eaⁿ at it bu itas ⁿepiⁿt it pistveⁿbal expⁿessiits (1998 , it the cittext if JeatSPhilippe iaⁿcitteas Verb semantics and sentence structure semitaⁿ. "Itfiⁿmatiital citstⁿaitts it s)ttax it Pitca at Omaha" ⁿeflects m) thet gⁿiⁿwitg setse if alietatiit betⁿweet m) ⁿepatⁿiative aget a at the pitettials I ⁿwas actuall) livitg iut, as I ⁿwⁿite if pⁿactical use it a ⁿwa) that ⁿwiul cime ti feel emblematic if the hilliⁿw isciuⁿse if "latguage ⁿevitalizatiit": Implicatiits if pⁿagmatic statusses upit s)ttax at pⁿisi ) aⁿe amitg the mist ifficult aⁿeas fiⁿ secit Slatguage leaⁿteⁿs (at e ucatiⁿs ti masteⁿ. It is m) aⁿ ett hipe that these fit itgs cat be seize upit b) Pitca at Omaha teacheⁿs at leaⁿteⁿs, at that the methi s use cat be extet e ti itheⁿ siciilitguistic cittexts itvilvitg latguage ⁿevitalisatiit iⁿ laⁿgeSscale secit Slatguage leaⁿtitg. (p. 28 It the summeⁿ if 2007 I ibtaite a small Et atgeⁿe Latguage Fut 51 gⁿatt it hipes if ipetitg a tiⁿthⁿwaⁿ fliⁿw if latguage fⁿim Oelahima ti Nebⁿasea. The pⁿiject i tit gait tⁿactiit, at ⁿelatives ⁿwhi ha platte ti jiit me it the "fiel " ha ti ⁿip iut at the last mitute. Lateⁿ it, atitheⁿ pitettial cillabiⁿatiit ⁿwith the Pitca Tⁿibe if Nebⁿasea fizzle iut. Liee the summeⁿ befiⁿe it, thet, that summeⁿ ⁿwas imitate b) teⁿw cittectiits ⁿwith settleⁿ theiⁿ) at theiⁿists, this time at the Litguistic Siciet) if Ameⁿicaas Summeⁿ Itstitute at Statfiⁿ . Niⁿma iet izaŚettitas at iaⁿ) Buchiltz at Kiⁿa Hiallas semitaⁿs ⁿwateⁿe a see platte the pⁿeviius )eaⁿ it Am) Shel itas Language borderlands semitaⁿ, at I begat bⁿatchitg iut it the siciilitguistic at ethtigⁿaphic iⁿectiits that tiie me fiⁿst itti Bill Beematas litguistic atthⁿipilig) semitaⁿ at lateⁿ ti Tucsit. Grⁿegiⁿ) aaⁿ at Bett) Biⁿteⁿas LSA Itstitute semitaⁿ Information structure and word-order variation itjecte eteⁿg) itti m) fⁿeshl) cimplete iA ⁿepiⁿt. I evelipe m) futctiital basis, theiⁿetical cittectiits at ci itg pⁿice uⁿes, at atal)se teⁿw 51 Cognitive status and language shift in Ponca

27 texts, pⁿesettitg muchSexpat e at impⁿive fit itgs at the Siiuat at Ca iat Latguages Citfeⁿetce hel citcuⁿⁿettl) ⁿwith the ii Ameⁿica Litguistics Citfeⁿetce it Laⁿwⁿetce it 2007, at thet publishitg them (Griⁿ it 2008, itclu e heⁿe as Appendix B . Filliⁿwitg setbaces it cimmutit) cillabiⁿatiit at a gⁿeat eal if fliuⁿishitg it the settleⁿ aca em), this pⁿi uct ⁿepⁿesetts at evet gⁿeateⁿ epaⁿtuⁿe fⁿim m) ⁿepatⁿiative cimmitmett. It it, the ataset became laⁿgeⁿ, at the ⁿwiⁿ s if the El eⁿs miⁿe at miⁿe ibjectifie . I itseⁿte m) fit itgs itti ebates it itfiⁿmatiitSstⁿuctuⁿal theiⁿ) at mitimalist s)ttax ⁿatheⁿ that itti cimmutit) settitgs. Faⁿ fⁿim evelipitg mateⁿials ⁿelevatt at useful ti Póⁿea teacheⁿs iⁿ leaⁿteⁿs, it fact, I cipie "m) aⁿ ett hipe" veⁿbatim fⁿim m) iA thesis.

1.11: Gríhígragi ke: The relatives bring me back home. It the summeⁿ if 2008, Hiiⁿtaⁿi ThigⁿePi52 tiie me itti his at his thⁿeeS)eaⁿSil Itagⁿwa53 Sageas hime, life at li ge, it Laⁿwⁿetce, ti help iut ⁿwith the Baxoje, iiwére- Ñút^achi, Ma^ú́ⁿke Dictionary(Grii Tⁿaces 1992S2019 . This summeⁿ ⁿwas pivital fiⁿ me it mat) ⁿwa)s. Greⁿmate ti the pⁿesett taⁿⁿative is that it ⁿwas m) fiⁿst jib ⁿwith a cimmutit)Sbase pⁿiject. The ⁿwiⁿe ⁿwas simple. ae ivi e up a set if iicⁿisift aiⁿ files, each ciⁿⁿespit itg ti a letteⁿ if the alphabet. I ⁿwiⁿee stⁿictl) it the Etglish si e. I checee fiⁿmattitg, putctuatiit at paⁿts if speech fiⁿ citsistetc) checee ⁿwith Hiiⁿtaⁿi fiⁿ accuⁿate iⁿthigⁿaph), siuⁿces at tⁿatslatiit ma e suⁿe cⁿissSⁿefeⁿetces at alteⁿtate pⁿitutciatiits, spellitgs at glisses ⁿweⁿe pⁿipeⁿl) ⁿepⁿesette it itheⁿ paⁿts if the ictiitaⁿ) cⁿeate veⁿb citjugatiit tables at it ⁿaⁿe iccasiits cittⁿibute small litguistic attitatiits. Althiugh Hiiⁿtaⁿi ⁿwas evelipitg teⁿw cittett citstattl), at still is, the bule if it ⁿwas fⁿim befiⁿe m) time. i) utique cittⁿibutiit ⁿwas it beitg able ti e it laⁿge amiutts if mateⁿial it bule. ae bⁿiee iftet fiⁿ citveⁿsatiit, ⁿwiⁿe aⁿiut the hiuse, at ⁿwales alitg the ⁿiveⁿ. I spett a lit if time ⁿwith Itagⁿwa, giitg it ⁿwales ⁿwith him, pla)itg ⁿwith him iut iiⁿs, at if ciuⁿse iitg m) best ti be pⁿesett fiⁿ him ⁿwhile alsi ⁿwiⁿeitg at the cimputeⁿ. Hiiⁿtaⁿi spiee itl) Baxije Ich^e ⁿwith Itagⁿwa, at I i the same. ahet he ⁿwas aⁿiut , if ⁿwe ciul tat sa) ⁿwhat ⁿwe tee e ti sa) it Baxije, ⁿwe ⁿwiul sⁿwitch itti Spatish. The latguage ⁿwe use tigetheⁿ ⁿwhet ⁿwe ⁿweⁿe ⁿwaleitg iⁿ pla)itg ⁿwas simple at ⁿepetitive etiugh that I i tat tee ti stu ) it, but leaⁿte quicel) thⁿiugh immeⁿsiit. The latguage I tee e ⁿwhet I sat alite at the cimputeⁿ at Itagⁿwa vie fiⁿ m) attettiit, it the itheⁿ hat , ⁿwas much miⁿe vaⁿie , at si I ma e lists, a itg ti the list it citveⁿsatiit ⁿwith Hiiⁿtaⁿi at it citsultatiit ⁿwith his ictiitaⁿ). A veⁿsiit if the list ma e it itti m) LiveJiuⁿtal. ahet this blig pist ⁿesuⁿface a feⁿw )eaⁿs lateⁿ54, it became the ciⁿe if m) cittⁿibutiit ti "Peⁿspectives it Chiⁿweⁿe ⁿevitalizatiit" (Grii Tⁿaces et al. 2016 , ⁿwhich is heⁿe itclu e as Appendix C. iiⁿe that just a summeⁿ jib, m) time ⁿwith the Baxije, JiⁿweⁿeSÑut^achi Ich^e Pⁿiject ⁿwas ⁿeitvigiⁿatitg bith spiⁿituall) at pⁿifessiitall). I ⁿwas hiiee . I ha ti ittettiit if maeitg m) ⁿwa) as a "ⁿigue" litguist, labiⁿitg fiⁿ the aca em) ⁿwhile speculatitg abiut pitettial applicatiits fiⁿ teacheⁿs at leaⁿteⁿs. If Native lea eⁿship ⁿwatte ti hiⁿe me iⁿ

52 Jimm Grii Tⁿaces 53 aGrⁿat chil a 54 iiⁿe accuⁿatel), I ha ti tⁿace it iⁿwt it Hiiⁿtaⁿias ⁿequest, havitg litg sitce let the LiveJiuⁿtal lapse.

28 cillabiⁿate ⁿwith me, I eci e , I ⁿwas available itheⁿⁿwise, I ⁿwiul puⁿsue itheⁿ, less cilitial ⁿeseaⁿch avetues.

1.12: Tucson If litguistics alite ⁿwas tit lea itg me, the icumettatiit iⁿ the ⁿelatives iⁿwt the ⁿight ⁿia , I thiught ethtigⁿaph) might, at si I aⁿⁿive it Tucsit it the sha iⁿw if Hiill, Philips, e beuse, Grilmiⁿe, Grau ii, Zepe a, Nichilas, aillie, Obeⁿl), Seeaquapteⁿwa at ́eliⁿia at ut eⁿ iet izaŚettitas a visitg. At eaⁿl) cilliquium fⁿim Hiititiaeiti55 latguage teacheⁿSmethi iligist Ne)iixet (Stevet Grⁿe)miⁿtitg lai baⁿe the gⁿeat gulf betⁿweet Aⁿizita Litguistics at tⁿa itiital etiⁿwle ge pⁿactices, but I i tat let it tⁿiuble me tii gⁿeatl). Fiⁿ abiut a )eaⁿ m) ficus ⁿwas it atthⁿipiligical theiⁿ), get eⁿ at gestuⁿe (lea itg ti the publicatiit if Labitea & Griⁿ it 2009 . Alitg the ⁿwa) I sat fiⁿ Elizabeth Lapivse) Kette )as LGBT History of North America ciuⁿse. Liz at I quicel) cittecte iveⁿ ⁿepatⁿiatiit itstea . She ha ite heⁿ ictiⁿal ⁿeseaⁿch it the 1960as ⁿwith aiutaat families it Sigsua56 it the Chicó. Niⁿw she at at eciligical atthⁿipiligist, Julie Velasquez bute, ⁿweⁿe aseitg the Natiital Scietce Fiut atiit ti suppiⁿt a team if aiutaat litguists it gatheⁿitg, tⁿatscⁿibitg at atal)sitg all the aiutaat ieu ⁿeciⁿ e sitce the 1950as b) the late bussiatSCata iat iettitite missiitaⁿ) litguist Jacib Lieⁿwet, a)cliffe litguist bit Bit eⁿ, at Kette ) at Velasquez bute themselves. The pⁿiject ⁿwas ti utfil ut eⁿ the iⁿectiit if the Citgⁿesi Naciital el Puebli aiutaat it Patama at be hiuse at matage it Patama Cit) b) the Fut aciót paⁿa el ́esaⁿⁿilli el Puebli aiutaat. NSF ⁿwatte ti see miⁿe litguistics it the pⁿipisal, at suppiⁿt fiⁿ a Niⁿth Ameⁿicat gⁿa uate stu ett. Liz at Julie itvite me it biaⁿ , evet thiugh all thⁿee if us bⁿistle at NSFas utⁿwillitgtess ti suppiⁿt a aiutaat litguist itstea . Si, ⁿwith m) pⁿimaⁿ) ⁿepatⁿiatiit cimmitmett it the bace buⁿteⁿ at the ippiⁿtutit) ti i cimmutit)Sbase ⁿwiⁿe pⁿesettitg itself, I agⁿee . Almist imme iatel) afteⁿ, at the 2009 Siiuat at Ca iat Latguages Citfeⁿetce it Litcilt, Hiiⁿtaⁿi sett Vi a aii hull Stableⁿ (Hiiⁿxpeⁿwiⁿ ti ittⁿi uce heⁿself at etgage me fiⁿ help ⁿevisitg cuⁿⁿiculum fⁿim heⁿ pⁿigⁿam at the Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage at Cultuⁿal Cetteⁿ, Umóⁿhiⁿ Natiit Public Schiil, it iac). ́uⁿitg the thⁿee )eaⁿs that filliⁿwe , I face a eteⁿiiⁿatitg situatiit ⁿwith ⁿespect ti health, ⁿelatiitships at spiⁿitualit). i) itvilvemett ⁿwith the Pⁿi)ecti "Tⁿa iciót Oⁿal aiutaat" utfil e uⁿitg these same )eaⁿs. Liz at Julieas pⁿipisal ⁿwas fut e 57, at it Jul) if 2010 I ma e m) fiⁿst thⁿeeSⁿweee tⁿip ti Patama. bit Bit eⁿ ⁿwelcime us itti his hime it Nueva Espeⁿatza, at ⁿwe lai gⁿiut ⁿwiⁿe, meetitg ⁿwith Citgⁿesi at Fut aciót lea eⁿship at ⁿwith Bit eⁿas litgtime cilleagues, the aiutaat El eⁿ litguists Chit ́i Peña Ismaⁿe at the late Tiñi Peña Citquista. ae hel a tⁿatscⁿiptiit at tⁿatslatiit ⁿwiⁿeship at Chit ́i at Tiñi git bus). The filliⁿwitg Jul) the ciⁿcle expat e , ⁿwelcimitg thⁿee "tⁿaitee" litguists – the late Titt) iembiⁿa Peña, ́iⁿis Cheucaⁿama iembache at Chivii iembache Peña – ti the team. Jute if 2011 ⁿwas alsi the iccasiit if m) fiⁿst teachitg gig ⁿwith the Ameⁿicat It iat Latguage ́evelipmett Itstitute, as ́ite litguist iaⁿ) aillieas teachitg assistatt it the sigtatuⁿe Linguistics for Native communities ciuⁿse. A litgSteⁿm visit ti the PTOa

55 "Aⁿapahi" 56 the "Siguiⁿisua" biveⁿ 57 BCS0966046 Documenting Wounaan Meu

29 ⁿwiⁿesite it eaⁿl) 2012 le ti a ⁿwiⁿeitg ⁿeseaⁿch agⁿeemett ⁿwith Citgⁿesi lea eⁿship, but ha ti be cut ⁿasticall) shiⁿt ue ti m) eteⁿiiⁿatitg health situatiit. That Jute I miⁿaculiusl) matage ti tⁿiple m) ⁿwiⁿelia . i) a visiⁿ at the time, Siutheⁿt Ute litguist aachimamachi̱ (Stace) Obeⁿl) , ciStaught the ciuⁿse ⁿwith Sat Caⁿlis Apache STEi teacheⁿSmethi iligist Philip Stevets, at I jiite up ⁿwith Philipas cimpatiit Vatessa Atthit)SStevets at heⁿ Pⁿiject SEÉ itteⁿpⁿeteⁿs ti hist the five aiutaat litguists as jiitt AIĹI /e SEÉ paⁿticipatts that summeⁿ. Bib bateit passe aⁿwa) it Febⁿuaⁿ) if 2014, ⁿeigtitg " eat if the Siiuatists", at tite has ⁿiset ti ⁿeplace his statuⁿe. Catheⁿite bu it at I ut eⁿtiie ti assemble at e ite vilume, Advances in the study of Siouan languages and linguistics, it his memiⁿ) at hitiⁿ (bu it & Griⁿ it 2016 . This became the vetue fiⁿ Hiiⁿtaⁿi Jimmas, Saulas at m) ⁿwiⁿe iscusse pⁿeviiusl) (Appendix C , as ⁿwell as fiⁿ the ⁿesults if m) famil)S ⁿwi e suⁿve) if itfiⁿmatiit at ittitatiit stⁿuctuⁿe, "ItfiⁿmatiitSstⁿuctuⁿal vaⁿiatiits it Siiuat latguages", itclu e heⁿe as Appendix D. B) the time ⁿwe ⁿelease the vilume, m) a)s it Tucsit ha passe . aieʰage Vi a cittitue ti cittⁿact small cuⁿⁿiculumSⁿevisiit tases ti me heⁿe at theⁿe uttil she came ti Tucsit it ́ecembeⁿ if 2014 ti statch me up at bⁿitg me ti ⁿwiⁿe fiⁿ heⁿ it iac). Out if that visit alsi emeⁿge iuⁿ cittⁿibutiit (Stableⁿ et al. 2018a ti Kiiⁿwa litguist Pàtthai: ê (Grus Palmeⁿ, Jⁿ. as vilume if ⁿetⁿatsliteⁿate at ⁿetⁿatslate Native latguage liteⁿatuⁿe, When Dream Bear sings A Native literatures of the southern plains (Palmeⁿ 2018 . It ⁿecigtitiit that ́iⁿse)as cillectiits, thiugh teⁿwl) available it Griigle Biies, ⁿweⁿe still itaccessible ue ti iⁿthigⁿaph) at st)le, ⁿwe "up ate " at 1879 letteⁿ it Umóⁿhiⁿ ti the Cincinnati Commercial b) ́ubaSiiⁿthiⁿ, KaxeSThiⁿba, OⁿpʰiⁿSTiⁿga, iaxeⁿwathe at PathiⁿSNiⁿpazhi. ae tⁿie ti pⁿivi e cittext ⁿegaⁿ itg these metas place at agetc) as Umóⁿhiⁿ lea eⁿs it a time if settleⁿ cilitial viiletce, betⁿa)al at estⁿuctiit, at ti em)stif) the stumblitg blices if ́iⁿse)as i iis)tcⁿatic spellitgs at tⁿatslatiits. Grivet that ⁿwe etteⁿe itti the ⁿwiⁿe as a ⁿepatⁿiatiit effiⁿt, thiugh, it seems stⁿatge ti me it ⁿetⁿispect that ⁿwe jumpe it biaⁿ at aca emic publicatiit, peⁿhaps itself estite ti cillect ust it the same libⁿaⁿ) shelves as ́iⁿse)as vilumes, at ceⁿtaitl) tit available fiⁿ fⁿee it Griigle Biies.

1.13: Curriculum development Sitce Jatuaⁿ) if 2015 I have beet fiⁿtutate ti be able ti evelip cuⁿⁿiculum fiⁿ Umóⁿhiⁿ latguage at cultuⁿe pⁿigⁿams it iac) – fiⁿst at the Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage at Cultuⁿal Cetteⁿ, Umóⁿhiⁿ Natiit Public Schiil, ut eⁿ aieʰage Vi aas iⁿectiit secit as a citsultatt fiⁿ the Level 1 Umóⁿhóⁿ Iye-wathe Let's speak Umóⁿhóⁿtextbiie, flashcaⁿ s at Ć (Ca)iu et al. 2018a, 2018b, 2018c at thiⁿ at the Umóⁿhiⁿ )e T́, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege, ut eⁿ the iⁿectiit if iuⁿ El eⁿ teacheⁿs Hiaⁿwata) (aitita iitchell Caⁿamit) ́ⁿthiⁿge it iac) at Aseaxube (Grletta iitchell Slateⁿ it Omaha. The ⁿwiⁿe is citstⁿaite b) the shiftitg emat s if the a), seasit, a mitistⁿatiit at stu etts. It alsi pⁿivi es itgiitg ippiⁿtutit) ti ⁿepatⁿiate ⁿwiⁿes pⁿeviiusl) extⁿacte b) litguists at atthⁿipiligists, ⁿetⁿatsfiⁿm them itti fiⁿms ⁿespitsive ti ⁿeal tee s, at attempt ti iⁿect ⁿesiuⁿces at capacit) it ⁿwa)s that ibviate the tecessit) if havitg simebi ) liee me it this pisitiit it the litg ⁿut. ae cittitue ti lace the ⁿesiuⁿces tecessaⁿ) ti it ex, iⁿgatize at ⁿecimpile existitg icumettatiit at cuⁿⁿiculum itti simethitg a itive, scaffil e at tⁿul) cimmutit)Sbase , but acⁿiss

30 itstitutiits at itcⁿeasitgl) acⁿiss cimmutities ⁿwe aⁿe citsili atitg this visiit at maeitg pⁿigⁿess. I ⁿetuⁿte ti Nebⁿasea, tit acci ettall), it the sha iⁿw if the passitg if gⁿeat El eⁿ cuⁿⁿiculum evelipeⁿs. ahet aagóⁿze othixi e (AⁿwaeutiSSⁿwetlat passe aⁿwa) that same spⁿitg, at his hime it Litcilt, his Izhóⁿge at El eⁿ teacheⁿ Tesóⁿⁿwiⁿ (Emmalite aaleeⁿ Satchez ́ⁿthiⁿge speaⁿhea e the effiⁿt ti fitish Umóⁿhóⁿ Iye tʰe, Umóⁿhóⁿ Ushkóⁿ tʰe A The Omaha Language and the Omaha Way (Stableⁿ et al. 2018b , the fⁿuit if mat) )eaⁿsa cillabiⁿatiit betⁿweet the ULCC it iac) at the ULĆP it Litcilt. iat) if the same mateⁿials I ha ⁿwiⁿee it eitheⁿ it iac) iⁿ pⁿeviiusl) as a citsultatt, as cimpileⁿ iⁿ "iⁿthigⁿaph) chece", appeaⁿ it the ULCC half if this textbiie, as i a "aⁿititg s)stem quice sheet" (p. 3 at "aⁿititg s)stem extetsiit" (pp. 171S9 , at shiⁿt pⁿesettatiits if litguistic patteⁿts (e.g. pp. 59, 77, 118, 142S3 . Each if these cittⁿibutiits, if ciuⁿse, is built it mateⁿial authiⁿe b) El eⁿ teacheⁿs at cuⁿⁿiculum esigteⁿs at the ULCC. The Level 1 Umóⁿhóⁿ Iye-wathe Let's speak Umóⁿhóⁿ textbiie pⁿiject, paⁿt if a seⁿies iⁿigitall) evelipe b) Laehita at ́aeita latguage teacheⁿs at litguists cillabiⁿatitg at Stat itg bice, came iuⁿ ⁿwa) it the fiⁿm if a cillabiⁿatiit ⁿwith the Latguage Citseⁿvatc), ti ⁿwhim Stat itg bice litguist Nacile aaleeⁿ ittⁿi uce me at the LSA meetitg it 2015. Ti ate ⁿwe have cimplete thⁿee if fiuⁿ cimpitetts58 if Level 1 if the seⁿies itl). Suppiⁿte b) the Kelligg Fiut atiit59, its pⁿitcipal El eⁿ cittⁿibutiⁿs aⁿe iaⁿcella aii hull Ca)iu thiⁿge, ́itta iiⁿⁿis Paⁿeeⁿ thiⁿge, Susat Fⁿeemitt thiⁿge, Patⁿicia Phillips, Eva Stableⁿ at Eugete Pappat, ⁿwith a itiital cittⁿibutiits fⁿim Hiaⁿwata) ́ⁿthiⁿge at Grletta iitchell Slateⁿ. Thates ti the assistatce if Allisit Hiiⁿteⁿ at the Latguage Citseⁿvatc), ⁿwe ⁿweⁿe able ti ⁿwiⁿe ⁿwith Umóⁿhiⁿ aⁿtists Jacib Smitt), iaⁿia ́ice, Nóⁿea ega (iichael ailfe, Sⁿ. at Liz Liveji) ti a apt the illustⁿatiits ti Umóⁿhiⁿ tee s, at esigt iuⁿ iⁿwt spellitg at pⁿitutciatiit gui e, gui e fiⁿ teacheⁿs at ⁿelatives, at classⁿiim itstⁿuctiits gui e. Atitheⁿ fⁿuit if this cillabiⁿatiit has beet the attual Umóⁿhiⁿ at Póⁿea Gratheⁿitg, ⁿecettl) hel fiⁿ the thiⁿ time at NICC, ⁿwhich liee the textbiie has a apte at mive aⁿwa) fⁿim the template ut eⁿ cimmutit) lea eⁿship.

58 A smaⁿtphite app, Umóⁿhóⁿ Vocab Builder, ⁿemaits fiⁿthcimitg. 59 P3033762 Omaha Level 1 Textbook Project

31 Chapter 2: The place of the settler linguist

2.1: Settler linguistics is hostile to decolonization and reclamation.

It atthⁿipilig), ⁿwhich histiⁿicall) exists ti "give viice" ti itheⁿs, theⁿe is ti gⁿeateⁿ tabii that selfSⁿevelatiit. (Behaⁿ 1996: 26

Just etiⁿwitg that simeite measuⁿe iuⁿ "faculties" b) fillitg the seulls if iuⁿ atcestiⁿs ⁿwith millet see s at cimpaⁿe the amiutt if millet see ti the capacit) fiⁿ mettal thiught iffet s iuⁿ setse if ⁿwhi at ⁿwhat ⁿwe aⁿe60. (Smith 1999: 1 ahich is it, thet? aaleitg iⁿwt the Biasiat tⁿail if bith litguistic atthⁿipilig) at icumettaⁿ) litguistics, ies the settleⁿ cilitial sciettist "give viice", iⁿ gⁿuesimel) thitgif) it the matteⁿ escⁿibe b) Smith heⁿe, at Cesaiⁿe elseⁿwheⁿe (1972: 177 ? It is ⁿeasitable ti begit ti a ⁿess this questiit fⁿim a pessimistic place. The settleⁿ state at its peiple meat ti peⁿpetuate the expⁿipⁿiatiit if Native lat at the viilatiit if Native siveⁿeigtt), all ⁿwhile claimitg beteviletce. The) a itiitall) fut at citstⁿait the settleⁿ cilitial sciettistas ⁿeseaⁿch, as ⁿwell as the cit itiits if theiⁿ isciplitaⁿ) fiⁿmatiit. ahile I suⁿel) shaⁿe Baⁿbaⁿa Te liceas itteⁿest it a shift "fⁿim paⁿticipatt ibseⁿvatiit tiⁿwaⁿ the ibseⁿvatiit if paⁿticipatiit" (1991: 69 at "cⁿitiquitg the ⁿwiⁿe if itheⁿ ethtigⁿapheⁿs it iⁿ eⁿ ti tⁿ) ti chatge past cilitialist pⁿactices," (p. 82 I ⁿwiul suggest it is it Vite ́eliⁿia, Jⁿ., at Lit a Tuhiⁿwai Smithas ⁿwⁿititg that ⁿwe fit the mist tⁿustⁿwiⁿth) examples if such a shift, at such a cⁿitique. ́eliⁿia ⁿwⁿites: if I pⁿess at) atthⁿis it a pⁿilitge iscussiit it exactl) ⁿwh) the) stu ) It iats at itheⁿ tⁿibal peiples at ⁿwh) the) stu ) atthⁿipilig) at all, I am almist alⁿwa)s itfiⁿme that tⁿibal peiple ⁿepⁿesett at eaⁿlieⁿ stage if humat accimplishmett at that ⁿwe cat leaⁿt abiut iuⁿ past b) stu )itg the ⁿwa) existitg tⁿibal peiples live. (1997: 214 Hieⁿe ́eliⁿia has it his sights the theiⁿetical mitivatiits fiⁿ atthⁿipiligical ⁿeseaⁿch ⁿelatiitships. The mitivatiits fiⁿ icumettaⁿ) litguists – ⁿwhise pⁿifessiit has taeet upit itself the Kiplitgesque buⁿ et if ⁿwaⁿtitg the ⁿwiⁿl abiut the thⁿeat if latguage "et atgeⁿmett" – aⁿe aeit ti ⁿwhat ́eliⁿia escⁿibes. K. ́avi Hiaⁿⁿisit, it a biie ⁿwhise thⁿust is ti "give viice" ti et atgeⁿe latguagesa speaeeⁿs befiⁿe at itteⁿtatiital ⁿea eⁿship, gives "thⁿee cimpellitg ⁿeasits ti safeguaⁿ at icumett vatishitg latguages[:] ... iuⁿ humat etiⁿwle ge base ... iuⁿ ⁿich patⁿimit) if humat cultuⁿal etiⁿwle ge ... [at ] iuⁿ abilit) ti ut eⁿstat hiⁿw the mit iⁿgatizes at pⁿicesses itfiⁿmatiit" (2007: 19S20 . Speaeitg ti National Geographic News, ́avi Cⁿ)stal sa)s, 60 Fiⁿ examples if peⁿpetⁿatiⁿs if this ⁿwaⁿ cⁿime pⁿiu l) icumettitg theiⁿ cillabiⁿatiⁿsa at theiⁿ guilt, see Otis (1876: 78S80 at Hiⁿ ličea (1878: 66S9 it esecⁿate Póⁿea ⁿemaits, at Pi)tteⁿ (1915 it fissilize ⁿemaits fuⁿtheⁿ siuth it Nebⁿasea. Ales Hiⁿ ličea, ⁿwhi titiⁿiiusl) a vicate fiⁿ the ispeⁿse ⁿesettlemett if itfeⁿiiⁿ ⁿaces as a methi if getici e, is alsi etiⁿwt ti have "hacee iff the hea s" if tⁿwelve Hiiaei (Yaqui peiple massacⁿe b) the iexicat state it 1902 "ⁿwith a machete at biile them ti ⁿemive the flesh" (Leitaⁿ 2009 . Cⁿatiimetⁿ) has ⁿece e , tit isappeaⁿe fiⁿ at example if the Smithsitiat iuseum if Natuⁿal Hiistiⁿ) at the Utiveⁿsit) if Tettesseeas miⁿe ⁿecett itvilvemett it esecⁿatitg Póⁿea ⁿemaits, see Jattz & Oⁿwsle) (2001

32 "[ⁿwhet a latguage ies] ⁿwhat is pⁿimaⁿil) list is the expⁿessiit if a utique visiit if ⁿwhat it meats ti be humat" (Basu 2009 . Ket Hiale ⁿwaⁿts his cilleagues that theiⁿ allege l) shaⁿe tase if " efit[itg] utiveⁿsal gⁿammaⁿ ... [is] impissible, it the absetce if litguistic iveⁿsit)." (1998: 192 The lifelitg activist litguist Jishua Fishmat, tet )eaⁿs ahea if Languageas siut itg if the alaⁿm (Hiale et al. 1992 , casts the ⁿeseaⁿchS mitivatitg value if "ethtilitguistic iveⁿsit)" as a cismic stⁿuggle betⁿweet pistSbimat utiveⁿsalism at a ⁿimattic, Easteⁿt stⁿait if aesteⁿt tⁿa itiit: Fⁿim [the aesteⁿt] piitt if vieⁿw, small at licalize ethtilitguistic cillectivities ⁿweⁿe quite tatuⁿal at evet esiⁿable eaⁿl) stages if sicial iⁿgatizatiit, but ti miⁿe that that. (1982: 6

Hieⁿ eⁿas efetse if baceⁿwaⁿ Slavic Euⁿipe, a efetse ⁿwhich stⁿesses the uttutiⁿe ⁿefitemett at ⁿwis im if peiples that have tit capitulate ti the massive blat ishmetts if aesteⁿt mateⁿialism, ⁿwhi expeⁿietce life at tatuⁿe it eepl) pietic at cillectivel) meatitgful ⁿwa)s, aⁿe paⁿallele b) ahiⁿf it his efetse if Native Ameⁿicats it paⁿticulaⁿ at if titSaesteⁿt ⁿwis im at peⁿspective it geteⁿal. (p. 8 Si peⁿvasive at mitivatitg aⁿe these pⁿigⁿammatic themes that, ⁿwhet I citfⁿitt a felliⁿw settleⁿS escet att cilleague ⁿwith a seⁿies if statemetts such as these, the) aⁿe lieel) ti i ettif) half if them as gii at the itheⁿ half as ba ⁿeasits ti icumett et atgeⁿe latguages, but itl) ⁿaⁿel) ti ⁿeject the impeⁿial themes if "utiveⁿsal" patⁿimit) at "humat" meatitg stat itg it the cetteⁿ if each.

2.2: Ethical "developments" Settleⁿ icumettaⁿ) litguistics at litguistic atthⁿipilig), it spite if iveⁿgetce61 it the matteⁿ if why ti extⁿact latguage fⁿim Native peiple, have citveⁿge it a setse if ethical " evelipmetts" sitce the 1990as. ai el) cite it bith isciplites, Researching language A Issues of power and method (Cameⁿit et al. 1992 , at Keⁿet biceas piece ⁿwhich helpe pipulaⁿize it amitg icumettaⁿ) litguists (2006 , hitge it a istitctiit betⁿweet "ethical" ⁿeseaⁿch on itfiⁿmatts, "a vicac)" ⁿeseaⁿch on and for itfiⁿmatts, at "empiⁿweⁿitg" ⁿeseaⁿch on, for and with itfiⁿmatts62. bice maees the ⁿeplacemett if the ⁿwiⁿ informant b) the ⁿwiⁿ consultant emblematic if pⁿigⁿess it the fiel (p. 154 similaⁿl), it the ⁿwaee if cⁿitiques liee Nettle & bimaiteas (2000: 6 at Hiittitas (2001 , teⁿms liee sleeping languages cat be ibseⁿve pacif)itg pⁿifessiital epictiit if litguistic massacⁿe. As at asi e, teⁿmitiligical shifts at the campaigts behit them have seⁿve as emblematic it the settleⁿ cilitial "fiel " if "latguage et atgeⁿmett at ⁿevitalizatiit" it geteⁿal. Jate Hiill (2002 at Niⁿa Etglat (2002 have cittⁿibute ettiⁿe lists if – it theiⁿ estimatiit – ⁿwellSmeatitg ⁿhetiⁿical evices ⁿwith utittet e citsequetces. The biiligical metaphiⁿ63 has attⁿacte the mist cⁿitique, sime impiⁿtatt, ⁿecett examples beitg Leitaⁿ (2007, 2011 , Eⁿⁿitgtit (2008 , Silveⁿsteit (2008 at Peⁿle) (2012 . It is clisel) filliⁿwe b) the theme if etumeⁿatiit if latguages at if speaeeⁿs, ⁿwhich is a

61 This " iveⁿgetce", ⁿwith Native cimmutities caught it the mi le if it, because a iviⁿce at a famil) feu iveⁿ the ciuⁿse if the 1950as thⁿiugh 1970as: see Hiaⁿⁿis (1995 . 62 bice alsi 63 "livitg", "miⁿibut ", " ea ", "ⁿevival", "ⁿevitalizatiit", "extitct", "et atgeⁿe ", etc.

33 ee) theme fiⁿ Hiill (2002 , ́ibⁿit et al. (2007 , at Silveⁿsteit (2008 , at ail) pⁿesetts itself it iac) as the ibsessive theme if iutsi eⁿsa itteⁿest it iuⁿ ⁿwiⁿe. Questiititg the iftet implicit pilitical aget as behit such teⁿmitiligies64, Silveⁿsteit a s that the) aⁿe miⁿe that meⁿe tuⁿtsSifSphⁿase .... Of ciuⁿse, beitg cimmitte ti the ⁿwellSbeitg if a ⁿeseaⁿch pipulatiit iⁿ ti the causes that the ⁿeseaⁿch pipulatiit espiuses has a litg tⁿa itiit it atthⁿipiligical ⁿeseaⁿch at evet it pⁿifessiital atthⁿipiligical ethics. But hiⁿw such cimmitmett gets pla)e iut it teⁿms if iteas iⁿwt pilitics ⁿwithit iteas iⁿwt pilitical iⁿ eⁿ, it ⁿwhich the ⁿesaⁿche latguage cimmutit) alsi if tecessit) citsitututes at ibject if pⁿesumptive siScalle "sciettific" expeⁿtise, is tit at eas) pⁿiblem ti tavigate .... (2008: 422 The pla)itgSiut if such cimmitmetts is pⁿecisel) a cettⁿal iⁿgatizitg pⁿitciple if m) iⁿwt, pⁿesett, attitate ⁿeseaⁿch atthilig). It litguistic atthⁿipilig) it has becime cimmitplace ti extet this cⁿitique be)it the teⁿmitiligical level at itti bⁿia eⁿ iscuⁿsive futctiits if the ⁿhetiⁿicas ciⁿculatiit, such as aesthetizatiit (iiiⁿe 2006 at futilit) (Etglat 2002 Philip ́eliⁿia 2011 ieee 2011 . It light if its emblematic futctiit fiⁿ pⁿactitiiteⁿs it the "fiel " (highl) visible it cⁿitical teⁿmitiligical etciutteⁿs at citfeⁿetces, it cilliquia at it listseⁿvs , teⁿmitiligical cⁿitique might itself attⁿact cⁿiticism. Hiiⁿweveⁿ, ⁿwe ⁿwiul i ⁿwell ti eeep it mit a ⁿwi espⁿea suspiciit that attiSIt iat pilitical fiⁿces aⁿe at a itiital utittet e au ietce if the litguistic icumettatiit if eath at eca), fiⁿ the) cat use it ti legitimate teⁿmitatiit, a pilic) alⁿea ) ut eⁿ citsi eⁿatiit b) the cuⁿⁿett a mitistⁿatiit (Agi)i 2018 . It this light, Leitaⁿ as ⁿwaⁿtitg abiut the lite betⁿweet "the aeSⁿwiⁿ a" at the isappeaⁿitg It iat (2011 shiul be a mibilizitg fiⁿce, at ⁿwe ⁿwiul i ⁿwell ti ⁿecall Vite ́eliⁿia, Jⁿ.as, etutciatiit ⁿwhich ascⁿibes "[c]impilatiit if useless etiⁿwle ge afiⁿ etiⁿwle geas saeea" ti a settleⁿ aca em) ⁿwhich "[ ]uⁿitg the cⁿucial a)s if 1954, ⁿwhet the Setate ⁿwas pushitg fiⁿ teⁿmitatiit if all It iat ⁿights, ... [ i tit cime] fiⁿⁿwaⁿ ti suppiⁿt the tⁿibes agaitst the etⁿimettal pilic)." (1969: 94 betuⁿtitg ti litguistsa citsi eⁿatiits if ethics, Keⁿet bice spits a taⁿⁿative if pⁿigⁿess built it it ices liee the afiⁿemettiite shift fⁿim informant ti consultant at the teⁿw ubiquit) if itstitutiital humatSsubjects pⁿitectiits (pp. 134S5 , ultimatel) citclu itg that ⁿeseaⁿch on, for and with is "tiⁿw geteⁿall) citsi eⁿe ti be best pⁿactice, at least ⁿwithit Abiⁿigital cimmutities it Niⁿth Ameⁿica." (p. 150 iuch if m) expeⁿietce it the "fiel ", cittⁿaⁿiⁿwise, has shiⁿwt sigts if the cⁿushitg ⁿweight if cilitial iteⁿtia. Eaⁿl) it m) stu ies, el eⁿ cilleagues a vise me ti fit m) ⁿwa) aⁿiut gateeeepeⁿs, bith tⁿibal at IbB if pissible, at luⁿe speaeeⁿs iff the ⁿeseⁿvatiit if tecessaⁿ) ti mitimize itstitutiital huⁿ les. Otheⁿs uⁿge me ti claim Native it iⁿ eⁿ ti gait access ti ⁿwhat feⁿw ⁿesiuⁿces ⁿweⁿe available ti facilitate Native schilaⁿsa ettⁿ) itti iuⁿ isciplite at its aⁿetas. I siit ⁿecigtise it the liteⁿatuⁿe a teaⁿl) ⁿwhill) vacuius pⁿactice if claimitg pitettial cimmutit) applicatiit it ⁿeseaⁿch citclusiits it §1.10 I have shiⁿwt hiⁿw I tii fell it lite ⁿwith this pⁿactice. If, as Greⁿmat icumettaⁿ) methi iligist Nieilaus Hiimmelmatt aⁿgues, "[a]tthⁿipilig) at itheⁿ sicial scietces have beet cⁿiticall) ⁿevieⁿwitg the ethics if theiⁿ fiel ⁿwiⁿe pⁿactices sitce the mi le if the tⁿwettieth cettuⁿ), but stⁿuctuⁿal litguistics laⁿgel) igtiⁿe ethical issues uttil fiel ⁿwiⁿe it et atgeⁿe latguages fitall) fiⁿce the issue" (2008: 338 , thet it maees setse that bice shiul have filliⁿwe 64 See alsi Cista (2013 .

34 Cameⁿit et al. b) fiuⁿteet )eaⁿs, but itas cuⁿiiuseⁿ that Cameⁿit et al., ⁿwⁿititg as litguistic atthⁿipiligists, shiul have filliⁿwe Custer died for your sins (́eliⁿia 1969 at the settleⁿ atthⁿipiligistsa gⁿapplitg it its ⁿwaee, b) miⁿe that tⁿwett). Ote if the gⁿappleⁿs, fiⁿ example, Chaⁿles Keilit 1976 aims citsi eⁿabl) faⁿtheⁿ, itsistitg that "itvestigatiⁿs ⁿwiⁿe it multicultuⁿal cillectivities ⁿwith the peiple at fiⁿ the peiple ⁿatheⁿ that it the peiple fiⁿ us" (p. 253 . Hieⁿe, titabl), ⁿwiⁿeitg for etites tit itl) a vicac), but acciuttabilit) at ibligatiit, aeit ti ⁿwiⁿeitg at the pleasuⁿe if at for iteas empli)eⁿ – a pisitiititg that sel im appeaⁿs agaitst the bacegⁿiut if assume cilitial hieⁿaⁿch). Ti pise the questiit if the settleⁿ litguistas place as a ebate abiut the ⁿelative stⁿetgth if pⁿigⁿessive at il Sguaⁿ fiⁿces, hiⁿweveⁿ, cetteⁿs the settleⁿ ⁿwithiut cetteⁿitg theiⁿ settleⁿ cilitialism. Hiavitg bⁿiefl) etteⁿtaite the ebate, theⁿefiⁿe, I tiⁿw mive it ti s)stemic issues. Cameⁿit et al. acetiⁿwle ge the ibjectificatiit it "ethical" ⁿeseaⁿch on itfiⁿmatts ⁿwith (ite hipes at implicit istaste: "Hiumat subjects eseⁿve special ethical citsi eⁿatiit, but the) ti miⁿe set the ⁿeseaⁿcheⁿas aget a that the bittle if sulphuⁿic aci sets the chemistas aget a." (p. 19 bice, sigtallitg heⁿ iubt ⁿegaⁿ itg the ethicalit) if this mi el if "ethical" ⁿeseaⁿch, tites its pitettial fiⁿ "cittempt" as peⁿ ́iⁿiat (1998 . Sigtallitg the piⁿweⁿ if settleⁿ cillegialit) (iⁿ if paⁿticulaⁿ cilleagues themselves , hiⁿweveⁿ, these cimmettatiⁿs leave the issue ⁿesigte ti accept this pisitiit as passitg baⁿe ethical musteⁿ, if itl) because it "filliⁿws, if ciuⁿse, fⁿim the pisitivist emphasis it istatce ti avii itteⁿfeⁿetce iⁿ bias" (Cameⁿit et al. 1992: 19 , at "pisitivists aⁿe citstⁿaite ti use" it (bice 2006: 125 . If these mi els aⁿe "ethical", it is because settleⁿ cilitial itstitutiits have supplatte titiits if ⁿight at ⁿwⁿitg it ipeⁿatiitalizitg that teⁿm. If I ⁿwatt ti cit uct ⁿeseaⁿch ⁿwheⁿe m) veⁿ) iⁿwt ⁿeseaⁿch itstitutiit is cimplicit it the expⁿipⁿiatiit if the lat at the eⁿasuⁿe if the peiple, evet ⁿeseaⁿch on, for and with iught tit ti be seet as passitg baⁿe ethical musteⁿ ⁿwithiut sime paⁿticulaⁿ, a itiital pⁿitciples if biut aⁿies at ⁿespect.

2.3: Clarifying authority

It galls us that aesteⁿt ⁿeseaⁿcheⁿs at ittellectuals cat assume ti etiⁿw all that it is pissible ti etiⁿw if us, it the basis if theiⁿ bⁿief etciutteⁿs ⁿwith sime if us. It appals us that the aest cat esiⁿe, extⁿact at claim iⁿwteⁿship if iuⁿ ⁿwa)s if etiⁿwitg, iuⁿ imageⁿ), the thitgs ⁿwe cⁿeate at pⁿi uce, at thet simultateiusl) ⁿeject the peiple ⁿwhi cⁿeate at evelipe thise i eas at seee ti et) them fuⁿtheⁿ ippiⁿtutities ti be cⁿeatiⁿs if theiⁿ iⁿwt cultuⁿe at iⁿwt tatiits. (Smith 1999: 1 Ke) ti Lit a Tuhiⁿwai Smithas ibjectiit is the maⁿgitalizatiit if It igetius people it isciplitaⁿ) spaces that have citfeⁿⁿe upit themselves authority iveⁿ thise veⁿ) peipleas etiⁿwle ge, ⁿwa)s, ⁿwiⁿ s at gⁿammaⁿs65. This is a cilitial viiletce tit mitigate b) pⁿivilegitg It igetius etiⁿwle ge, ⁿwa)s, ⁿwiⁿ s iⁿ gⁿammaⁿs, at ceⁿtaitl) tit b) extⁿactitg thise thitgs it humat patⁿimit)as tame. It is at aⁿⁿigatce ⁿwhise a)s have tit passe . The settleⁿ litguistas escⁿiptiit at atal)sis if Native latguages (at , lieeⁿwise, itheⁿ settleⁿ cilitial escⁿiptiits if siciet), cultuⁿe, histiⁿ) at si it has a istiⁿte 65 See alsi Cista (2013 .

35 ⁿelatiitship ⁿwith authiⁿit). The istiⁿtiit begits, if ciuⁿse, ⁿwith the lace if ⁿespect at behil ettess Smith escⁿibes, but gies be)it , itti matteⁿs if itteⁿtal, techtical authiⁿit). Ot the ite hat , the settleⁿ litguistas escⁿiptiit at atal)sis aⁿe if questiitable authiⁿit) at tⁿustⁿwiⁿthitess as aⁿtifacts if a isciplite ⁿwhich, thiugh it citfeⁿs upit its pⁿactitiiteⁿs "expeⁿtise it latguage icumettatiit methi s, histiⁿical ⁿecitstⁿuctiit, at theiⁿies if latguage acquisitiit at pe agig)" (Leitaⁿ & Hia)tes 2010: 272 , iffeⁿs ti such stⁿuctuⁿe cⁿaft fiⁿ chaⁿtitg the ittⁿicate semiotic ⁿwebs if latguage (as bith litguistic atthⁿipiligists at siciilitguists cat iftet be heaⁿ cimplaititg . Ot the itheⁿ, its mist itfluettial at iscuⁿsive piⁿweⁿ (ittet e iⁿ tit is tie ti pⁿescⁿiptivist stat aⁿ Slatguage i eilig) betefits fⁿim at epli)s the assume authiⁿit) if the sciettist at the sciettific escⁿiptiit at is sa le ⁿwith citceⁿts if teⁿsetess at elegatce that ⁿe uce the cimplexit) at vaⁿiabilit) if bith lexicit at gⁿammaⁿ it its aⁿtifacts, at iftet igtiⁿe sicial meatitg at pⁿactical iⁿ pⁿagmatic (let alite spiⁿitual citsi eⁿatiits altigetheⁿ. It is ti ciitci etce, I thite, that each if these flaⁿws cat be ibseⁿve ti fuel cilitial ivi eSat Sⁿule as litguistsa aⁿtifacts at ⁿwa)s if taleitg abiut latguage ciⁿculate it Native cimmutities. The istiⁿtiit it the settleⁿ litguistas authiⁿit) is ite if claiming tii much, ⁿwhile having tii little. Bith these aspects cat be ⁿeme ie b) ⁿwiⁿeitg as assistatt ti Native litguists ⁿatheⁿ that havitg Native litguists assist the settleⁿ litguist. As authiⁿs if the cittett it a litguistic escⁿiptiit, Native litguists shiul be ma e fiⁿst authiⁿs. If Native litguists itsist that a givet aⁿtifact give the settleⁿ litguistas tame as fiⁿst authiⁿ, it shiul ⁿaise the questiit if ⁿwhetheⁿ the aⁿtifact appⁿipⁿiatel) at accuⁿatel) ⁿepⁿesetts Native etiⁿwle ge. The ettⁿ)Slevel veⁿsiit if this pⁿactice ases if the litguist that the) (1 fit iut ⁿwhi the ⁿeal latguage expeⁿts aⁿe it a cimmutit) (2 acetiⁿwle ge them tit as "itfiⁿmatts", "citsultatts" iⁿ evet peeⁿs, but as teacheⁿs at authiⁿities, acce itg ti theiⁿ ittellectual gui atce, at cititg siuⁿces at ascⁿibitg authiⁿship it ⁿwa)s that emilish the ⁿwalls suⁿⁿiut itg the selfScititg settleⁿ cilitial "liteⁿatuⁿe" (3 buil ⁿespectful at ⁿecipⁿical ⁿelatiitships ⁿwith them (4 fit ippiⁿtutities fiⁿ them ti ⁿepⁿesett theiⁿ expeⁿtise it the aca em) at (5 ecitstⁿuct at ciutteⁿ pⁿeviius cilitial escⁿiptiits ⁿwhich level vaⁿiatiit, etshⁿite a ciⁿpus iⁿ a methi iveⁿ livitg cimmutit) membeⁿsa geteⁿativit), iⁿ value stⁿitgSclaim pisitivism iveⁿ citsi eⁿatiits if ⁿealSⁿwiⁿl impact. It §1.8-13, liee Jate Hiill it heⁿ ⁿetⁿispective fiⁿ the Annual Review of Anthropology (2014 but ⁿwith iffeⁿett thematic highlightitg, I have epicte m)self it m) cittext iveⁿ a fifteetS)eaⁿ peⁿii , mivitg, simeⁿwhat haphazaⁿ l) at ⁿwith feⁿw lessits leaⁿte the eas) ⁿwa), it a iⁿectiit ⁿwhich at ite piitt I mistiie fiⁿ mivemett fⁿim stⁿuctuⁿe tiⁿwaⁿ s ethtigⁿaph), iⁿ fⁿim theiⁿ) tiⁿwaⁿ s pⁿactice, but ⁿwhich tuⁿts iut ti have beet a mivemett it the iⁿectiit if these ettⁿ)Slevel authiⁿit)Sclaⁿif)itg pⁿescⁿiptiits. Althiugh peⁿhaps m) fiut atiital cimmitmetts ⁿweⁿe tit it citflict ⁿwith these pⁿitciples, the pⁿactice if the "fiel s" itti ⁿwhich I etteⁿe ceⁿtaitl) ⁿweⁿe, at si the icumetts ⁿepⁿi uce heⁿe it Appendices A, B at D i tit ⁿeflect them, ⁿwhile the icumett it Appendix C, as I have escⁿibe it §1.11, came ti ⁿepⁿesett a jutctuⁿe be)it ⁿwhich I ⁿwiul tit cittitue iitg thitgs it il ⁿwa)s that ⁿweⁿe tit eliveⁿitg acceptable ⁿesults. B) the time Stableⁿ at I ⁿetⁿatsliteⁿate at ⁿetⁿatslate a letteⁿ fⁿim ́iⁿse)as cillectiit, as escⁿibe it §1.12, I ⁿwas tⁿ)itg ti filliⁿw these authiⁿit)S claⁿif)itg pⁿescⁿiptiits liisel). Althiugh m) ciSauthiⁿ etsuⁿe that at Umóⁿhiⁿ viice

36 ⁿwiul peⁿfiⁿm the bule if the cittextualizitg at itteⁿpⁿetive ⁿwiⁿe if the piece, it suffeⁿs fⁿim a majiⁿ cittⁿa ictiit as at aⁿtifact citceive if as at act if ⁿepatⁿiatiit at )et ciⁿculatitg it at alietate , aca emic publicatiit maⁿeet. Otl) the ⁿwiⁿe it Appendix C at the tⁿwi textbiie pⁿijects I escⁿibe it §1.13, thet, futctiit ut eⁿ pⁿipeⁿl) claⁿifie authiⁿit), fiⁿ itl) it them have I beet caⁿⁿ)itg iut Native aget as. i) citceⁿts it behalf if cilitize ⁿelatives at cilleagues, fiut atiital thiugh the) ma) be ti me as at actiⁿ it the "fiel ", aⁿe ittⁿitsicall) cilitial. I have cime ti vieⁿw them it paⁿallel ⁿwith the latguage thⁿiugh ⁿwhich the Litguistic Siciet) if Ameⁿica legitimates its itteⁿest it et atgeⁿe latguages thⁿiugh "Native citceⁿts", as it its pamphlet "Hiiⁿw mat) latguages aⁿe theⁿe it the ⁿwiⁿl ?": ahet a latguage ies, a ⁿwiⁿl ies ⁿwith it, it the setse that a cimmutit)as cittectiit ⁿwith its past, its tⁿa itiits at its base if specific etiⁿwle ge aⁿe all t)picall) list as the vehicle liteitg peiple ti that etiⁿwle ge is abat ite . (At eⁿsit 2010 Peⁿle) cⁿiticizes this eit if cilitial humatitaⁿiat citceⁿt: [i]at) latguage expeⁿts ... have e icate theiⁿ pⁿifessiital ⁿwiⁿe ti helpitg latguage et atgeⁿmett cimmutities. The) aⁿticulate theiⁿ a vicac) as iutsi eⁿs ⁿwith expeⁿt etiⁿwle ge ⁿwhi use theiⁿ seills at etiⁿwle ge ti ⁿwiⁿe ⁿwith cimmutities it evelipitg pⁿigⁿams at pⁿijects esigte ti aveⁿt latguage eath. [This] peⁿspective as iutsi e expeⁿts ⁿwiⁿeitg it behalf if et atgeⁿe latguage cimmutities alsi peⁿpetuates the helplesstess if sai cimmutities. (2012: 136 B) cittⁿast, the ethical et gial if a tⁿajectiⁿ) if claⁿifie authiⁿit) is ti assist Native litguists it pⁿi ucitg at ciⁿculatitg Native theiⁿies if latguage, litguistic ⁿeclamatiit at healitg it the vetue if theiⁿ chiice, filliⁿwitg the appⁿipⁿiate pⁿiticils66. This et gial ma) have small begittitgs, as ⁿwhet Hiiⁿtaⁿi ThigⁿePi it 1979 ⁿwⁿite it ti the Newsletter of Siouan and Caddoan Linguistics ti ⁿefute the thetS imitatt taxitimic atal)sis if Baxije, Jiⁿweⁿe at Ñut^achi Ich^e (Grii Tⁿaces 1979 . But ⁿwhat is ⁿequiⁿe aⁿe Native theiⁿies at pⁿactices " evelipe b) ⁿepⁿesettatives if the cilitiz[e ] gⁿiups," as ́elmis Jites put it (1970: 256 , as "paⁿt if at essettial ecilitizatiit if atthⁿipiligical etiⁿwle ge [ⁿwhich] ⁿequiⁿes ⁿastic chatges it the ⁿecⁿuitmett at tⁿaititg if atthⁿipiligists" (1970: 258 Settleⁿ "Siiuatists" have it fact a vicate fiⁿ such a mive befiⁿe. ́avi bii , it the fiⁿst Newsletter of Siouan and Caddoan Linguistics, atchiⁿs his assessmett if thetScuⁿⁿett "actiit litguistics" pⁿigⁿams it a call fiⁿ a methi iligical tuⁿt it Siiuat litguistics. Hie aⁿgues that litguists must leaⁿt simethitg abiut latguage pe agig), ⁿwhich ettails citsi eⁿabl) miⁿe that meⁿel) "appl)itg litguistics", at that the) must alsi leaⁿt etiugh siciilig) at ethtilig) ti be able ti ⁿwiⁿe ⁿwith tative peiple it theiⁿ teⁿms at suppl)itg theiⁿ peⁿceive tee s. Bith if these activities cat be veⁿ) fⁿustⁿatitg ti the schilaⁿ itteⁿeste it the tatuⁿe if eletiit it cimplemett citstⁿuctiits, but bith aⁿe essettial if ⁿwe aⁿe ti cittitue ti pⁿigⁿess it iuⁿ fiel . (1978: 9 i) cilleagues at the Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege (Hiamiltit et al. 2019 have aⁿticulate a theiⁿ) at pⁿactice if the eit calle fiⁿ b) Jites at bii . It 66 If etiⁿwle ge is ibjectifie it electⁿitic fiⁿm, this ettails the use if atabase siftⁿwaⁿe, such as iueuⁿtu (see Chⁿistet 2012 , capable if ciⁿculatitg it it appⁿipⁿiate vetues at b) appⁿipⁿiate pⁿiticils – gials tiⁿwaⁿ s ⁿwhich iuⁿ cillege is a vatcitg.

37 icumettaⁿ) litguistics, aesle) Leitaⁿ has aⁿgue peⁿsuasivel) fiⁿ ite as ⁿwell (2007 , at is fuⁿtheⁿ helpitg iⁿgatize a "Natives4Litguistics" mivemett67 fiⁿ the cetteⁿitg if such theiⁿies it the isciplite, its itstitutiits at its gatheⁿitgs (Leitaⁿ et al. 2019 . Yet he at Eⁿit Hia)tes stip sh) if subiⁿ itatitg the settleⁿ litguist ti the Native it teⁿms if "pⁿiject" fiⁿmulatiit (itclu itg theiⁿ) at ciⁿculatiit , because aca emicall)Stⁿaite ⁿeseaⁿcheⁿs ⁿeall) i bⁿitg expeⁿtise at tee s ti ⁿeseaⁿch pⁿijects. Fiⁿ example, mat) Native Ameⁿicat cimmutities have betefitte fⁿim iutsi e litguistsa expeⁿtise it latguage icumettatiit methi s, histiⁿical ⁿecitstⁿuctiit, at theiⁿies if latguage acquisitiit at pe agig). At extⁿeme veⁿsiit if this mi el, it ⁿwhich the itl) value itput is "ⁿwhateveⁿ the cimmutit) eci es," assumes that techtical litguistic atal)sis is if ti betefit ti a latguage cimmutit). ... Evet fiⁿ seemitgl) miⁿe "applie " ⁿeseaⁿch, ⁿwheⁿe the imme iate tee s if the cimmutit) aⁿe iftet pⁿimitett, fⁿamitg expectatiits if ethical ⁿeseaⁿch as itl) that ⁿwhich is ettiⁿel) cittⁿille at /eiⁿ ⁿut b) the cimmutit) ma) pⁿeclu e pitettiall) valuable itput, expeⁿtise, iⁿ sicial capital pⁿivi e b) iutsi e expeⁿts (cf. ́ibⁿit 2008 . (Leitaⁿ & Hia)tes 2010: 272S3 As Leitaⁿ & Hia)tes suggest, emititg the place if the settleⁿ litguist ma) have the utatticipate citsequetce if elegitimatitg evet the ⁿwiⁿe if Native litguists ⁿwhi have betefitte fⁿim settleⁿ litguistic tⁿaititg. It is impiⁿtatt, theⁿefiⁿe, that the) highlight the tiils at cittectiits ("sicial capital" that ⁿepⁿesettatives if settleⁿ cilitial aca emic isciplites bⁿitg ti the table, because this ma) pⁿimite at appⁿipⁿiate ⁿile fiⁿ the litguist. Leitaⁿ & Hia)tes ultimatel) aⁿgue that the settleⁿ litguist shiul have at equal viice at the table ⁿwheⁿe ⁿeseaⁿch pⁿijects aⁿe fiⁿmulate , at that this gial shiul be achieve gⁿa uall) thⁿiugh pⁿicesses if mutual tⁿustS at ⁿespitsibilit)Sbuil itg. I ⁿwiul mi if) this suggestiit simeⁿwhat. Befiⁿe cimitg ti the table if pⁿiject fiⁿmulatiit it the fiⁿst place, the settleⁿ litguist ⁿwhi is a tⁿue teⁿwcimeⁿ at iutsi eⁿ ti a cimmutit) has the ippiⁿtutit), as ieee puts it, ti maee "applicatiit ti a cimmutit) fiⁿ itvilvemett it theiⁿ ⁿeseaⁿch plats" (ieee 2011: 55 . Upit ⁿetettiit, the) aⁿe givet atitheⁿ ippiⁿtutit) – the ippiⁿtutit), as bii puts it, ti "ⁿwiⁿe as ite membeⁿ, evet a subiⁿ itate membeⁿ, if a team" (1978: 9 . Thiugh bii citce es that icumettaⁿ) "litguists aⁿe tit tatuⁿall) equippe fiⁿ this eit if ⁿwiⁿe," he pⁿipeⁿl) taees this as fuⁿtheⁿ evi etce if the uⁿgetc) if litguistsa ⁿwiⁿeitg ut eⁿ Native lea eⁿship, ⁿatheⁿ that as at alibi fiⁿ failuⁿe. The siSⁿetaite litguist ma) tiⁿw shiⁿw up aⁿwaⁿe that theiⁿ value ⁿesi es it theiⁿ pissessiit if m)stifie etiⁿwle ge, alietate cittett, at pⁿivilege seillsets. The settleⁿ litguist has the ippiⁿtutit) ti buil tⁿust it the ⁿwa) Leitaⁿ & Hia)tes iscuss, b) listetitg fiⁿ Native litguistsa iⁿwt gials it theiⁿ) at actiit, efeⁿⁿitg ti theiⁿ metⁿics68, leaⁿtitg the pⁿiticils giveⁿtitg theiⁿ paⁿticipatiit, iffeⁿitg mi ificatiits ti the ⁿeseaⁿch plat itl) ⁿwhet useful at tecessaⁿ), at emitstⁿatitg at abilit) ti ipeⁿate at this cⁿucial stage ⁿwith cimmutit) itteⁿests, ⁿatheⁿ that aca emic iⁿ caⁿeeⁿ itteⁿests, it mit . As ́eliⁿia puts it, "It iats have cime ti ⁿel) it atthⁿipiligists itce the) aⁿe satisfie that the it ivi ual is cimpetett at ut eⁿstat s the tatuⁿe if ⁿwhat the) aⁿe tⁿ)itg ti i." (1997: 210 It this ⁿwa), the settleⁿ litguist begits b) acting as if the) aⁿe ipeⁿatitg ut eⁿ cimmutit) lea eⁿship at acciⁿ itg ti cimmutit) teⁿms, at iveⁿ time, as cimmutit) 67 See tatives4litguistics.ⁿwiⁿ pⁿess.cim. 68 See Leitaⁿ (2011 at ieee (2011 .

38 lea eⁿship becimes familiaⁿ ⁿwith the settleⁿ litguistas etiⁿwle ge at seills, the) ma) ⁿwell settle itti theiⁿ place as ⁿepⁿesettative if a helpitg pⁿifessiit ⁿatheⁿ that at extⁿactive ite. [a]e have the luxuⁿ) if pa)itg sixSfiguⁿe salaⁿies ti it ivi uals ... ⁿwhi etiⁿw simethitg if the latguage if at It iat tⁿibe .... ae still seem ti fit it miⁿe valuable ti have at Atgli etiⁿw these thitgs at be ceⁿtifie ti teach them ti itheⁿ Atglis it at almist itfitite chait if geteⁿatiits if schilaⁿs that ti chatge the citfiguⁿatiit if the aca emic etteⁿpⁿise at mive it ti miⁿe sigtificatt et eaviⁿs. (́eliⁿia 1997: 211 The settleⁿ litguist shiul taee paits at eveⁿ) step alitg the ⁿwa) ti etsuⁿe that the) aⁿe tit iccup)itg spatial, tempiⁿal iⁿ itheⁿ ⁿesiuⁿces at the expetse if qualifie Native peiple, at , havitg establishe a pisitive ⁿeseaⁿch ⁿelatiitship, shiul ⁿwiⁿe tiⁿwaⁿ s theiⁿ evettual ibsilescetce. Successful ⁿepatⁿiatiit if extⁿacte litguistic icumettatiit, fiⁿ example, epet s it Native litguists havitg the capacit) ti ut eⁿstat tit itl) the Native cittett, but alsi the settleⁿ icumetteⁿas mitivatiits, methi iligies, allegiatces, biasses at metalitguistic peculiaⁿities. At ippiⁿtutit) ti suppiⁿt )iutg cimmutit) membeⁿsa pⁿifessiital tⁿaititg shiul tit be misappⁿipⁿiate . Citceive at cit ucte ⁿwith this eit if citfiguⁿatiit if authiⁿit) at ⁿiles, the questiit if pⁿipeⁿ a vicac) cillapses at is absiⁿbe b) the ⁿeseaⁿch pⁿiject itself. The settleⁿ ⁿeseaⁿcheⁿ shiul simpl) ⁿespect a cimmutit)as litguists at lea eⁿs etiugh ti efeⁿettiall) at cillabiⁿativel) i ettif) tee s at a vicac) atgles, filliⁿwitg them itl) ⁿwhet asee – at themself etiugh ti ⁿespectfull) eclite if the) feel the) aⁿe beitg steeⁿe tiⁿwaⁿ s simethitg haⁿmful. The ⁿwiⁿe if aesle) Leitaⁿ , A ⁿiette Tsieeⁿwa, iegat Lueatiec, Kaⁿi Cheⁿw at itheⁿs it the "Natives4Litguistics" mivemett, ti cetteⁿ Native peiple, theiⁿies at pⁿactices at citstⁿuctivel) cⁿitique isciplitaⁿ) ethical gui elites, has the pitettial ti lea it claⁿif)itg authiⁿit) it each if the setses I have seetche . This ⁿwiⁿe eseⁿves the full suppiⁿt if iuⁿ isciplite. I must hiⁿweveⁿ stip just sh) if ⁿecimmet itg that settleⁿ litguists jiit mivemetts liee these et masse, iut if citceⁿt fiⁿ theiⁿ beitg a Native space. At a ⁿecett Natives4Litguistics plattitg meetitg I ibseⁿve titSNative paⁿticipatts taeitg up a gii thiⁿ if the fliiⁿ time ⁿwith questiits at suggestiits. ae tee ti etciuⁿage ite atitheⁿ ti claⁿif) iuⁿ place as settleⁿ litguists it meetitgs at actiits liee this as a baⁿest pⁿecit itiit if ⁿequestitg access ti Native mivemetts it the "fiel ".

2.4: Commitment As Leitaⁿ & Hia)tes (2011 stⁿess, it taees time, at , as Tsieeⁿwa (2018 a s, authentic relationships, ti buil at ethical, cillabiⁿative team. beseaⁿcheⁿs ⁿwhi etteⁿ such citfiguⁿatiits shiul i si ⁿwith the ittett if buil itg lifelitg ⁿelatiitships, ⁿatheⁿ that " ititg at ashitg". It taees time at cimmitmett, tii, ti pⁿipeⁿl) execute the ibligatiits I am la)itg iut fiⁿ settleⁿ schilaⁿs. Ti ciⁿculate etiⁿwle ge acciⁿ itg ti Native pⁿiticils, fiⁿ example, ⁿequiⁿes leaⁿtitg ⁿwhat thise pⁿiticils aⁿe, ⁿwhich it tuⁿt ⁿequiⁿes the citfi etce at itvestmett if a cimmutit) lea eⁿ ⁿwhi etiⁿws thise pⁿiticils at is authiⁿize at ⁿwillitg ti teach them.

39 It is ita visable, theⁿefiⁿe, fiⁿ establishe litguists at epaⁿtmetts ti a vise stu etts, as ́ale Nicelas i Bib bateit, "ti icumett at least ite Native Ameⁿicat latguage" (Cumbeⁿlat 2016: 120 iⁿ, as has cime ti pass fⁿequettl) it the iscipliteas miⁿe specialize , less hilistic pⁿesett mimett, ti "assigt" them ti latguages that " itat have a litguist", iⁿ evet ti paⁿticulaⁿ gⁿammatical aⁿeas peⁿceive ti be ut eⁿ icumette iⁿ pitettiall) itfiⁿmative ti a "aesteⁿt" theiⁿetical ebate. It is ita visable, tii, ti iveⁿcimmit iteself, as I i ⁿwhet I accepte Julie at Lizas itvitatiit ti jiit the aiutaat litguistsa ⁿepatⁿiatiit pⁿiject. Abive at be)it the geteⁿal isappiittmett I have cⁿeate b) ⁿetuⁿtitg ⁿwhet calle ti m) pⁿimaⁿ) cimmitmetts it Nebⁿasea, I have alsi faile si faⁿ ti eliveⁿ it a citcⁿete cimmitmett ti a ciⁿpus atal)sis if the aiutaat ieu emitstⁿative s)stem, ⁿeache at the citclusiit if a pⁿicess if citsultatiit it 2011 at 2012 ⁿwith aiutaat litguists at ifficials if the Citgⁿesi Naciital el Puebli aiutaat. I have cittitue ti a vise m) aiutaat cilleagues peⁿii icall) it theiⁿ effiⁿts, but have tit ha the availabilit) the) have ⁿwatte if me sitce itvititg me itti theiⁿ himes.

2.5: Repatriating extracted artifacts I pisitiit "ⁿepatⁿiatiit" as at aget a ⁿwhich abets Native litguistsa iⁿwt pⁿijects if latguage ⁿeclamatiit, as peⁿ Leitaⁿ (2007, 2012 it ciutteⁿitg the extⁿactive pⁿijects if past at pⁿesett settleⁿ cilitial sicial scietce. It istitguishitg betⁿweet "ⁿepatⁿiatiit" at "ⁿeclamatiit" I aim ti avii ⁿepⁿi ucitg settleⁿ iⁿwteⁿship claims at alsi highlight the ⁿwa)s the settleⁿ sicial sciettist has pⁿivilege access ti extⁿacte aⁿtifacts (e.g. thⁿiugh libⁿaⁿ) at aⁿchive access, membeⁿship it cihiⁿts if sciettists ⁿwhi eeep theiⁿ iⁿwt cillectiits, class pⁿivilege, fluetc) it the metalatguage use it the aⁿtifacts, etc. , at theⁿefiⁿe a pⁿivilege ⁿile ti pla) it effectitg theiⁿ ⁿepatⁿiatiit. Because, as I have shiⁿwt it pⁿeviius chapteⁿs, the extⁿactive chaⁿacteⁿ if settleⁿ cilitial icumettaⁿ) litguistics has mat) aspects, theⁿe aⁿe equall) mat) aspects ti a ⁿess thⁿiugh ⁿepatⁿiatiit at ⁿeclamatiit. It the lieel) evett that all litguists at atthⁿipiligists itat imme iatel) a ipt m) suggestiits fiⁿ "claⁿifie authiⁿit)", it shiul at veⁿ) least becime utthiteable ti ibjectif) Native ⁿwiⁿ s as " ata" it the seⁿvice if sticepilitg "patⁿimit)" at a ⁿessitg "aesteⁿt" theiⁿetical ebates ⁿwithiut etsuⁿitg that eveⁿ) cimmutit)Sbase litguist at teachitg itstitutiit has peⁿmatett, fⁿee access ti thise ata – at equall) utthiteable ti pⁿecit itiit ⁿeseaⁿch tegitiatiits upit bigS ata aⁿchival at atabase emat s ⁿwithiut leaⁿtitg simethitg if cimmutit) values at pⁿactices ⁿegaⁿ itg ⁿeciⁿ itg, ⁿepⁿi uctiit, aⁿchival at access69. aith ⁿespect ti " ata" ⁿwhich have alⁿea ) beet extⁿacte – at atal)sis built it them – settleⁿ litguists shiul expect ti cittⁿibute ti theiⁿ ⁿepatⁿiatiit it the filliⁿwitg ⁿwa)s: 1. itteⁿvetitg ⁿwith settleⁿ cilitial libⁿaⁿies, aⁿchives, museums, pⁿivate cillectiⁿs, heiⁿs, cip)ⁿight hil eⁿs at itheⁿ gateeeepeⁿs it behalf if cimmutit) itstitutiits itvilve it ⁿeclamatiit 2. helpitg cimmutit) litguists at itstitutiits ⁿwa e theiⁿ ⁿwa) thⁿiugh the thiceets if jaⁿgit, methi ilig), sciettific puⁿpise at biigⁿaphical ⁿama ⁿwhich accimpat) each aⁿtifact at its pⁿi uctiitas cittext70

69 See Neⁿwⁿ) & Palmeⁿ (2003 at Chⁿistet (2012 .

40 3. ⁿetⁿatsfiⁿmitg extⁿacte aⁿtifacts itti miⁿe ⁿea )StiSuse fiⁿms, at challetgitg the ⁿwi espⁿea pa)itg if empt) lip seⁿvice ti such ⁿetⁿatsfiⁿmatiit at 4. tit caⁿⁿ)iut iut extⁿactive, alietatitg ⁿwiⁿe it the fiⁿst place. Ot this fiuⁿth piitt, Tsieeⁿwa (2018 usefull) quites Ket Hiale: Itstea if a ⁿessitg iuⁿ gⁿammatical ⁿwⁿititgs ti a taⁿⁿiⁿw au ietce if pⁿifessiital litguists, ⁿwe might ⁿwⁿite them it such a ⁿwa) as ti maee them if maximum use ti tative speaeeⁿ if the latguages itvilve . It fact, it ⁿwiul maee citsi eⁿable setse ti cimpise them miⁿe iⁿ less it the fiⁿm if litguistics textbiies a ⁿesse pⁿimaⁿil) ti the cimmutit) ⁿwhise latguage is escⁿibe . This ⁿwiul it ti ⁿwa) lesset theiⁿ sciettific value – it fact, it ⁿwiul itcⁿease it b) maeitg the ⁿwⁿititgs subject ti the cⁿiticism if peⁿceptive tative speaeeⁿs fuⁿtheⁿmiⁿe, such ⁿwⁿititgs ⁿwiul be if ibviius use it tⁿaititg tative speaeeⁿ ti ⁿwiⁿe it theiⁿ iⁿwt latguages. (1972: 394

2.6: Trauma and healing

ae speae if ⁿeveⁿsitg latguage shift ⁿwhet it actualit) ⁿwe shiul speae if, a vicate fiⁿ, at assist it ⁿeveⁿsitg tital cultuⁿal melt iⁿwt … . (Fishmat 2002: 147

Cilitialism ⁿwas caⁿⁿie iut thⁿiugh ph)sical at ps)chiligical viiletce (aa Thiitg’i, 1986 . It supplatte the existitg cultuⁿes if tⁿibal peiples, at it bⁿiught iⁿⁿevicable chatge. ae have beet taive it thiteitg that ⁿwe ha simpl) ti ⁿevive iuⁿ latguages at cultuⁿes. The pⁿiblem is allSpeⁿvasive. (aeetie 2000: 69 Agaitst the bace ⁿip if settleⁿ cilitial icumettaⁿ) litguisticsa taⁿⁿiⁿw ficus it ⁿwiⁿ s at gⁿammaⁿs, a ⁿatge if cⁿitiques have emeⁿge liteitg latguage liss at its ⁿespitse ti miⁿe geteⁿal cimplexes if cillective, histiⁿic tⁿauma – that is, ti the cittituitg effects it cillective at it ivi ual ⁿwellbeitg if the itgiitg viiletce if settleⁿ cilitialism at its itteⁿgeteⁿatiital ⁿeveⁿbeⁿatiits. As Viviat iaⁿtit ale maees explicit, "[i] ettit) is affecte ⁿwhet a cultuⁿe is citqueⁿe at latguage at cultuⁿe aⁿe suppⁿesse , lea itg ti a m)ⁿia if sicial ills." (2008: 138 The me ical atthⁿipiligists Aⁿthuⁿ Kleitmat, Veeta ́as at iaⁿgaⁿet Lice have geteⁿalize a "clusteⁿitg if substatce abuse, stⁿeet viiletce, imestic viiletce, suici e, epⁿessiit, pisttⁿaumatic stⁿess isiⁿ eⁿ, sexuall) tⁿatsmitte isiⁿ eⁿs, AÍS, at tubeⁿculisis amitg peiple livitg it isittegⁿatitg cimmutities" (1997: ix . iaⁿia Yelliⁿw Hiiⁿse Bⁿave HieaⁿtSJiⁿ at has cittⁿibute a ⁿich fⁿameⁿwiⁿe fiⁿ ut eⁿstat itg cilitial viiletce as pⁿecipitatitg a tⁿauma ⁿespitse that is histiⁿical, cumulative at itteⁿgeteⁿatiitall) tⁿatsmitte (1995: 6 , at pⁿilitge at amplifie via the mechatism if Hiistiⁿical Utⁿesilve Grⁿief – Grⁿief that is chⁿitic, ela)e , iⁿ impaiⁿe ... ⁿwhich ma) itclu e pⁿilitge sigts if acute gⁿief, epⁿessiit, substatce abuse, at simatizatiit. The citcept if isetfⁿatchise gⁿief – gⁿief that is etie ipet acetiⁿwle gemett at public expⁿessiit as ⁿwell as sicietal satctiit (́iea, 1989 – is useful it cimpⁿehet itg histiⁿical utⁿesilve gⁿief. (1995: 5 70 "[Gr]ivet the time, the patietce, the itsights, at the cumulative etiⁿwle ge that el eⁿs fⁿim the cimmutit) have cittⁿibute ti the ⁿeseaⁿcheⁿas acquisitiit if etiⁿwle ge, it seems a small tieet if ⁿespect it ⁿetuⁿt ti pⁿivi e the claⁿit) if explatatiit at exemplificatiit ⁿwhich ⁿwiul alliⁿw the cimmutit) membeⁿs access ti the ⁿeseaⁿcheⁿas itteⁿpⁿetatiit if that etiⁿwle ge." (Shaⁿw 2004: 190

41 At) membeⁿ if a cimmutit) that has expeⁿietce cillective tⁿauma ma) ⁿwell ⁿecigtise the siletces it its ⁿwaee as aeit ti the siletces if latguage liss. Settleⁿ cilitial litguists at litguistic atthⁿipiligists, hiⁿweveⁿ, have itl) ⁿaⁿel) ⁿwⁿittet if the cittectiit. "[A] latguage ⁿeseaⁿcheⁿ might tit be pⁿepaⁿe fiⁿ ... the eepl) cimplex challetges if itteⁿpeⁿsital itteⁿactiit it a Fiⁿst Natiits cimmutit), ⁿeactiits ⁿwhich aⁿe etmeshe it ⁿwhat I ⁿwill ⁿefeⁿ ti as the peⁿsital at sicial ps)chilig) if liss," ⁿwⁿites Patⁿicia Shaⁿw (2004: 183 , befiⁿe ⁿeciuttitg a litat) if viilett lisses expeⁿietce b) the Ta iule Laee Chipeⁿw)at cimmutit). iat) if these lisses aⁿe themselves litguistic lisses, at as tⁿaumatigets themselves becime paⁿt if the cumulative, itteⁿgeteⁿatiital fee bace liip if tⁿauma ⁿespitse. It this ⁿwa), latguage liss is bith s)mptim at cause. It is setseless ti tⁿ) ti ut eⁿstat the situatiit ⁿwithiut liieitg thⁿiugh a lets if tⁿauma, at equall) setseless ti pisitiit iteself as a "ⁿevitalizatiit" activist – as it has becime itcⁿeasitgl) pipulaⁿ fiⁿ settleⁿ litguists ti i – ⁿwithiut beitg expise ti sime if the pⁿactical ethical pⁿitciples cimmit ti the healitg pⁿifessiits – ⁿespect fiⁿ biut aⁿies at agetc), fiⁿ example, pⁿitciples ti ⁿwhich aspiⁿitg )iutg sicial sciettists aⁿe tit expise it the slightest egⁿee. But evet if ite is itl) pⁿesett help epli) a atabase at gi, the baⁿest pⁿitciples if ⁿwhat passes fiⁿ "cultuⁿal setsitivit)" at ⁿespect emat as a baselite the level if ut eⁿstat itg pⁿivi e b) the Bⁿave HieaⁿtSJiⁿ atas, Shaⁿwas, at Kleitmat, ́as & Liceas fⁿameⁿwiⁿes. Bⁿave HieaⁿtSJiⁿ at glisses a healitg tⁿajectiⁿ) as "shift[itg] fⁿim i ettif)itg ⁿwith the victimizatiit at massacⁿe if the ecease atcestiⁿs at begit[titg] ti evelip a citstⁿuctive memiⁿ) at a health) cillective egi ⁿwhich itclu es the tⁿa itiital Laeita values at latguage" (1995: 120S1 . Grⁿattitg that theⁿe aⁿe mat) less ps)chiatal)tical ⁿwa)s if citceivitg if this pⁿiject, at that theⁿe is plett) if ebate abiut ⁿwhat "healitg" cat pissibl) liie liee ⁿwhile cilitial viiletce is activel) peⁿpetuate , ⁿwiⁿe liee this is titetheless at the heaⁿt if eveⁿ) cimmutit)Sbase pⁿiject Iave eveⁿ ha the pⁿivilege if beitg ⁿwelcime itti. Latguage, as Bⁿave HieaⁿtSJiⁿ at it icates, is ite paⁿt if a much biggeⁿ cimplex if healitg at ecilitizatiit, at the active healitg ⁿile if latguage has beet ⁿecigtise b) ⁿeseaⁿcheⁿs it the Native health, latguage at ethtigⁿaphic scietces (Napileit 1991 aeetie 2000 Attite & Pⁿiviest Tuⁿchetti 2002 Nebeleipf & Kitg 2003 iillsSCageⁿ 2003 as ⁿwell as the settleⁿ cilitial ites (aal ⁿam 1997 A elsit 2001: 92 iaⁿtit ale 2008: 138S49 . ahile tⁿauma at ⁿeciveⁿ) aⁿe at the heaⁿt if iuⁿ latguage ⁿwiⁿe, the) shiul alsi ⁿemit settleⁿ sicial sciettists if the impeⁿative teveⁿ ti epⁿive abuse suⁿviviⁿs if theiⁿ viice, at teveⁿ ti aesthetize at thitgif) suffeⁿitg fiⁿ the saee if caⁿeeⁿ, theiⁿ) iⁿ the salaciius esiⁿes if the cilitial ⁿea eⁿ71. Citsi eⁿatiits liee this cat at must ⁿweigh it the mit if at) litguist ⁿwiⁿeitg thⁿiugh histiⁿical texts at letteⁿs liee thise cillecte b) ́iⁿse) it the 1870as, iⁿ asee b) me ia ⁿepⁿesettatives, as I iftet am, ti speae it matteⁿs that aⁿe tit mite ti speae abiut. I cat scaⁿcel) beaⁿ ti ⁿeveal ⁿwhat little if m) iⁿwt tⁿauma I have ha ti ⁿeveal it the ciuⁿse if la)itg this isseⁿtatiit iut, at mite is much less vulteⁿable ti pⁿe atiit b) cilitial state at pⁿivate actiⁿs. It is the place if the settleⁿ litguist ti pa) attettiit at ti behave humatel) ⁿwith ⁿespect ti the tⁿauma at healitg ⁿwhich ⁿwhich the) suⁿⁿiut themself it is not the place if the settleⁿ litguist ti put Native tⁿauma it at) eit if spitlight.

71 See beithaⁿ t, E ⁿwaⁿ s & ́ugatte (2007 , at bi ⁿ́guez (2017 . A itiitall), iiiⁿe (2006 has explicitl) cⁿitique the aesthetic futctiits if settleⁿ cilitial latguage icumettatiit.

42 2.7: Closing words The "pⁿifessiital stⁿatgeⁿ" (Agaⁿ 1996 , ti the extett that the) aⁿe pitie b) access ti cimmutit) spaces, ies ⁿwell ti ⁿemait vigilatt if theiⁿ fiititg as a guest it atitheⁿ peipleas sacⁿe hime, at if the piⁿweⁿ ⁿelatiits stⁿuctuⁿitg the pⁿifessiit, the hime at the fiititg itself, ⁿwhich as Eⁿⁿitgtit has state "ma) be impissible ti eⁿa icate but ... if thise iffeⁿetces becime miⁿe explicit fiⁿ all citceⁿte , ciuttitg as tipics it at tit just as etablitg cit itiits fiⁿ the ⁿwiⁿe if litguistic escⁿiptiit, peⁿhaps the fiel cat fit a iffeⁿett place it a pistcilitial [sic] ⁿwiⁿl ." (2008: 170 batheⁿ that a isciuⁿse if "ⁿights" at "ethics", I have sput a taⁿⁿative if biut aⁿies ⁿwhile ⁿwithhil itg the ⁿwiⁿ "biut aⁿ)" uttil tiⁿw. Biut aⁿies aⁿe ittⁿitsic ti sites if tⁿauma at healitg, fiⁿ it is biut aⁿies if all eit s ⁿwhise violation is expeⁿietce as violence. Theⁿeas ti tⁿwi ⁿwa)s abiut it: a icumettaⁿ) litguistics ⁿwhich gies abiut its busitess ⁿwith little but a hipe that its pⁿi uct might be useful sime a) ti the cimmutit) fⁿim ⁿwhich it extⁿacts it has viilettl) ⁿaⁿwt biut aⁿies. The cilitial escⁿiptive taⁿⁿative, the claim ti expeⁿt authiⁿit), the hubⁿis if "claⁿif)itg" at "ⁿevitalizitg" saviiⁿ pⁿijects if siciilitguistic etgiteeⁿitg: these aⁿe all cases if the stⁿatgeⁿ actitg as if the) aⁿe at hime, ⁿwhile iutsi e the li ge the stⁿatgeⁿas iⁿwt peiple stat ⁿea ) ⁿwith a stice if )tamite. ahat has beet extⁿacte viilettl) has tit beet shaⁿe citsetsuall). Ot this much ⁿwe cat agⁿee. But thet hiⁿw, ⁿwhile viiletce cittitues – iⁿ, evet ⁿwith a egⁿee if sepaⁿatiit fⁿim the viiletce, ⁿwhile its ⁿwiut s ⁿemait utheale – cat " icumettatiit" cittitue as if it ha mive itti sime "pistcilitial", "ethical" state? If the settleⁿas icumettaⁿ) litguistics, iⁿ the settleⁿas litguistic atthⁿipilig) that claims ti seee ti ut eⁿstat liss at ⁿeclamatiit, has cittⁿacte ⁿwith a cilitize peiple, ⁿwhat guaⁿattee cat it maee that its fit itgs ⁿwill tit ⁿeach hat s that ⁿwiul use them ti aⁿgue fiⁿ viiletce, that the) ⁿwill tit fee settleⁿ gazes at satisf) appetities fiⁿ aesthetize suffeⁿitg, that the) ⁿwill tit legitimate settleⁿ m)ths use fiⁿ mateⁿial eⁿasuⁿe at expⁿipⁿiatiit? ahat ies it meat fiⁿ a ⁿepⁿesettative if such a litguistics ti expatⁿiate themself fⁿim the ⁿeach if these viilett fiⁿces, ti tⁿ) ti ⁿwale humbl) it gⁿievitg lat , acciⁿ itg ti the teⁿms ti be fiut theⁿe, ⁿwhile maittaititg impeⁿial cittact sufficiett ti be able ti chattel ⁿesiuⁿces at ⁿepatⁿiate extⁿacte aⁿtifacts? It meats, as I have fiut , a lit if tⁿial at eⁿⁿiⁿ, at fiⁿ that ⁿeasit I i tit paitt at i eal pictuⁿe if m) "fiel " iⁿ m) ⁿwiⁿe upit it. It at) evett, I fit that I must stⁿetuiusl) emphasize, it ⁿwⁿititg ti the isciplites ⁿwhich have tⁿaite me, that ⁿwe have git ti bⁿeae iut if iuⁿ etial at pⁿetetsiits. Ouⁿ piⁿweⁿ is the same as itas eveⁿ beet, ⁿwhich is fiⁿst at fiⁿemist a piⁿweⁿ ti pⁿi uce cilitial sigts at ⁿwit eⁿs that seⁿve empiⁿeas aget a. The piⁿweⁿ iuⁿ "ethical" isciuⁿses pⁿetet iⁿ ⁿwish ti have – the piⁿweⁿ ti "a vicate", ti "empiⁿweⁿ", peⁿchatce ti "ciⁿⁿect" – has alⁿwa)s beet it the hat s if the suⁿviviⁿs, at ti methi ilig) ⁿwill cause it ti mateⁿialize it a settleⁿ cilitistas hat . I i tit have the ⁿight ti cit uct extⁿactive settleⁿ cilitial sicial sciettific ⁿeseaⁿch. I i tit have the ⁿight ti "gi ⁿigue" at fiⁿmulate utⁿespitsive, utacciuttable ⁿeseaⁿch, iⁿ imagite fiⁿ m)self ⁿwhat cimmutit) tee s might be, iⁿ put m) tee s ahea if cimmutit)as tee s. It spite if m) pⁿimaⁿ) cimmitmetts, hiⁿweveⁿ, I have ⁿwalee blit l) iⁿwt the ⁿutte path if m) isciplite at ma e each if these eⁿⁿiⁿs, ite afteⁿ atitheⁿ. I have ⁿwittesse each if them at mat), mat) miⁿe amitg m) titSNative cilleagues. I

43 have evet beet pⁿivilege ti be calle upit ti iveⁿt titSNative cilleagues si as ti spaⁿe the eteⁿg) at ⁿesiuⁿces if the cimmutit) that has givet me ⁿwiⁿe. Still I liie bace at ⁿwheⁿe the aca em) has iⁿecte me at m) cilleagues, at aⁿiut at the challetges that citfⁿitt us ti a), at jiit Beⁿtaⁿ Peⁿle) it speculatitg abiut a cimitg "zimbie litguistic apical)pse ⁿwheⁿe ⁿwe ⁿwill ⁿwittess the glibal pⁿilifeⁿatiit if zimbie latguages as litguists ash iut ti icumett )itg ⁿwiⁿ s" (2012: 146 . If ⁿwe cattit ⁿeiⁿgatize iuⁿ i eas if ⁿeseaⁿch aⁿiut basic pⁿitciples if ⁿespectSbase ethics, claⁿifie authiⁿit), cimmitmett, ⁿepatⁿiatiit at healitg, thet Peⁿle) is ⁿight that ⁿwe ma) have ti chatge the title if Vite ́eliⁿia Jⁿ.as chapteⁿ fⁿim Anthropologists and other friends ti Linguists and other friends. ae ma) have ti chatge the last tⁿwi settetces it the ipetitg paⁿagⁿaph ti ⁿea "But et atgeⁿe latguage cimmutities have beet cuⁿse abive all peiple it histiⁿ). Et atgeⁿe latguage cimmutities have litguists".

44 Bibliography All ⁿwiⁿes it this bibliigⁿaph) aⁿe filliⁿwe b) ite if fiuⁿ paⁿetthetical it ices: a ph)sical iⁿ igital fiⁿmat it icatiit fiⁿ thise ⁿwiⁿes accessible at the Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege (ⁿwithit faiⁿSuse ⁿestⁿictiits ⁿwheⁿe applicable at aⁿchive Í iⁿ UbL fiⁿ ⁿwiⁿes accessible it the ⁿweb the s)mbilꬿ ( fiⁿ ⁿwiⁿes ⁿwhich ⁿwe i tit )et hiuse (at theⁿefiⁿe ⁿwelcime assistatce it secuⁿitg access iⁿ ti paⁿetthetical it ex at all, fiⁿ ⁿwiⁿes ⁿwhich ⁿwe have tit )et ma e accessible but ⁿweⁿe tit extⁿacte fⁿim Umóⁿhiⁿ iⁿ Póⁿea cimmutities.

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45 Basu, Paⁿima (2009 ahat happets ⁿwhet a latguage ies? National Geographic News (26 Febⁿuaⁿ) . Behaⁿ, buth(1996 The Vulnerable Observer A Anthropology that Breaks Your Heart. Bistit, iA: Beacit Pⁿess. (Griigle Biies Í ij)Am4HiB_NQC Bettett, Paula Piⁿteⁿ (1996 Wisdom great and small A Omaha Indian grandmothers interpret their lives. Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea isseⁿtatiit. (ṔF Bias, Fⁿatz (1907 Nites it the Pitea gⁿammaⁿ. Congrès international des américanistes, VVe session, tenue a Québec en 1906, Time II: 317S37. Quebec: ́ussault & Pⁿiulx. (Griigle Biies Í u7UUAAAAYAAJ Bias, Fⁿatz, & Jiht b. Sⁿwattit. (1911 Siiuat: ́aeita (Tetit at Sattee ialects , ⁿwith ⁿemaⁿes it the Pitca at aittebagi. It Fⁿatz Bias (E . Handbook of American Indian Languages 1: 875S965. Buⁿeau if Ameⁿicat Ethtilig). (ṔF Biⁿ eⁿwich, Feⁿgus i. (1996 Killing the White man's Indian A The reinvention of Native Americans at the end of the 20th century. ́iuble a). (ꬿ Biughteⁿ, Ju ith A. (1995 Betraying their trust A The dispossession of the Omaha Nation, 1790-1916. Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea – Omaha iA thesis. (ṔF Biughteⁿ, Ju ith A. (1998 Betraying the Omaha Nation, 1790-1916. Utiveⁿsit) if Oelahima Pⁿess. (ꬿ Bⁿa ), Eⁿiea (1985 Bⁿitgitg the viices hime: The Omaha PiⁿwSaiⁿw ⁿevisite . Folklife Center News 8 (4 : 7S10. (ṔF Bⁿat es, Statle) (1982 Ethtigⁿaphic autibiigⁿaphies it Ameⁿicat atthⁿipilig). It E. A amsit Hiiebel & bichaⁿ L. Cuⁿⁿieⁿ & Susat Kaiseⁿ (E s Crisis in anthropology A View from Spring Hill, 1900 A 187S202. Graⁿlat . (ṔF Bⁿave HieaⁿtSJiⁿ at, iaⁿia Yelliⁿw Hiiⁿse (1995 The return to the sacred path A Healing from historical trauma and historical unresolved grief among the Lakota. Smith Cillege Schiil fiⁿ Sicial aiⁿe isseⁿtatiit. (ṔF Bⁿill, Paul (2016 Genealogy interviews. iac): Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (iTS /e iOV Bⁿiⁿwt, Chaⁿles E ⁿwaⁿ (1911 Omaha aⁿⁿiⁿwmaeeⁿs. Wisconsin Archaeologist 10 (3 : 123S4. (ꬿ Bⁿiⁿwt, iaⁿiit iaⁿsh (1992 A Advocate for Native American rights. Chicagi: Chil ⁿetas Pⁿess. (ꬿ Cameⁿit, ́ebiⁿah, & Elizabeth Fⁿazeⁿ & Petelipe Hiaⁿve) & Ka) bichaⁿ sit & i. B. Hi. bamptit (1992 2018 Researching language A Issues of power and method. biutle ge. Campbell, Paulette a. (2002 Atcestⁿal bites: beitteⁿpⁿetitg the past if the Omaha. Humanities 23 (6 : 25S7. (ṔF Caⁿamit), aitita iitchell (Hiaⁿwata) & Grletta iitchell Slateⁿ (Aseaxube (2016 Speaking of Omaha. Omaha iagazite. (ⁿwⁿwⁿw.)iutube.cim/eⁿwatch?v=f1teaPtqONi Catlit, Greiⁿge (1842 Letters and notes on the manners, customs and condition of the North American Indians, Vil. I. Lit it: Tilt & Bigue. (ṔF Catlit, Greiⁿge (1848 A descriptive catalogue of Catlin's Indian collection. Lit it: Greiⁿge Catlit at his It iat Cillectiit. (Griigle Biies Í NZbIAAAAiAAJ Ca)iu, iaⁿcella aii hull, & ́itta iiⁿⁿis Paⁿeeⁿ & Susat Fⁿeemitt & Vi a aii hull Stableⁿ & Bⁿ)at James Griⁿ it & Pat Phillips (2018a Umóⁿhóⁿ Iye-wathe Let's

46 speak Umóⁿhóⁿ Level 1 Umóⁿhóⁿ textbook. Bliimitgtit, IN: The Latguage Citseⁿvatc). (ṔF Ca)iu, iaⁿcella aii hull, & ́itta iiⁿⁿis Paⁿeeⁿ & Susat Fⁿeemitt & Vi a aii hull Stableⁿ & Bⁿ)at James Griⁿ it & Pat Phillips (2018b Umóⁿhóⁿ Level 1 Flashcards. Bliimitgtit, IN: The Latguage Citseⁿvatc). (ṔF Ca)iu, iaⁿcella aii hull, & ́itta iiⁿⁿis Paⁿeeⁿ & Susat Fⁿeemitt & Vi a aii hull Stableⁿ & Bⁿ)at James Griⁿ it & Pat Phillips (2018c Umóⁿhóⁿ Iye-wathe Let's speak Umóⁿhóⁿ Level 1 Umóⁿhóⁿ CD. Bliimitgtit, IN: The Latguage Citseⁿvatc). (iP3/eĆ Cesaiⁿe, Aime (1972 ́isciuⁿse it cilitialism. It Patⁿice ailliams & Lauⁿa Chⁿismat (E s Colonial discourse and post-colonial theory A A reader A 162S71. Cilumbia Utiveⁿsit) Pⁿess. Chafe, aallace L. (1964 Atitheⁿ liie at Siiuat at Iⁿiquiiat. American Anthropologist 66 (4 , Paⁿt 1: 852S62. (ṔF Chafe, aallace L. (1976 The Caddoan, Iroquoian and Siouan languages. The Hiague: iiutit. (ṔF Chase, Hiiⁿam (1897 O MU HU W B GRa Za, the Chase system of reading and recording the Omaha and other Indian languages. Pet eⁿ, NE: bepublic Pⁿess. (ṔF Chⁿistet, Kimbeⁿl) (2012 ́ies itfiⁿmatiit ⁿeall) ⁿwatt ti be fⁿee? It igetius etiⁿwle ge s)stems at the questiit if ipettess. International iournal of Communication 6: 2870S93. (ṔF Claⁿe, Jeⁿⁿ) E., & iaⁿtha Ellet aebb (1989 Susette at Susat LaFlesche: befiⁿmeⁿ at missiitaⁿ). It James A. Cliftit (E . Being and becoming Indian A Biographical studies of North American frontiers A 137S59. Chicagi: ́iⁿse) Pⁿess. (ꬿ Cla), iaⁿ), & Beⁿtha icCaule) ailfe & Cliffiⁿ ailfe, Sⁿ. (t. . Stories from our Elders. iac) Public Schiils. Cla), iaⁿ), & Beⁿtha icCaule) ailfe & Cliffiⁿ ailfe, Sⁿ., & Catheⁿite bu it (1989S 90 Catherine Rudin's field tapes. (Ć /e aAV, sime accimpat)itg tⁿatscⁿiptiit Cliⁿw, bichmit L. (1985 Taxitg the Omaha at aittebagi tⁿust lat s, 1910S1971: At itfⁿitgemett if the taxSimmute status if It iat Ciuttⁿ). American Indian Culture & Research iournal 9 (4 : 1S22. (ꬿ Ciie, Thuⁿmat (1982 Head Start dictionary. Omaha Natiit Hiea Staⁿt. Ciie, Thuⁿmat (1997 Umóⁿhóⁿ iye te ede'nóⁿya? [How do you say in Omaha?] A A guide to the Umóⁿhóⁿ culture and language. bisalie, NE: Blace Pⁿaiⁿie ́ig aimat Stu iis. (ṔF Ciie, Thuⁿmat (2014 Umóⁿhóⁿ iye te ede'nóⁿ'ya? [How do you say in Omaha?]. (ṔF Cista, James (2013 Latguage et atgeⁿmett at ⁿevitalisatiit as elemetts if ⁿegimes if tⁿuth: Shiftitg teⁿmitilig) ti shift peⁿspective. iournal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 34 (4 : 317S331. (ṔF Ciutatcieⁿ, Betiit (1992 "Peaux-rouges" A Autour de la collection anthropologique du prince Roland Bonaparte. Siciete Pⁿesetce u Livⁿe, Phititheque u iusee e laHiimme. (gallica.btf.fⁿ/eaⁿe:/e12148/ebpt6e3320957ⁿ/e Cⁿaⁿ), iaⁿgaⁿet (1973 Susette LaFlesche A Voice of the Omaha Indians. Hiaⁿwthiⁿt Biies. Cumbeⁿlat , Lit a (2016 It his iⁿwt ⁿwiⁿ s: bibeⁿt bateit ⁿecalls his ⁿwiⁿe ⁿwith the Kaⁿw peiple at theiⁿ latguage. It bu it & Griⁿ it (2016 : 119S32. (ṔF

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61 Nelsit, Elaite i. (2009 Cultuⁿal suⁿvival at the Omaha aa): Eutice aii hull Stableⁿas legac) if pⁿeseⁿvatiit it the tⁿwettiethScettuⁿ) plaits. Great Plains Quarterly 29 (3 : 219S36 (ṔF . Nettle, ́atiel, & Suzatte bimaite (2000 Vanishing voices A The extinction of the world's languages. Neⁿw Yiⁿe: Oxfiⁿ Utiveⁿsit) Pⁿess. Neⁿwⁿ), ́avi , & Keele) Palmeⁿ (2003 "ahise latguage is it at)ⁿwa)?" bights ti ⁿestⁿict access ti et atgeⁿe latguages: A tiⁿthSeast Kimbeⁿle) example. It Jiseph Bl)the & b. icKetta Bⁿiⁿwt (E s Maintaining the links A Language identity and the land. Proceedings of the 7th Conference Presented by the Foundation for Endangered Languages (22S24 Septembeⁿ, Bⁿiime, aesteⁿt Austⁿalia . (ṔF OaShea, Jiht i., & Greiⁿge ́. Schⁿimpeⁿ & Jiht K. Lu ⁿwicesit (1982 Iviⁿ)Sbille ⁿwii peceeⁿs at the Big Village if the Omaha. Plains Anthropologist 27 (97 : 245S48. (ꬿ OaShea, Jiht i., & Jiht K. Lu ⁿwicesit (1992 Archaeology and ethnohistory of the Omaha Indians A The Big Village site. Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea Pⁿess. (ꬿ OaShea, Jiht i., & Jiht K. Lu ⁿwicesit (1992 Omaha chieftaitship it the titeteetth cettuⁿ). Ethnohistory 39 (30 : 316S52. (ṔF Olsit, Paul, & ThiSumSBasea (ThióⁿbaSea /e aallace aa e iilleⁿ (1979 The book of the Omaha. Litcilt: Nebⁿasea Cuⁿⁿiculum ́evelipmett Cetteⁿ. (ṔF Otis, Greiⁿge A. (1876 Check list of preparations and objects in the Section of Human Anatomy of the United States Army Medical Museum for use during the International Expedition of 1076 in connection with the representation of the Medical Department U.S. Army, Ni. 8. aashitgtit: Aⁿm) ie ical iuseum. (ṔF Ozbilt, Ivat (2004 La tribu omaha A Fondements et expression culturelle d'une communauté. Utiveⁿsite Paⁿis 7 – ́etis ́i eⁿit isseⁿtatiit. (ṔF Pacific aagit bia s Office (1958 iap if the ⁿwagitSⁿia fⁿim Platte biveⁿ via Omaha beseⁿve at ́aeita Cit) ti buttitg aateⁿ biveⁿ. aashitgtit: ́epaⁿtmett if the Itteⁿiiⁿ, Pacific aagit bia s Office. (phitigⁿaphs Palmeⁿ, Pàtthai: ê Grus, Jⁿ. (2018 When Dream Bear sings A Native literatures of the southern plains. Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea Pⁿess. Paⁿeeⁿ, Bⁿiat (t. . Carlos in the print shop A Carlos wabaxu gaxeke ti kidi. iac) Public Schiils. Paⁿeeⁿ, Jⁿ., Aⁿtil (Taⁿwaiⁿge (1987a iimmy and Blackie at Christmas A iimmy Cabe Wakóⁿda Izhíⁿga óⁿba ide tidi. iac) Public Schiils. Paⁿeeⁿ, Jⁿ., Aⁿtil (Taⁿwaiⁿge (1987b The little Indian A Niashíⁿga ukethíⁿ zhíⁿga. iac) Public Schiils. Paⁿeeⁿ, Jⁿ., Aⁿtil (Taⁿwaiⁿge (1989 The day Blackie had puppies. iac) Public Schiils. Paⁿeeⁿ, Jⁿ., Aⁿtil (Taⁿwaiⁿge (t. . iimmy and Blackie A iimmy ke-egóⁿ Cabeaka shena. iac) Public Schiils. Paⁿeeⁿ, bavae (t. . Susie. iac) Public Schiils. Paⁿes, ́iuglas L., & bibeⁿt L. bateit. (2001 Siiuat latguages. It ba)mit J. ́eiallie & ailliam C. Stuⁿtevatt (E s Plains. (Handbook of North American Indians, vil. 13 : 94S114. aashitgtit: Smithsitiat Itstitutiit. (ṔF Pe eⁿsit, Scitt C., & Susat C. Attót (1998 Biciⁿital s)tistisis it a chil fⁿim histiⁿic Omaha cemeteⁿ) 25́K10. American iournal of Physical Anthropology 105 (3 : 369S76. (ṔF

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64 bi itgtit, bibit (1987b Ethticit) at cultuⁿal suⁿvival: The Omaha Tⁿibe. It begital Augeⁿ (E . Ethnicity and culture A Proceedings of the 10th Annual Conference of the Archaeological Association of the University of Calgary. (ꬿ bi itgtit, bibit (1987c Omaha images if ⁿeteⁿwal. Canadian iournal of Native Studies 7 (2 : 149S64. (ꬿ bi itgtit, bibit (1988 Images if cismic utiit: Omaha ceⁿemities if ⁿeteⁿwal. History of Religions 28 (2 : 135S50. (ṔF bi itgtit, bibit (1990 A tⁿee that stat s buⁿtitg: beclaimitg a piitt if vieⁿw as fⁿim the cetteⁿ. iournal of the Steward Anthropological Society 17 (1S2 : 47S75. (ꬿ bi itgtit, bibit (1993a A sacⁿe ibject as text: beclaimitg the Sacⁿe Pile if the Omaha Tⁿibe. American Indian Quarterly 17 (1 : 83S99. (ṔF bi itgtit, bibit (1993b A tⁿee that stat s buⁿtitg: beclaimitg a piitt if vieⁿw as fⁿim the cetteⁿ. It Paul Betsit (E . Anthropology and literature. Utiveⁿsit) if Illitiis Pⁿess. (ꬿ bi itgtit, bibit (1997 All the il spiⁿits have cime bace ti gⁿeet him: bealizitg the Sacⁿe Pile if the Omaha Tⁿibe. It iaⁿie iauz (E . Present is past A Some uses of tradition in Native societies A 159S79. Latham, í: Utiveⁿsit) Pⁿess if Ameⁿica. (ꬿ bi itgtit, bibit (1998 Cⁿ) if the livitg cⁿeatuⁿes: At Omaha peⁿfiⁿmatce if blessitg. Anthropologica 40 (2 : 183S96. (ṔF bi itgtit, bibit, & ́ettis Hiastitgs ( ⁿaasea (1997 Blessing for a long time A The Sacred Pole of the Omaha. Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea Pⁿess. biggs, Stephet betuⁿt (1864 Cimpaⁿative vicabulaⁿ) if the ́aeita, aittebagi, Omaha, at Pitca ialects. (matuscⁿipt Libⁿaⁿ) if the Buⁿeau if Ethtilig). (ꬿ bi ⁿ́guez, Clelia O. (2017 Hiiⁿw aca emia uses piveⁿt), ippⁿessiit, at pait fiⁿ ittellectual mastuⁿbatiit. RaceBaitr (6 Apⁿil . bill, Natc) Lee Lu ⁿwig (1999 Mythic imagination A Still photographs of Omaha Indians. Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea iA thesis. (ꬿ bii , ́avi S. (1978 Siiuat litguistics: at assessmett. It ́avi S. bii & Allat b. Ta)liⁿ (E s Newsletter of Siouan and Caddoan Linguistics 1: 1S16. (ṔF biss, ́ital ́avi (1970 The Omaha peiple. Indian Historian 3 (3 : 19S22. (ꬿ bu it, Catheⁿite (1991a belative clauses it OmahaSPitca (Siiuat . Pⁿesette at Ameⁿicat Atthⁿipiligical Assiciatiit Attual ieetitg. (ṔF bu it, Catheⁿite (1991b Obseⁿvatiits it ⁿwhSquestiits it Omaha. It Fⁿatces Itgematt (E . 1990 Mid-America Linguistics Conference papers A 573S83. (ṔF bu it, Catheⁿite (1991c Omaha latguage pⁿeseⁿvatiit it the iac), Nebⁿasea Public Schiil. It C. A. bibeⁿts & J. T. bite) & Stephet J. Graies (E s Proceedings of the 1909 Mid-America Linguistics Conference. (ꬿ bu it, Catheⁿite (1993 Omaha latguage pⁿeseⁿvatiit: A status ⁿepiⁿt. It At ⁿe Cⁿichetieⁿe & JeatSClau e Biulatgeⁿ & Citⁿa Ouellit (E s Actes du VVe Congrès International des Lingüstes. Pⁿesses e laUtiveⁿsite Laval. (ꬿ bu it, Catheⁿite (1993a Aⁿticles at the stⁿuctuⁿe if NP it Omaha. It Evat Smith & Fliⁿe Zephiⁿ (E s Proceedings of the 1992 Mid-America Linguistics Conference and Conference of Siouan-Caddoan Languages A 361S71. Utiveⁿsit) if iissiuⁿi. (ṔF bu it, Catheⁿite (1998 Clauses at itheⁿ ́Ps it OmahaSPitca. Pⁿesette at Siciet) fiⁿ the Stu ) if the It igetius Latguages if the Ameⁿicas Attual ieetitg. (ṔF

65 bu it, Catheⁿite (1998 Pistveⁿbal citstituetts it OmahaSPitca. Pⁿesette at Siiuat at Ca iat Latguages Citfeⁿetce (Jute, Bliimitgtit, It iata . bu it, Catheⁿite (2000 Itsights fⁿim at Omaha litguistics class. Pⁿesette at Siiuat at Ca iat Latguages Citfeⁿetce, Ata aⁿei, OK. (ṔF bu it, Catheⁿite (2002 Futctiital hea s, iⁿectiitalit), at the i ettit) if OmahaS Pitca citstituetts. Pⁿesette at Siciet) fiⁿ the Stu ) if the It igetius Latguages if the Ameⁿicas Attual ieetitg, Sat Fⁿatcisci. (ṔF bu it, Catheⁿite (2016 Ciiⁿ itatiit at ⁿelate citstⁿuctiits it OmahaSPitca at it Siiuat latguages. It bu it & Griⁿ it (2016 : 367S92. (ṔF bu it, Catheⁿite, & Bⁿ)at James Griⁿ it (2016 Advances in the study of Siouan languages and linguistics. Latguage Scietce Pⁿess. (ṔF bu it, Catheⁿite, & Kathleet Shea (2005 OmahaSPitca. It Keith Bⁿiⁿwt (E . Encyclopedia of language and linguistics, 2t e ., Vil. 9: 25S29. (ṔF but le, Kell) (2017 Good Earth A Awakening the silent city. Fiuⁿth aall Films. (́V́ /e iP4 Sautsici, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt (2013 Íⁿ'utʰíⁿ / hand game instructions. iac): Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (iTS /e iOV Sautsici, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt (2015 Interview. iac): Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (iTS /e iOV Sautsici, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt, & Aⁿ is Tiiⁿgthehe Eschetbeⁿg (2009a Helping Grandma A A beginning Umóⁿhóⁿ book. iac): Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (PUB Sautsici, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt, & Aⁿ is Tiiⁿgthehe Eschetbeⁿg (2009b Te A A beginning Umóⁿhóⁿ book. iac): Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (PUB Sautsici, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt, & Aⁿ is Tiiⁿgthehe Eschetbeⁿg (2009c Wanita A A beginning Umóⁿhóⁿ book. iac): Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (PUB Sautsici, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt, & Aⁿ is Tiiⁿgthehe Eschetbeⁿg (2016 500+ verbs in Umóⁿhóⁿ. CⁿeateSpace. Sautsici, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt, & ́ⁿwight bibitsit (2015 Interview. iac): Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (iTS /e iOV Sautsici, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt, & Eugete Pappat (2015 Interview. iac): Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (iTS /e iOV Sautsici, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt, & Eutice Clite (2015 Interview. iac): Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (iTS /e iOV Sautsici, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt, & Gretevieve bibitsit (2015 Interview. iac): Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (iTS /e iOV Sautsici, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt, & Kathⁿ)t Grilpit (2015 Interview. iac): Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (iTS /e iOV

66 Sautsici, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt, & Ligat Thugata Fⁿate Sautsici (2015 Interview. iac): Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (iTS /e iOV Sautsici, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt, & bufus ahite (2015 Interview. iac): Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (iTS /e iOV Sautsici, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt, & Susat Fⁿeemitt (2015 Interview. iac): Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (iTS /e iOV Sautsici, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt, & ailfⁿe Liveji) (2015 Interview. iac): Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (iTS /e iOV Sautsici, Alice iiⁿshiⁿhiⁿthi Fⁿeemitt, & a)tema iiⁿⁿis (2015 Interview. iac): Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (iTS /e iOV Sa), Thimas (1823 Vicabulaⁿies if It iat latguages. It E ⁿwit James (1823 , Vil. 2, supplemettal Vil. 2: 523S42 if the ṔF. Scheⁿeⁿ, iaⁿe b. (1999 Imperfect victories A The legal tenacity of the Omaha Tribe, 1945-1995. Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea Pⁿess. (ꬿ Seiffeⁿleit, Bⁿiat (2017 Saving sacred seeds. NET Televisiit. (tebⁿaseastiⁿies.iⁿg/evi eis/esavitgSsacⁿe Ssee s Setieⁿ, Siibhat (2000 Allitmett pⁿitest at tⁿibal isciuⁿse: bea itg Wynemaas successes at shiⁿtcimitgs. American Indian Quarterly 24 (3 : 420S504. (ṔF Shaⁿw, Patⁿicia A. (2004 Negitiatitg agaitst liss: bespitsibilit), ⁿecipⁿicit), at ⁿespect it et atgeⁿe latguage ⁿeseaⁿch. Lectures on Endangered Languages 4: 181S194. Osaea Graeuit Utiveⁿsit). (ṔF Sible), Jiht, & itheⁿs (1803 An account of Louisiana, laid before Congress by direction of the President of the United States, November 14, 1003. Pⁿivi etce: Hieatit & ailliams. (ṔF Silveⁿsteit, iichael (2008 Cittempiⁿaⁿ) tⁿatsfiⁿmatiits if lical litguistic cimmutities. Annual Review of Anthropology 27: 401S26. (ṔF Seitteⁿ, Alatsit (1915 Sicieties if the Iiⁿwa, Katsa, at Pitca It iats. Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History 11 (9 : 679S801. (ṔF Seitteⁿ, Alatsit (1920 ie icite ceⁿemit) if the ietimiti, Iiⁿwa, at aahpetit ́aeita, ⁿwith tites it the ceⁿemit) amitg the Pitca, Butgi Ojibⁿwa, at Pitaⁿwatimi. (Indian Notes and Monographs 4. Neⁿw Yiⁿe: iuseum if the Ameⁿicat It iat. (ṔF Smith, Greiⁿge Hiubeⁿt (1973 Nites it Omaha ethtihistiⁿ), 1763S1820. Plains Anthropologist 18 (62 : 257S70. (ꬿ Smith, Greiⁿge Hiubeⁿt (1974 Ethnohistorical report on the Omaha people A Report presented before the Indian Claims Commission. Neⁿw Yiⁿe: Graⁿlat .ꬿ ( Smith, Lit a Tuhiⁿwai (1999 Decolonising methodologies. Ze Biies.(ṔF Smith, Sheⁿⁿ) L. (2001 Fⁿatcis LaFlesche at the ⁿwiⁿl if letteⁿs. American Indian Quarterly 25 (4 : 579S603. (ṔF Smithsitiat Otlite Viⁿtual Aⁿchives (t. . Omaha at Pitca cillectiits. (ꬿ

67 Steve, Viⁿgitia ́ⁿivitg Hiaⁿwe (2013 Standing Bear of the Ponca. Bisit Biies. (ꬿ Stableⁿ, Elizabeth, & Caⁿil iaⁿshall & J. Tⁿavis biuse (t. . Umóⁿhóⁿ Iye wagthabaze / Omaha language workbook of Elizabeth Stabler. (ꬿ Stableⁿ, Elizabeth, & iaⁿe Sⁿwetlat (AⁿwaeutiSSⁿwetlat (1977 Umóⁿhóⁿ Iye of Elizabeth Stabler A A vocabulary of the Omaha language. aittebagi, NE: Nebⁿasea It iat Pⁿess. (ṔF Stableⁿ, Elizabeth, & iaⁿe Sⁿwetlat (AⁿwaeutiSSⁿwetlat (1991 Umóⁿhóⁿ Iye of Elizabeth Stabler A A vocabulary of the Omaha language, with an Omaha to English lexicon. iac), NE. (ṔF Stableⁿ, Hiillis ́iⁿiit (2005 No one ever asked me A The World War II memoirs of an Omaha Indian soldier. Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea Pⁿess. Stableⁿ, Hiillis ́iⁿiit (2014 The war A Wounded at Anzio. NET Televisiit. (tettebⁿasea.iⁿg/eitteⁿactiveSmultime ia/eleaⁿtitgSseⁿvices/eⁿwaⁿSⁿwiut e Satzii Stableⁿ, Vi a aii hull, & ́ubaSiiⁿthiⁿ & KaxeSThiⁿba & OⁿpʰiⁿSTiⁿga & iaxeⁿwathe & PathiⁿSNiⁿpazhi & Bⁿ)at James Griⁿ it (2018a Pitca Omaha letteⁿs ictate at taeet b) James Oⁿwet ́iⁿse). It Palmeⁿ (2018 : 235S51. (ṔF Stableⁿ, Vi a aii hull, & iaⁿcella aii hull Ca)iu & ́itta iiⁿⁿis Paⁿeeⁿ & Patⁿicia Phillips & bufus ahite & Bⁿ)at James Griⁿ it & iaⁿe AⁿwaeutiSSⁿwetlat & Albeⁿta Grⁿatt Catb) & Emmalite aaleeⁿ Satchez & biⁿ) Laⁿsit & Aⁿlete aaleeⁿ & ́eliⁿes Blace & Aubⁿe) Stⁿeit Kⁿug & Liⁿet Hi. Fⁿeⁿichs (2018b Umóⁿhóⁿ Iye tʰe, Umóⁿhóⁿ Ushkóⁿ tʰe A The Omaha language and the Omaha way. Litcilt: Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea Pⁿess. (ṔF Staⁿita, Jie (2009 "I am a man" A Chief Standing Bear's journey for justice. St. iaⁿtitas Pⁿess. (ꬿ Staⁿita, Jie (2016 A warrior of the people A How Susan La Flesche overcame racial and gender inequality to become America's first Indian doctor. St. iaⁿtitas Pⁿess. (ꬿ Summeⁿs, a)tte L. (2006 Women Elders' life stories of the Omaha Tribe A Macy, Nebraska. Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea isseⁿtatiit. (ṔF Summeⁿs, a)tte L. (2010 Women Elders' life stories of the Omaha Tribe A Macy, Nebraska, 2004-2005. Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea Pⁿess. (ꬿ Suzuei, Peteⁿ T. (1992 betⁿicessiit at juⁿis ictiital issues facitg the Omaha Tⁿibe if Nebⁿasea. Man & Life 18 (1S2 : 1S10. Calcutta. (ꬿ Tate, iichael L. (1991 The Upstream People A An annotated research bibliography of the Omaha Tribe. ietuchet, NJ: Scaⁿecⁿiⁿw Pⁿess. Te lice, Baⁿbaⁿa (1991 Fⁿim paⁿticipatt ibseⁿvatiit ti the ibseⁿvatiit if paⁿticipatiit: The emeⁿgetce if taⁿⁿative ethtigⁿaph). iournal of Anthropological Research 47 (1 : 69S94. (ṔF Thiⁿte, Tatis C. (1993 Blace Biⁿ , "Kitg if the iahaⁿs": Auticⁿat, big mat, chief. Ethnohistory 40 (3 : 410S37. (ṔF Tibbles, Thimas Hietⁿ) (1905 1957 Buckskin and blanket days A A memoir of a friend of the Indians. ́iuble a). (ꬿ Timmeⁿmat, Bⁿigitte B. (2018 Umóⁿhóⁿ Iye A The Omaha speaking. batge Films. (́V́ /e iOV Titg, Betsit, & ́ettis Hiastitgs ( ⁿaasea (1999 Susan La Flesche Picotte, M.D. A Omaha Indian leader and reformer. Utiveⁿsit) if Oelahima Pⁿess. (ꬿ

68 Tsieeⁿwa, A ⁿiette (2018 ́ecilitizitg litguistic fiel ⁿwiⁿe tⁿaititg: bestⁿuctuⁿitg It igetiusSaca emic cillabiⁿatiits. Pⁿesette at Native Ameⁿicat at It igetius Stu ies Assiciatiit, Utiveⁿsit) if Califiⁿtia Lis Atgeles. (ṔF Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cuⁿⁿiculum ́evelipmett Pⁿiject (2002 Umóⁿhóⁿ Nikashíⁿga Ukéthíⁿ uhóⁿ A Common Omaha cooking. Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea – Litcilt. (ṔF Vehie, Susat C. (1993 ́hegiha iⁿigits at Plaits Aⁿchaeilig). Plains Anthropologist 38 (146 : 231S52. (ꬿ Veⁿaciti, Liⁿetzi (2017 ́ecilitizitg settleⁿ cilitialism: Kill the settleⁿ it him at save the mat. American Indian Culture and Research iournal 41 (1 . (ṔF Viegelit, Chaⁿles F. (1941 Itteⁿtal ⁿelatiitships if Siiuat latguages. American Anthropologist 43 (2 , Paⁿt 1: 246S9. (ṔF ⁿwa Thiitgai, Ngũgi (1986 The latguage if Afⁿicat liteⁿatuⁿe. Decolonizing the mind A The politics of language in African literature. Lit it: James Cuⁿⁿ). aal ⁿam, James B. (1997 The way of the pipe A Aboriginal spirituality and symbolic healing in Canadian prisons. Bⁿia vieⁿw Pⁿess. aatg, Liⁿait (2014 Grui e ti iS 4800 James O. ́iⁿse) papeⁿs, ciⁿca 1870S1956, bule 1870S1895. Natiital Atthⁿipiligical Aⁿchives. (ṔF aateits, Albeⁿt (1913 Nebⁿasea teⁿⁿitiⁿial acquisitiit. Collections of the Nebraska State Historical Society 17: 53S87. (ṔF aebsteⁿ, Baⁿⁿ) (2014 Barry Webster talks about Blackbird Bend. iac): Umóⁿhiⁿ Latguage Cetteⁿ if Excelletce, Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (iTS /e iOV ae el, iil ⁿe i. (1981 The Iiⁿwa), Oti, at Omaha It iats it 1700. iournal of the Iowa Archeological Society 28: 1S13. (ꬿ aeetie, Atgelita. 2000. Post-colonial recovering and healing. It Jit be)hteⁿ & Jiseph iaⁿtit & Liuise Liceaⁿ & a. Saeiesteⁿwa Grilbeⁿt (E s Learn in beauty A Indigenous education for a new century. Niⁿtheⁿt Aⁿizita Utiveⁿsit). (ṔF aelsch, bigeⁿ L. (1981 Omaha tribal myths and Trickster tales. Chicagi: Sⁿwalliⁿw Pⁿess. (ṔF aelsch, bigeⁿ L. (1984 Ol villageⁿs: The Omaha at Pitca. It Kaⁿl Bi meⁿ (E . The First Voices A 16S20. Nebⁿasea Grame at Paⁿes Cimmissiit. ꬿ( aelsh, ailliam (1872 Report of a visit to the and Ponka Indians on the Missouri River. aashitgtit: Griveⁿtmett Pⁿittitg Office. (ṔF ahite, bufus, & Eugete Pappat (2017 Kúge, waóⁿ gaxe A Composers of Umóⁿhóⁿ songs. iac): Nebⁿasea It iat Cimmutit) Cillege. (iTS /e iOV ahite, Scitt Eugete (2003 A history of the in Nebraska A A struggle for survival. Aⁿizita State Utiveⁿsit) isseⁿtatiit. (ṔF ailliamsit, Thimas Smith (1858 Cimpaⁿative vicabulaⁿ) if the aittebagi, Omaha, Pitea, at ́aeita, ⁿwith ⁿemaⁿes it the same. (matuscⁿipt Libⁿaⁿ) if the Buⁿeau if Ethtilig). (ꬿ ailsit, ́iⁿith) Claⁿee (1974 Bright Eyes A The Story of Susette LaFlesche, an Omaha Indian. icGrⁿaⁿwSHiill. aishaⁿt, ́avi (1995 The ⁿiles at status if met at ⁿwimet it titeteetth cettuⁿ) Omaha at Paⁿwtee sicieties: Pistmi eⁿtist utceⁿtaitties at empiⁿical evi etce. American Indian Quarterly 19 (4 : 509S18. (ṔF aishaⁿt, ́avi J. (1994 An unspeakable sadness A The dispossession of the Nebraska Indians. Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea Pⁿess. (ꬿ

69 ailfe, Patⁿice (1999 Settler colonialism and the transformation of anthropology. Lit it: Cassell. ailff, Hiats (1952 Osage I: Phitemes at histiⁿical phitilig). International iournal of American Linguistics 18 (2 : 63S8. (ṔF ailff, Hiats. (1950 Cimpaⁿative Siiuat I. International iournal of American Linguistics 16 (2 : 61S66. (ṔF aii buⁿ), Atthit) C. (1993 A efetse if the pⁿipisitiit, “ahet a latguage ies, a cultuⁿe ies.” SALSA I, 16-10 April 1993 A 101S29. Utiveⁿsit) if Texas. (ṔF Zimmeⁿmat, Laⁿⁿ) J. (2011 bepatⁿiatiit. It ́avi J. aishaⁿt (E . Encyclopedia of the Great Plains. Utiveⁿsit) if Nebⁿasea. (http:/e/eplaitshumatities.utl.e u/eetc)clipe ia/e ic/eegp.ta.095 Z)l)ff (Thimas Hietⁿ) Tibbles & Itshtatheamba (IⁿshtaThiiⁿba /e Bⁿight E)es (1879 The Ponca chiefs A An Indian's attempt to appeal from the tomahawk to the courts. Bistit: Liceⁿwii , Bⁿiies & Ci. (ṔF

70 Appendix A: Testing predictions of the givenness hierarchy framework: A cross-linguistic investigation (with Jeanette Kuhn Gundel, Mamadou Bassene, inda Humnick & Amel Khalfaoui) Grut el, Jeatette Kuht, & iama iu Bassete & Bⁿ)at Griⁿ it & Lit a Hiumtice & Amel Khalfaiui (2010 Testitg pⁿe ictiits if the Grivettess Hiieⁿaⁿch) fⁿameⁿwiⁿe: A cⁿisslitguistic itvestigatiit. iournal of Pragmatics 42 (7 : 1770S85. (ṔF bepⁿitte ⁿwith peⁿmissiit fⁿim Elsevieⁿ (bightśiⁿect licetse 4553130051593 . © 2008 Jeatette Kuht Grut el, iama iu Bassete, Bⁿ)at James Griⁿ it, Lit a Hiumtice & Amel Khalfaiui

71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 Appendix B: Antitopic and afterthought: Givenness in the grammar in Ponca and Omaha Gordon, Bryan James (2008) Antitopic and afterthought: Givenness in the grammar in Ponca and Omaha. Kansas Working Papers in Linguistics 30: 74-87. (PDF) Reprinted under terms of Kansas Working Papers in Linguistics' Budapest Open Access Initiative (BOAI) license / Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License (CC BY 4.0): http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 The title can be downloaded at: https://kuscholarworks.ku.edu/handle/1808/3905 © 2008 Bryan James Gordon

88 Antitopic and afterthought Givenness and grammar in Ponca and Omaha

Bryan James Gordon University of Minnesota

0. Introduction

Ponca and Omaha (Siouan: Mississippi Valley: Dhegiha; henceforth OP1) are two mutually intelligible, highly endangered languages of the Missouri River Valley. OP are head-final, but frequent postverbal referring expressions have led to OP's being described as "free-word-order". On the contrary, I show that postverbal referring expressions occupy a grammatical position, whose use is restricted to antitopics, an information-structural type distinct from topics. The theoretical point of departure is described in §1 and linked to the literature; and I propose a necessary pragmatic condition upon the postverbal position. In §2 I present the qualitative and in §3 the quantitative evidence in support of this condition. I argue in §4 for considering it both necessary and sufficient. An extrasentential analysis of postverbal expressions is considered and rejected in §5. In §6 I compare my findings with findings from geno- and phenotypically similar languages. Finally, in §7 I propose a grammaticisation explanation, and then discuss (§8) and conclude (§9).

1. Theoretical background

Received distinctions such as given/old/new or topic/focus are ambiguous in the literature. I offer a set of terminology, and devote time to relating it to terms from the literature. In the following model and the rest of this work I adopt the practice of rendering operationalised terms in SMALL CAPS, and more general terms from the literature in italics. Binary distinctions such as topic/comment and focus/presupposition gloss over both the surface complexity and the deep simplicity of information structure. Although rigid definitions of topic and focus empirically necessary, they are rooted in a less rigidly defined psychological structure. Focus is, quite simply, the most FIGURE-like component of a given discourse unit, and topic functions as the GROUND upon which that FIGURE stands.

(1) a. FIGURE: a component of an information unit which is psychologically new and interesting to the hearer relative to other information in the same unit b. GROUND: information not included in FIGURE but necessarily interpreted in the same unit

At least two types of information can function as FIGURE or GROUND. Akin to É. Kiss's (1998) split between information and identificational focus, in the case of referring expressions I distinguish between propositional content (the semantic type) and referential content (the real- world referent) – henceforth P- and R-information. There are additionally at least two ways information can function as FIGURE in its context, as Gundel (1999) notes with her distinction between semantic and contrastive focus. Discourse-new P- and R-information tends to be associated with the former type, information in scalar relation with other information with the 1 OP are often called a single language, "Omaha-Ponca". The abbreviation OP is my concession to this practice; but I do not refer to them as a single language, because this offends and perplexes speakers and non-speakers.

89 latter. It will be necessary to operationalise these types for the present purpose:

(2) a. GIVEN: an attribute of information highly accessible in the cognitive context a'. NEW: an attribute of information less highly accessible in the cognitive context a''. CENTRE OF ATTENTION: (henceforth COA) the highest GIVENness status; c.f. highly accessible (Ariel 1990), psychological focus (Gundel 1999), center of attention (Chafe 1976) b. CONTRASTIVE: an attribute of information which stands in a scalar or partially-ordered-set relation (c.f. Hirschberg 1985, Ward 1985) to an antecedent or immediate succedent b'. NON-CONTRASTIVE: information that stands in a non-scalar relation to an antecedent; or information with no antecedent at all

Unlike the terms in (1), those in (2) are defined as attributes of information. FIGURE and GROUND are active categories. They describe the status a speaker intends to be mapped to a piece of information. [±COA] and [±CONTRAST] on the other hand are stative categories which describe the status information already has at the moment of its deployment. A focus can be focal by virtue of being NEW, or by virtue of being CONTRASTIVE. But there may be other, non-focussed NEW or CONTRASTIVE information in the same discourse unit. For this reason Ward's (1985:87) notion of salient and relevant open propositions is crucial to extracting the focus or foci from discourse units. (Refer to Ward for robust discussion and further definition.)

(3) FOCUS: the most FIGURE-like information in its unit. A salient and relevant open proposition is retrievable from GROUND and cognitive context, and is filled by the FOCUS.

Non-focussed NEW or CONTRASTIVE information, then, functions to alter or specify the open proposition. But the open proposition includes GIVEN, NON-CONTRASTIVE information as well, information retrievable without explicit reference, information devoid of FIGURE.

(4) ANTITOPIC: information entirely in GROUND and devoid of FIGURE, i.e. [+COA,−CONTRAST].

Including [±COA], a GIVENness category, in a syntactic construction is more controversial than including [±CONTRAST], or syntactic/prosodic prominence. Such an implication has seldom been argued for. Chafe's (1976) is to my knowledge the first use of the term antitopic for a pragmatic category which functions to "confirm established information", and already he recognised the syntactic implications, noting that they frequently occur at the right periphery. Mithun (1999:199-200) similarly locates topic shift at the left and antitopic at the right periphery for Tuscarora (Iroquoian: Northern: Tuscarora-Nottaway). Erkü (1983:184) claims for Turkish postverbal material that "two aspects of discourse interact with word order: topic-comment structure, and activated/unactivated status.” But the syntactic implications of these claims are not expounded upon by Erkü, Chafe or Mithun. The categories defined in (3) and (4) may be seen as extreme cases of information status, between which the intermediate case, which I will call TOPIC, can be negatively defined.

(5) TOPIC: information, part in GROUND and part in FIGURE, which alters the open proposition associated with the discourse unit's FOCUS, but is irretrievable without explicit reference: a. TOPIC is distinguished from FOCUS by affecting rather than filling the open proposition. b. TOPIC is distinguished from ANTITOPIC either by being irretrievable [−COA] and augmenting the open proposition or by functioning to alter the open proposition through CONTRAST.

90 Few analyses of pragmatically marked constructions make a distinction like that between (4) and (5). Focus/presupposition contrasts (c.f. Chomsky 1971) conflate the two, and most current work in the Minimalist Program – two influential examples are Zimmermann (1999) and Rizzi (2000) – does as well. The status of ANTITOPIC vis-à-vis topic/comment contrasts varies. "Aboutness" approaches, which more or less paraphrase the FIGURE/GROUND distinction, tend not to distinguish antitopic from topic, since both are what the sentence is "about":

(6) An entity E is the topic of a sentence, S, iff in using S the speaker intends to increase the addressee's knowledge about, request information about, or otherwise get an addressee to act with respect to E. (Gundel 1988:210)

Indeed, the notion of topic as something that discourse units are "about", or as information that persists in discourse, has no need of further division. But the equally prevalent notion of sentence topic treats form as well as function; and prosodically and syntactically oriented approaches to topic tend to treat TOPICS as in (5), whether this restriction is made explicit or not. Whether backgrounded information can be seen in such approaches as marginally topical, or part of comment, depends on the approach. Some approaches (e.g. Lee 2002) distinguish contrastive from non-contrastive topics – the latter encompassing both presentational topics and antitopics. Most subsume focus/presupposition structure itself to comment, tacitly grouping background under presupposition. (Topicalization as considered by both Gundel and Ward resembles a branching structure of this sort.) Mithun's, Chafe's and Erkü's approaches (see above) and Vallduví & Vilkuna's (1998) stand out in devoting analysis to background/antitopic. V&V's theme/rheme distinction, indeed, is isomorphic with my GROUND/FIGURE distinction. However, (1) V&V's top branching feature [±rheme] is not explicitly psychological, but rather a blend of stative GIVENness with active language on assertion and presupposition; and (2) their subdivision of theme into topic and tail (c.f. TOPIC and ANTITOPIC) is purely formal and misses the functional [±COA] and [±CONTRAST] features which I consider inextricable. ANTITOPICS are palpably distinct from TOPICS, and function distinctly. While TOPICS needn't be GIVEN – only specific so that they can have an identifiable projection in an open proposition – ANTITOPICS are superlatively GIVEN. While TOPICS are intended to persist in discourse, ANTITOPICS are always already persistent. TOPICS and ANTITOPICS are universally associated with disparate prosodic and syntactic forms. Indeed, TOPICS are far more difficult to discern formally from FOCI than from ANTITOPICS, since TOPICS and FOCI are often expressed with the same syntactic (though usually not prosodic) devices (Ward 1985, Gundel 1974, 1975), and TOPICS' status as part of GROUND is not absolute like that of ANTITOPICS, but rather relative to the status of the respective FOCUS (c.f. Gundel & Fretheim 2004). A clearer approach than that in the extant literature is called for, wherein ANTITOPIC has theoretical status independent of both topic and presupposition as well as emergent formal properties such as background. Armed with the necessary terminology and theoretical background, the reader may now confront the thesis of this paper:

(7) In Ponca and Omaha, only ANTITOPICS may be referred to by postverbal referring expressions.

2.0. Methodology

I coded 142 referring expressions from a body of stories, historical texts and letters transcribed in the late nineteenth century by missionary James Owen Dorsey (1890). Of these data, 83% were

91 obtained by analysing randomly selected texts in their entirety, 49% by directly searching for expressions with particular determiners using regular expressions2. The latter search was carried out to fill the many cells required by OP's array of determiners3, demonstratives, genitives and combinations thereof. Both methods retrieved many of the same data, hence the overlapping 32%. Additionally, studies with data from native speakers are consulted where possible, notably Eschenberg (2005a) and Rudin (1998). 4 For each discourse unit , I first identified the FOCUS or FOCI according to (3) and its/their 5 concomitant open proposition as in Ward (1985). The referring expressions not coded as FOCUS were then gauged according to Hirschberg's (1985) definition of scalar relations, the TOPIC criteria (5), and the ANTITOPIC criteria (4) – in terms of both their P- and their R-information. The criteria for the [±COA] feature referenced in (4) and (5) are taken, with adaptations, from the working coding protocol of the Minnesota Cognitive Status Working Group (Gundel, Bassène, Gordon, Humnick & Khalfaoui 2007), based on the category in [psychological] focus from Gundel, Hedberg & Zacharski 1993:

(8) Sufficient criteria for [+COA]: a. used as subject of immediately preceding clause/sentence b. used earlier in same clause/sentence c. a higher-level topic that is part of the interpretation of the preceding clause/sentence d. used in both of the two immediately preceding clauses/sentences e. the event denoted by the immediately preceding clause/sentence Necessary criterion for [−COA]: f. meets none of the criteria (a)-(e)

Of the three terms in (3)-(5), the present work only maps the second (4) to a syntactic form; but all three are coded for, because TOPIC/FOCUS status is sufficient for non-ANTITOPIC status, and the identification of ANTITOPICS is made easier by the identification of FOCI and (where possible) TOPICS.

2.1. GIVENness and the postverbal position

In the following three subsections, I show how the data satisfy thesis (7). One prediction is that

2 Searches were performed using Kate (K Advanced Text Editor) upon a databased version of Dorsey (1890) prepared by John E. Koontz and converted by me to Unicode characters. Please contact me for a copy of my version, or to ask Koontz for his. 3 OP possess a typologically extreme eleven definite articles. These are specified for animacy, affectedness/case (Shea 2007), position/shape, motion, discourse-centrality (Eschenberg 2005a), and possibly number as well. They double as auxiliaries and evidentials (Eschenberg ib, 2005b), and their semantics is the same when they serve as auxiliaries as when they serve as articles. Other typological rarities, less pertinent but possibly familiar or interesting to readers, are (1) a four-mode distinction in the oral stops (e.g. /d tː tʰ tˀ/ – orthographically ); (2) an interdental lateral glide (/ˡðˡ/ – no standard IPA symbol – orthographically ); (3) a split-transitive pronominal system (both ergative and accusative) alongside a nominal system with a nominative/accusative system (Shea 2007), a discourse-marked system (Eschenberg 2005a) or both; (4) a deixis-based motion verb paradigm (Cumberland 2006). 4 Discourse units considered include full sentences as well as tight-knit groups of fragments and smaller units. This impressionistic division is a likely source of coder variability should someone replicate my methodology. 5 Propositional expressions, adjunct adverbials, locatives, quotatives and nonsubcategorised referring expressions were not coded for TOPIC/ANTITOPIC status. Including these expression types would have added complexity not directly pertinent to the present analysis. Watam, of the Lower Ramu valley in Papua New Guinea (Foley 1999), provides an example of an OV language which is liberal in allowing nonsubcategorised adjuncts to be expressed postverbally. In fact, in Watam, only nonsubcategorised adjuncts may be expressed postverbally.

92 the referents of postverbal referring expressions be in the centre of attention, and that less GIVEN referents cannot be referred to postverbally.

6 (9) Táxti-gíkʰidabi akʰa ededí akʰa-ama. (22.1) 7 Deer-they.kill.for.him the there AUX-REPORT There was They-kill-d eer-for-him .

In (9), Táxti-gíkʰidabi (an evil giant) was coded as familiar (in long-term memory) to discourse participants [−COA]. This is therefore an example of an expression that cannot be postposed. The same referent in (10), on the other hand, was coded as [+COA], and this expression is postposed:

(10) (later on, during an exchange between the protagonist Rabbit and Táxti-gíkʰidabi) “Wami aⁿwaⁿbitʰaⁿga ehe ha, Táxti-gíkʰijabi-a!” blood push.me.down.in I.say DECL Deer-they.kill.for.him.DIMIN-VOC Kuˀe athabʼ egaⁿ wami ubitʰaⁿbi-ama Táxti-gíkʰidabi akʰa . (23.14-16) Rushing went having blood pushed.down.in-REPORT Deer-they.kill.for.him the [Rabbit taunted,] “Push me down in the blood, I say, little They-kill-deer-for-him!” So they say They-kill-deer-for-him rushed over and pushed Rabbit down in the blood.

2.2. CONTRAST and the postverbal position

From (7) similarly follows that postverbal referring expressions refer exclusively to NON- CONTRASTIVE information. In (11), the referent of the second underlined expression (the Urstone, so large it blocked the sun) was coded as [+COA], being the subject of the immediately preceding sentence, and thus could be a candidate for postverbal position. But it also contrasts with the referent of the third underlined expression in a part/whole or source/product scalar relation, which is why it is evoked in situ.

(11) Íⁿˀe thaⁿ ugashneshnʼ égaⁿ gatubextiáⁿbi-ama. Kʰi editʰaⁿ íⁿˀe thaⁿ stone the.ROUND crack.REDUP having by.falling.ground.very-REPORT and from.there stone the.ROUND gatube ugaextiaⁿbi-ama, mazhaⁿ bthúga águdishtewaⁿ íⁿˀe ge . (331.4-5) by.falling.ground scattered.far-REPORT land all wherever stone the.SCATTERED They say the stone cracked all over and was ground very finely by the fall. They say that from there that one round stone was ground and scattered far, and became all the scattered stones of all the lands everywhere.

2.3. Exceptions?

8 One postverbal referring expression in the data was analysed as [−COA] (none as [+CONTRAST]):

6 The orthography used here is the phonemic official orthography of the Ponca Tribe of Oklahoma. Although the source texts are both Omaha and Ponca, I have used just one orthography, since the differences between the two orthographies are small. Examples are given in the font AboriginalSerif, from indigenous-friendly www.languagegeek.com. 7 Small-caps glosses used: DECL – declarative particle; DIMIN – diminutive; HORIZ – horizontal-marked article; REDUP – reduplication; REPORT – reportative/hearsay; ROUND – round-marked article; SCATTERED – scattered-marked article; VOC – vocative. 8 Other exceptions, not analysed, were postverbal referring expressions occurring in locative phrases and quotative constructions.

93 (12) Pʰahaⁿga tʰédi athabi-ama Mashchiⁿge ama . (25.1) past the.at went-REPORT Rabbit the Once upon a time Rabbit was going along.

Example (12) begins a story, so Rabbit is certainly NEW. However, this formulaic, performative (c.f. Austin 1962) construction is a frequent introduction to stories, and there is reason to analyse it as a fossilised idiom, which poses no threat to generalisations about productive grammar.

3. Quantitative evidence

This work combines qualitative microanalysis with quantitative methods (c.f. Mendoza-Denton 2007, Johnson 1997, Schegloff 1987), paying close attention to the formal and pragmatic features of each utterance in its context. Thus, it was unfeasible and undesirable to automate the coding routine over the entire corpus, and consequently quantitative evidence should be seen as supportive rather than primary. Data were selected as described in §2.0. I found 98% of postverbal referring expressions (n=43) to refer to ANTITOPICS. (The one exception is (12) in §2.3.) Of in-situ expressions (n=99), 91% referred to FOCI or TOPICS. (The exceptions are detailed in §4.1-§4.4.) Without further qualitative analysis, these figures provide evidence for phrasing (7) only as a necessary but insufficient condition.

4.0. ANTITOPICS in situ

Not all expressions in the data coded as ANTITOPICS were postverbal. Indeed, my claim thus far stops short of demanding this, imposing (7) as a necessary, not sufficient, condition. But in the following sections I present rationales for each in-situ ANTITOPIC. The existence of such clear rationales lends support to rewording (7) as a bidirectional implication.

4.1. Multiple ANTITOPICS in situ

(13) Sithemakʰaⁿ akʰa pʰáhaⁿ átʰiathabi-ama. “Kaⁿha, shékʰe tashniⁿgthishka há Sithemakʰaⁿ the arose stood.suddenly-REPORT Grandmother.VOC that.the spotted.fawn skin úzhiha íⁿˀi thága,” ábi-ama. Gíˀi théthabi-ama. Sithemakʰaⁿ bthúga bag to.me.give right.away said-REPORT to.him.gave right.away-REPORT Sithemakʰaⁿ all uginazhiⁿbi-ama, táxti gaghabi-ama. (57.8-10) in.his.stood-REPORT deer made-REPORT They say Sithemakʰaⁿ stood suddenly and said, “Grandmother, hand me that spotted-fawn- skin bag right away.” They say she gave it to him right away. They say Sithemakʰaⁿ stood completely inside it, and made himself into a deer.

The referent of the underlined expression in (13) is certainly [+COA,−CONTRAST], but he is referred to in situ. Why? One possibility is that we should expand our notion of FIGURE to include resolution of referential ambiguity (c.f. Sneed German & Pierrehumbert's (2008) attentional shift and Mithun's (1999) topic shift). At a point in discourse at which there are three persistent ANTITOPICS, (Sithemakʰaⁿ, his grandmother and his bag), "reduced" forms such as zero or the postverbal ANTITOPIC position create ambiguity, even if only temporarily. Certainly this is a fact that is compatible with a bidirectional variant of (7).

94 4.2. Repetition and ANTITOPICS in situ

The arguments presented in this section and in §4.3 and §4.4 refer to the following section of data, which it is important to present in its entirety for context's sake. The reader's attention is directed to the English translations, so that an idea of the context is obtained.

(14)a. Tʰáⁿwaⁿgthaⁿ wiⁿ edí-thaⁿ-ama. Kʰi waˀu wiⁿ údaⁿxti athiⁿbi-ama tʰáⁿwaⁿgthaⁿ akʰadi. Kʰi shénuzhiⁿga gáⁿtha ahí-hnaⁿbi-ama. Kʰi thiˀa-hnaⁿbi-ama. It is said that there was a village. And they say they had a woman in this village who was very beautiful. And the young men would come desiring her, they say. And, they say, they would fail. b. Kʰi níashiⁿga shénuzhiⁿga wiⁿ, “Hiⁿdaǃ waˀu gáⁿthai thiˀa-shnaⁿi éde waˀu kʰáⁿbtha 9 bthe tʰé-na!” ethegaⁿbi-ama. Gaⁿ shénuzhiⁿga akʰa athabi-ama. And they say one person, a young man, thought to himself, “Weʼ ll see! Sure, they may have wanted the woman and failed, but I want her and I will go anyway!” And they say the young man went. c. Shaⁿ pahe wiⁿ taⁿgaxti edi-thaⁿ-ki níashiⁿga wiⁿ agthiⁿ akʰa-ama. Shénuzhiⁿga míⁿthigthaⁿ athe ama níashiⁿga pahadi gthiⁿ thiⁿkʰe tape athabi-ama. Now, there was a very large hill there, and they say a person was sitting upon it. The young man who was walking along with the woman on his mind came up close by the person sitting on the hill, they say.

A lot happens in (14b). The second and third underlined expressions are both IP's whose predicates are want the woman but whose subjects differ. Considering that postverbal – éde káⁿbtha bthe tʰe-na waˀu (thiⁿkʰe) – or zero – éde káⁿbtha bthe tʰe-na – expression of the object should be possible, and that these orders surface for other ANTITOPIC objects, why do they not surface here? One possibility is repetition. The resonant frame in this case is phonological, semantic, syntactic and referential all at once: almost all of the information in each of these components of language is preserved across the two IP's. Only morphologically is there contrast, and contrast has meaning in failure to repeat. The repeated IP is a part of the open proposition – A∈{other suitors, protagonist} does X with respect to wanting the woman – in both instantiations, and it is also plausible that reordering of a repeated open proposition is dispreferred in practice. Fully 56% of in-situ ANTITOPICS in the data exhibit repetition of this sort. Repetition is a wild card that overrides much of what can otherwise be generalised about grammar. An emerging consensus identifies repetition and priming as a fundamental building block of all areas of language (c.f. Bock 1986, Bock & Loebell 1990, Weiner & Labov 1983, John du Bois's work).

4.3. Special discourse structures and ANTITOPICS in situ

The protagonist referred to in the first underlined expression of (14b) is still an ANTITOPIC at the time of his mention as the fourth underlined expression of (14b), having been the subject of the intervening think predicate. Yet his referring expression is in situ. The construction Gaⁿ + sentence marks a turn of events, a conclusory statement, a resolution of narrative tension, or otherwise directs the hearer to get ready for something new. Another discourse particle which accomplishes this effect quite often in the texts is égithe. After such particles, expressions coded as ANTITOPICS are found in situ. Chafe (1994) argues that the centre of attention is constantly shifting from one

9 Although the correct form of this verb is kaⁿbtha, I have retained the phones represented in Dorsey's transcriptions. The "incorrect" form may be a speaker error, a transcription error, an instance of phonetic change in progress, a spelling adjustment, or any number of other things.

95 [psychological] focus to another. In this way, discourse particles such as gaⁿ and égithe direct the hearer to ignore her current centre of attention and pave the way for a new one. Consequently, the young man is actually [−COA] at the moment of his last mention: the centre of attention is instead on the resolution of the discourse tension created by use of the particle gaⁿ.

4.4. Elaboration and ANTITOPICS in situ

Even the most trivial elaborative or supplementary P-information, by virtue of being NEW, is FIGURE-like, even if signified by an expression whose R-information is entirely in GROUND. Ponca and Omaha bar all NEW information from postverbal expressions, regardless of whether it is P- or R-information. This may be seen in (14c). Despite the fact that the identity of the young man is clearly still an ANTITOPIC piece of information, and that the hearer has probably already inferred the content of the elaboration – he is walking along with the woman on his mind – the elaboration does not concern his identity, only his type, and is NEW to the linguistic context and a component of FIGURE, albeit a marginal one. None of the rationales for ANTITOPICS in situ – elaboration, special discourse structures, repetition and ambiguity – pose a significant difficulty for a rewording of thesis (7) as a bidirectional implication, and therefore I do so here:

(15) In Ponca and Omaha, referring expressions occur postverbally precisely whenever they refer to an ANTITOPIC.

5. Afterthoughts

The reader may have objected by now: OP are head-final and predominantly SOV, so why not analyse these postverbal referring expressions as extrasentential afterthoughts? In Somali, for instance, there are no postverbal referring expressions within the sentence: all postverbal referring expressions are afterthoughts (Saeed 1984). In the Dorsey texts we can never be fully certain that a postverbal expression is not an afterthought, because OP have null argument pronominals which confound the English afterthought test (e.g. He's foolish, your boyfriend, which would be rendered in OP as foolish, boyfriend yours the). Also, extrasentential afterthoughts are often distinguished on the basis of prosodic information, and 115-year-old texts are an unreliable source of prosodic data in general. Nonetheless, we can rely on comparative data from other OV languages. Kaiser (1999) finds that Japanese speakers position "old, non-prominent" (a good paraphrase of ANTITOPIC as in (4)) information postverbally. In Turkish, similarly, "non-activated" (NEW) referents at the right periphery are afterthoughts, while the "activated" (GIVEN) ones are intrasentential, according to Erkü (1983:154). Erkü also finds that these two patterns are prosodically discriminable, and therefore are formally and functionally distinguished. As evidence that the same discrimination can be made in the Dorsey texts, note first that there are no postverbal FOCI or TOPICS in the Dorsey texts other than the sole exception (12), and second that there are commas in the texts which offer at least a somewhat reliable source of the particular type of prosodic information we need. Observe the following:

(16) “Thazhai ki daⁿbaia hé, thékʰe ,” ábi-ama. (57.2) you.doubt when look.at DECL this.the.HORIZ said-REPORT They say she said, “If you donʼ t believe me, look at him, this one here.”

96 The referent of the underlined expression, this one here, is referred to by overt deixis with additional semantic information about his horizontal posture. Clearly, he is not an ANTITOPIC, so he should not be referred to postverbally within the sentence. But the comma indicates that this expression is an afterthought, so we can rest at ease. Indeed, while ANTITOPICS, TOPICS and FOCI all occur in comma-marked afterthoughts in the Dorsey texts, postverbal referring expressions without commas in the data refer solely to ANTITOPICS.

6. Comparative evidence

We have already seen examples from phenotypically similar languages which either diverge strongly from Ponca and Omaha in the area of postverbal referring expressions (Somali), are very similar (Japanese, Turkish), or are somewhere in the middle (Watam). Turkish probably presents the most similar case among the non-related languages. As described by Erkü (1983) and Erguvanlı-Taylan (1984), the Turkish postverbal ANTITOPIC position is functionally and formally identical to the OP position in every way but that it allows ANTITOPIC referents with elaborative information attached to them, in contrast to the phenomenon described in §4.4. The genotypically similar languages at first glance provide conflicting information. Quintero (2004) finds that the postverbal referring expressions in her data on Osage (a member of the Osage-Kansa subgroup closest related to OP) are all afterthoughts, and attributes the more frequent occurrence in Dorsey's Osage-language texts to storytelling style. Rudin (1998), however, finds that postverbal order for referring expressions is more common in conversational style than in formal registers in Omaha, so this analysis does not work for OP. Rankin (p.c.) points out that Quintero may not have distinguished between intrasentential ANTITOPICS and afterthoughts as is done here, so OP-like features may turn up if the data are scrutinised in that way. Indeed, Rankin (2005) notes that OVS is a common order for all Dhegiha languages. A more distant relative, Laota (Siouan: Central: Mississippi Valley: Dakotan), exhibits little postposition, with 0.9% occurrence of postverbal arguments in Mithun’s (1999:196) survey, compared to 20.4% for Omaha! A still more distant Siouan language, Mandan (Siouan: Central), exhibited a 0.8% postposition rate (Mithun ib), although Sara Trechter (p.c.) notes a somewhat higher occurrence in her more recently obtained data. Assiniboine, a member of the Sioux- Assiniboine-Stoney (Dakotan) dialect continuum that includes Laota, does postpose highly GIVEN information (Cumberland 2005:420), although it is not clear how frequently. The comparative evidence, tentatively, is that the Dhegiha family developed a postverbal syntactic slot for ANTITOPICS, which may have developed further in significantly disparate ways within the family. This construction distinguishes Dhegiha from the rest of Siouan, although perhaps not all of Mississippi Valley Siouan: Proto-Siouan has been decisively reconstructed as SOV (Rankin 2003:201).

7. A grammaticisation explanation

A postverbal syntactic slot for ANTITOPICS which developed in one community but not in another should have a valid grammaticisation10 trajectory, and the proposal hereunder satisfies this demand. (A comma represents a prosodic pause; parentheses are sentence boundaries.):

10 I assume a basic framework for variation, change and grammaticisation that draws i.a. on Guy (forthcoming), Hopper (1991) and Mithun (1991).

97 (17)a. Originally, only SOV existed. Speakers sometimes uttered ANTITOPICS as afterthoughts: (S O V) ~ (O V) , S11 b. This discourse pattern was pragmatically unsatisfactory, because TOPICS and FOCI could also be expressed by afterthoughts. An alternand emerged with a shorter pause, and the pause became shorter and shorter over historical time until it was gone: (S O V) ~ (O V) , S ~ (O V) S c. At this point, since no intrasentential subject expression remained in the third alternand (as noted in §5, the English afterthought test is inapplicable to OP), speakers reanalysed this structure as sentential: (S O V) ~ (O V) , S ~ (O V S) d. At this point, Grice's Maxim of Quantity (1975) pressured speakers to abandon the use of the preverbal pattern for ANTITOPICS, leaving it the exclusive domain of TOPICS and FOCI. This forced the transition from the necessary condition in (7) to the bidirectional implication in (15). At this point (O V S) had grammaticised to the acceptable syntactic pattern for intrasentential ANTITOPIC subjects (and, later, objects as well), reflecting the state of Ponca and Omaha at the time of the Dorsey texts: (O V) , S ~ (O V S)

Mithun (1999:199) claims that ambiguity may have inhibited Laota from developing an OP- like information/syntax interaction. Laota has only one definite article compared to OP’s eleven, which carry much more semantic information than Laota’s kiƞ. Mithun (ib): “[The OP definite articles’] development apparently permitted speakers of Dhegiha languages to exploit word order for pragmatic purposes more often than speakers of Lakhota, with less danger of ambiguity.” (Where, however, does this explanation leave Assiniboine, which as previously noted does exhibit postposition, but has no articles at all?)

8. Discussion

Many directions for future research and implications for extant findings will already be apparent to the reader from the literature component of §1. Note also the success with which pragmatic criteria, with little attention to formal prominence or background, have triangulated a syntactic generalisation over the data. The form-function relationship between background as a syntactic/prosodic category, and ANTITOPIC as a relational and referential pragmatic category, demands a more sophisticated understanding; and referential scales such as Gundel, Hedberg & Zacharski's (1993), Ariel's (1990) and Chafe's (1976) which explicitly distinguish the centre of attention from mere working memory are light-years beyond other scales which do not. The notion that prominent, marked TOPICS include at least some FIGURE information (which distinguishes them from ANTITOPICS) is a major departure from exclusively GROUND-oriented "aboutness" definitions such as (6), and to some extent parallels Ward's work specifying the types of functions that such topics (caveat: Ward disprefers this term) are required to embody. This notion is very easily empirically testable, and should be matched against other languages. Like Gundel's (1974) topic/comment structure and her topic definition repeated in (6), my analysis concerns sentence structure and necessarily foregrounds sentences, but is more broadly concerned with the use of these sentences within intentional speech acts. As was seen in §4.3, even high-level discourse phenomena have relational and referential pragmatic information

11 Although this trajectory is valid for both S and O, I trace here the special case of S only. There is syntactic reason to believe the development of the ANTITOPIC position may have begun with S only, and later generalised to O.

98 attached to them, with consequences for grammatical surface structure. Gordon (2008) and Jackson (2008) argue for syntactic-pragmatic models in which surface order is determined by informational, social and other high-level factors. Feist (2007), on the other end of the scale of syntactic size, applies similar distinctions within referring expressions. These methods, including analysis of both P- and R-information, should be expanded to granularities besides just sentences, and the formal consequences of TOPIC, FOCUS and ANTITOPIC structure on non-referring expressions (e.g. VP, IP, non-constituent units, etc.) certainly merit further study. Effects of pragmatic structure on surface syntax are the object of a large body of research, but explicit attention needs to be paid to reconciling the inherently non-lexically-projected nature of pragmatic structure with models of narrow syntax. As argued elsewhere (c.f. Gordon 2008 and Jackson 2008), discourse-pragmatic information interacts directly with narrow syntax, at phase boundaries, to produce observable conventions best modelled by a combination of top-down (e.g. ranked constraints or constructions) and bottom-up (lexically projected) models of syntax. Such a combined model accurately predicts a typology of languages with discretely distributed syntax-pragmatics generalisations, such as OP, and languages where this surfaces as probabilistic tendencies, such as English. For OP, it is feasible to pursue even the notion of a word order in total synchrony with information structure – TOPIC-FOCUS-ANTITOPIC is a plausible word order for OP (from which would follow the empirically testable prediction that ANTITOPIC verbs such as in (14b) prevent postposition of ANTITOPIC expressions). Good (2008) argues for a similar template, topic-predicate-focus (presumably predicate subsumes ANTITOPIC) in some Bantoid languages. On a different tact, Shibatani (2008) argues for a fully syntactic, predictable and interpretable topic position alongside and disparate from subject in the Sasak and Sumbawa (Austronesian: Western Malayo-Polynesian: Malayo-Sumbawan) subfamilies in Indonesia. Such generalisations demand serious attention from within mainstream syntax. Happily, some commentators within the Minimalist Program have begun to abandon the exclusively bottom-up approach (e.g. Frascarelli 2000, Newmeyer 2003a, 2003b, 2004, forthcoming). Another promising direction is surveying the boundaries of TOPIC, FOCUS and ANTITOPIC in different languages vis-à-vis syntactic and prosodic facts. As already seen, Turkish allows elaborative information in its ANTITOPIC position, and not all languages categorise information in exactly the same way. My coding criteria, in fact, are in part an artifact of the distribution of data in Ponca and Omaha, and may need tweaking to apply to other languages. The level of GIVENness demanded of the ANTITOPIC category might differ from language to language, as might the types of relations that qualify as CONTRASTIVE. The usage of the categories may be inconsistent across languages, but their existence is universal. There are grey areas in between FIGURE and GROUND, as well as gradient degrees of prominence in the signal. Particular analyses of the same data may differ as well: what Gussenhoven (2007) calls reactivating focus is a type of topic for most authors. Most significantly, this work challenges binaries in the literature, such as topic/comment, topic/focus, focus/presupposition and subject/predicate, which do not adequately chart observable form-function mappings. Formal and functional distinctions between TOPIC and ANTITOPIC are real; and many generalisations have failed to be captured in syntax, pragmatics and child language acquisition due to glossing over them. Implications of pragmatic statusses upon syntax and prosody are among the most difficult areas for second-language learners (and educators) to master. It is my ardent hope that these findings can be seized upon by Ponca and Omaha teachers and learners, and that the methods used can be extended to other sociolinguistic contexts involving language revitalisation or large- scale second-language learning.

99 9. Conclusion12

OP word order is discourse-configurational to a certain extent, but not to the extent attributed e.g. to Iroquoian, Algonquian and Pama-Nyungan: OP word order is not free, but rather determined by pragmatic considerations, and a rigid distinction between two types of GROUND usually conflated in the literature is crucial to describing this determination. All, and only, ANTITOPICS are referred to postverbally, and similar claims are possible with respect to TOPICS and FOCI too. There is both qualitative and quantitative support for this claim, and a plausible grammaticisation explanation (17) for the synchronic state represented in the Dorsey corpus. Repetition, special discourse structures and topic competition can override the constraint. There is an observable difference between intrasentential postverbal referring expressions and afterthoughts. Due to the discrete distribution of the data, the bidirectional implication in (15) and paraphrased in this paragraph merits inclusion in the grammar, specifically a component which interfaces between the lexically projected component (narrow syntax) and top-down constraints and/or constructions.

References

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12 Thanks to Gregory Ward, Betty Birner and Jeanette Gundel; to MALC attendees in Lawrence and to Kevin Schluter, Hiroki Nomoto, Sara Schmelzer, Paula Chesley, Mark Wicklund, Ellen Lucast, Kaitlin Johnson, Kateryna Kent and Norma Mendoza-Denton for their suggestions; and to Jordan Niebur, Roland Noear, the Niebur, Peniska and Williams families, and the Páⁿka and Umóⁿhoⁿ people.

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Author contact information:

Bryan James Gordon: [email protected]

102 Appendix C: Perspectives on Chiwere revitalization (with Jimm ThigrePi GoodTracks & Saul Schwartz)ຶ GoodTracks, Jimm Thigréi, & Bryan James Gordon & aal칀 achwartz (2016) ́erspectives on Chiwere revita칀ization. In Rldin & Gordon (2016): 133-65. (́DF) Reprinted lnder terms of Langlage acience ́ress's Creative Commons Attribltion 4.0 License (CC BY 4.0): http://creativecommons.org/칀icenses/by/4.0 The tit칀e can be down칀oaded at: http://칀angsci-press.org/cata칀og/book/94 © 2016, Jimm Thigréi GoodTracks, aal칀 achwartz & Bryan James Gordon

103 Chapter 7

Perspectives on Chiwere revitalization Jimm Goodtracks Bryan James Gordon Saul Schwartz

This chapter examines the Ioway, - Language Project’s Chiwere revi- talization efforts from three perspectives. Jimm Goodtracks provides an account of how he came to be involved in Chiwere language preservation in the 1960s and of the shifting strategies for documentation and revitalization that he has employed in subsequent decades. Bryan James Gordon presents a list of phrases in Chiwere that he prepared while living in Jimm’s household language nest in order to communi- cate with Jimm’s grandson. Saul Schwartz contextualizes the Project’s activities by describing their role within the Ioway and Otoe-Missouria communities and comparing them to strategies for revitalizing other Siouan and Native American languages. What emerges is a sense of language revitalization as a social process that involves personal dedication, support from family and friends, collaboration between linguists and community members, and a sense of responsibility to previ- ous and future generations.

1 Introduction

This chapter describes the Ioway, Otoe-Missouria Language Project’s recent Chi- were language revitalization activities. Chiwere is a Siouan language with three historically attested dialects – Ioway (Báxoje), Otoe (Jiwére), and Missouria (Ñútˆ- achi)1 – and is a heritage language for three federally recognized tribes: the

1 Ioway, as a term for an American Indian people and their associated language and culture, is also known as Iowa, as in the names of the two federally recognized Iowa Tribes. Similarly, Otoe is sometimes spelled , and Missouria can be called Missouri. Except where other- wise indicated by angle brackets (<>), all Chiwere words in this chapter are written with the orthography used by the Ioway, Otoe-Missouria Language Project, which is described on the Project’s website (Goodtracks n.d.).

Jimm Goodtracks, Bryan James Gordon & Saul Schwartz. 2016. Perspec- tives on Chiwere revitalization. In Catherine Rudin & Bryan J. Gordon (eds.), Advances in the study of104 siouan languages and linguistics, 133–165. Berlin: Language Science Press. DOI:10.17169/langsci.b94.170 Jimm Goodtracks, Bryan James Gordon & Saul Schwartz

Iowa Tribe of Kansas and Nebraska, the Iowa Tribe of Oklahoma, and the Otoe- Missouria Tribe of Indians, also in Oklahoma. Most authoritative scholarly sour- ces place the last fluent Chiwere speakers in the 1990s (Lewis, Simons & Fennig 2013; Parks & Rankin 2001). Though no fluent speakers have been identified since then, a handful of semispeakers remain, and some Ioways and Otoe-Missourias continue to use Chiwere in certain contexts. Nevertheless, most tribal members have few opportunities to hear Chiwere in their daily lives, and written Chiwere constitutes their primary form of access to the language. The Ioway, Otoe-Missouria Language Project is a community-based Chiwere documentation and revitalization effort headed by Jimm Goodtracks. Though the Project is not formally affiliated with academic or tribal institutions, ithas collaborated with both over the years. The Project’s documentary work has been funded by the National Science Foundation’s Documenting Endangered Languages program since 2007, first through a grant to the Iowa Tribe of Kansas and Nebraska to prepare a dictionary and then through a grant to the Project itself to support ongoing work on an annotated corpus.2 The Project makes its dictionary, pedagogical materials, and other resources available online through its website (Goodtracks n.d.). In addition to these public activities, the Project also supports a more private revitalization effort: Jimm’s house is a language nest, in which he raised his grandson, Sage, to speak Chiwere as his first language. During the course of their graduate studies in anthropology and linguistics, Bryan James Gordon and Saul Schwartz had the privilege of living with Jimm and his grandson. They participated in the Project’s documentary and revitalization activities as well as the household language nest. Our chapter begins with Jimm’s account of how he came to be involved in Chi- were language preservation in the 1960s and of the shifting strategies for docu- mentation and revitalization that he has pursued in subsequent decades. Bryan’s section presents a list of phrases in Chiwere that he prepared while living in the language nest in order to facilitate communication with Jimm’s grandson. Saul’s section seeks to contextualize the Project’s activities by describing their role within the Ioway and Otoe-Missouria communities and comparing them to strategies for revitalizing other Siouan and Native American languages. Our hope is that by combining our perspectives, a richer and more complex picture of Chiwere revitalization will emerge. As can be seen from what we have written,

2 Work on the dictionary was funded by NSF award number BCS-0553585 Ioway Otoe-Missouria Dictionary Project. Work on the corpus is funded by NSF award number BCS-1160665 Chiwere (ISO 639-3: iow) Audio Archive Project (CAAP).

134 105 7 Perspectives on Chiwere revitalization we are each indebted in our own ways to Bob Rankin, to whose memory this volume is dedicated, for his contributions to our work.

2 The way,Io Otoe-Missouria Language Project (Jimm)

I left Pawnee, Oklahoma, after my graduation from Oklahoma State University in May 1965 to begin my first genuine employment in social welfare and to live as an independent adult. My work in southern Colorado would initiate my course into linguistics and the committed study of our Elders’ Báxoje, Jiwére-Ñútˆachi (‘Ioway, Otoe-Missouria’) Language. I cannot really say when it was that I realized that in southern Colorado I had arrived in an encapsulated leftover corner of early Spanish colonization. The semi-arid desert was irrigated by a system of antiquated hand dug waterways that nourished small family rancheros that surrounded many aldeas (‘villages’) off the highways and produced lush green fields for small herds of cattleand sheep and individual gardens for the valley residents. The people lived in flat- roofed homes made of adobe, each having its own dug well, and some homes had archaic hornos (clay ovens still in use by the Pueblo Tribes in New Mexico). Only in the highway towns, like Alamosa, Antonito, La Jara, and Manasa, could one enjoy a city water system. The area residents referred to themselves in English as Spanish, but when speaking their antiquated Spanish, they referred to themselves as chicanos or la raza. They were said to be descendants of los conquistadores of some 400 or so years earlier, who in turn married into the Native Peoples (Utes, Apache, and Pueblos) and settled in the mountain valleys, making them their home, while the indigenous people were driven further and deeper into the mountains that are characteristic of the State of Colorado. The area was rich in radio programs in Spanish, Navaho, Taos Pueblo, etc. I was surrounded by non-English speakers everywhere. During these same years in Oklahoma, the late 1960s, I recall being around many tribal languages usually spoken by the Elders: Pawnee, Otoe, Ioway, Os- age, Ponca, Sauk, Kiowa, Creek, Cherokee, and Seminole were just a few of the languages heard frequently. There were a few monolinguals who required the as- sistance of a translator for their Native Language. It was common to hear Ponca, Ioway-Otoe, and Osage spoken and sung in prayer services, ceremonies, and con- versation at the various community dances, handgames, and prayer meetings – both in traditional Native American Church services held in tipis and in the In- dian Methodist and Indian Baptist churches. The languages were always present in ceremonials, as in the Iroshka Society, the AsaKipiriru (‘Young Dog’) Dances,

135 106 Jimm Goodtracks, Bryan James Gordon & Saul Schwartz and Pipe Blessings. It was only natural that any of us young people would have learned and used some of the Native Language of the Elders, and yet it was a knowledge all too often taken for granted. It was overspun by the lure of“fun” and partying, driving youthful passions, and the need to “fit in” for that special interaction that can only be achieved from one’s peer group. Now, as a novice social caseworker, I had arrived back in time in the immense Valle de Sangre de Cristo. The area stirred my interest in the historical, earlier times of our Oklahoma Grandfathers. I became enthralled with the uncommon culture and language of the Chicanos. A younger brother noted how similar these people were to Native People in Oklahoma. Well, not quite, but close enough. I quickly learned that young Chicanos of my age that lived in the outlying com- munities could not be relied upon to speak English or know sufficient English to carry on business. Most of their Elders had never traveled beyond the mountain ranges that surrounded the Valley. I learned to speak Spanish and thought of how I came from a small family of relatives who spoke indigenous language(s) of the Land, just as these People. And then I thought to myself: Why did I not pursue developing my limited knowledge from and with the Elders there? Thus, I was inspired to write down every word and phrase that I knew andre- membered of our Grandmothers’ Báxoje, Jiwére-Ñútˆachi Language. I arranged during my travels home to Oklahoma to spend an increasing amount of time with our old Uncles and Aunties. I asked for the words and terms for plants, trees, and articles of dance clothing. I became more interested in the personal histories of the old People, of their early days in Oklahoma, the changes they have been obliged to conform to, and their Spirituality, which saw them through their transformation from resident possessors and spiritual keepers of the land to a contemporary disparaged minority which seemingly endlessly needed to bend to the will of the dominant controlling Society. On one occasion, at the Iroshka Society ceremonial dances of the Osage in Gray Horse, Oklahoma, Mama intro- duced me to an Osage woman, saying to her: “My son is an old man made over.” She was referring to my passion to know language, old traditions, teachings, and ways, which contrasted with most adolescents, whose interest was minimal at best. During the years of 1965–1987, I worked to preserve and research the Ioway, Otoe-Missouria Language, oral tradition, history, and customs. I researched all manner of documentation on the Ioway, Otoe-Missouria culture, oral literature, language, lifeways, and ceremonials made by early explorers, fur traders, and missionaries. At the same time, I was mentored by several Elders in the Ioway, Otoe-Missouria communities and one other up in the Northern Plains.

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In 1970–1972, I received a National Mental Health Scholarship to attend grad- uate school at the University of Kansas School of Social Welfare in Lawrence. It was there that I acquainted myself with the KU Department of Linguistics and met Robert Rankin and Ken Miner. I attended the Siouan and Caddoan Languages Conference and met John Koontz from Colorado. I learned that these three men had done extensive research and fieldwork in the Kansa, Quapaw, Omaha, and Winnebago [Ho-Chunk] communities. Through their personal and professional association, they provided me with much insight into the study of academic lin- guistics and how it could be useful in community or applied linguistics. They provided assistance for my personal work with the Ioway-Otoe Language and Elders of both communities that I had begun about 1965. Bob and John were particularly helpful in showing how linguistic analysis of words provides insight into the grammar of the language and the construction and root meanings of words. The utility and exactness of linguistic orthography was pointed out to me. When I began serious work on a corpus dictionary for the language, I would share files with them and seek their advice and recom- mendations for more complete entries. After I worked out an acceptable stan- dard orthography with my Elder informants and advisors, I intended to include a word sounding out such as was the common practice among community mem- bers. One of the community Elders wrote a brief dictionary in the 1970s of words and phrases in this folk manner (Murray 1977). For example, he wrote as in the first column of Table 1: Table 1: Murray’s (1977) orthography compared with Ioway, Otoe-Missouria Lan- guage Project orthography.

Murray orthography English Goodtracks orthography knee ‘water’ ñí the-gray ‘footprint’ thígre wah-yeeng-eh-the ‘yellow bird’ wayíŋe dhí khoo-me-khan-jay ‘big stink’ xúmi xánje

Since the communities had become accustomed to view their language written in such a format, I began to include duplicate dictionary word entries in a similar manner. However, Bob Rankin advised that this double format was inappropri- ate and a disservice to the people and language per se. He remarked how many of the younger community people had already undertaken the study of other

137 108 Jimm Goodtracks, Bryan James Gordon & Saul Schwartz languages, such as Spanish, French, etc., and at the outset, they were obliged to learn the particular alphabet and phonics of the particular language. Thus it fol- lowed that language students need to learn the standard language orthography based on a linguistic model. He spoke to the imperfect, changing nature of using English phonics as a model for unwritten indigenous languages, which results in incorrect pronunciations and enunciations of words and spoken conversation. Also, he pointed out that to write indigenous languages in such a “Morse code” manner was to demean the languages as being something less than the highly developed and complex languages that they are, the equal of any of the contem- porary dominant languages that presently exist. Observations among the people in the communities gave truth to his admonition, as there were heard and still persist mispronounced words and simply incorrect phonetics. In the summer of 1971, while still in graduate school at KU, I engaged the ser- vices of a professional linguist at Kansas State University, Lila Wistrand-Robin- son, who secured a grant for a study of Ioway, Otoe-Missouria Language with the Elders. She produced a lexicon and a set of basic and intermediate level lan- guage study books, which were published in the 1970s and combined my personal research with her own (Otoe and Iowa Language Speakers with Lila Wistrand- Robinson 1977a,b). The materials were distributed gratis to the students andfam- ilies of the three Ioway, Otoe-Missouria communities. Meanwhile, I continued to work on my own dictionary files. During July 1985, the Otoe-Missouria Johnson O’Malley Program, after being referred to me by several local Elders, employed me to instruct the children in the summer program on the Báxoje-Jiwére Language. A number of the children had been raised in the presence of their grandparents and were familiar with words and phrases from the language. I utilized word games based on such pop- ular games as Bingo and developed songs designed to teach numbers. I used the tune from the old racist nursery song “One little, two little, three little Indians,” and replaced the words with Iyáŋki, núwe, dáñi nampóiñe ‘One, two, three little fingers’. Then we practiced basic oral conversations. From that time, various individuals have engaged me in several capacities to as- sist them to learn the songs, language, and the traditional teachings and lifeways of the Elders (traditional stories, sweat lodge, Native American Church, etc.), in which I was mentored over a period of thirty years. On several occasions, the Otoe-Missouria Tribe asked me to return and provide language classes for the community. Meanwhile, through the years, I compiled a collection of wékaⁿ (traditional stories) and developed comprehensive dictionary files, which combined my own knowledge of the language with that of tribal Elders and manuscript sources go-

138 109 7 Perspectives on Chiwere revitalization ing back to the 1830s (Goodtracks 1992 – present). In 2002, I was asked to provide an introduction to the Báxoje Language in White Cloud, Kansas, in conjunction with the annual Baxoje Fall Encampment held every September by the Iowa Tribe of Kansas and Nebraska, and I was encouraged afterwards to continue the ses- sions at several locations, including in Lawrence. In 2003, Bob Rankin and John Koontz encouraged me to write a grant proposal to develop my dictionary files into an online encyclopedic dictionary that would serve as a resource for the Native communities and the work of professional lin- guists. Bob and John both wrote letters in support of my proposal. The proposal was awarded a grant, and I commenced to edit my files into full entries for both sections of the bilingual dictionary. And during 2004–2005, I partnered with Marge Schweitzer, a retired Oklahoma State University anthropologist, to trans- fer the aging, deteriorating cassette recordings of the Elders to a digital format, which provided an opportunity to edit and correct various flaws and errors in the original books for basic and intermediate Ioway-Otoe language study (Otoe and Iowa Language Speakers with Lila Wistrand-Robinson 1977a,b). The cassettes for the first book followed the original material closely but not so the remaining cas- settes, which contained previously undocumented materials. Thus all additional words, phrases, and the same contained on these recordings were added to newly written bilingual booklets (Goodtracks 2004a,b). By this time, I had retired from my social welfare career, and in 2005, I un- expectedly became the legal guardian and adoptive parent of my grandson. I resolved to have a language nest for him as, to date, after all the community classes, programs, and highly vocalized encouragements to “Talk Your Native Language,” there were no new speakers to be found anywhere (new speakers be- ing defined as individuals who daily communicated in the community heritage language). So I spoke nothing but Báxoje to my grandson, reading to him and telling stories to him in Báxoje, and when he began to speak, he spoke nothing but Báxoje. It is his first language. My family encouraged and supported my efforts, and they would speak to him as well as assist in his care. In the summer of 2008, Bryan Gordon, a graduate student, volunteered to assist with the work on the dictionary edits. In the course of staying with us that summer, he too learned to speak in Báxoje with my grandson and wrote an interesting and comical list of “Phrases in Báxoje Ichˆé Indispensible to Living with a Three-Year-Old”. (See the list at the end of §3.) In 2009, the Siouan and Caddoan Languages Conference was held at the Uni- versity of Nebraska – Lincoln campus. One of the Ho-Chunk community partici- pants from Wisconsin desired to compare the relative closeness between Báxoje

139 110 Jimm Goodtracks, Bryan James Gordon & Saul Schwartz and Ho-Chunk languages. Thus, he proceeded to say Ho-Chunk words tomy grandson. My grandson did not comprehend his exercise with the word com- parisons. So when the individual said, “súúch” (‘red’), Hiⁿtágwa (‘my grand- son’) replied: “Hiñego (‘no’), šúje,” correcting his pronunciation to the Báxoje word. Again, the person said “woonáⁿžiⁿ” (‘shirt’), and my grandson responded, “Hiñego, wónayiⁿ,” he corrected him. “Warúch” (‘eat something’), the man said. “Hiñego, warúje,” my grandson continued to correct him and so on. The Ho- Chunk delegate thought it amusing, as did I. Following the conference, another graduate student, Saul Schwartz from Ohio, who attended graduate school at Princeton University in , volunteered to stay the summer. He assisted me with the dictionary edits and also with the home schooling of my grandson. He had prepared himself before arriving by learning basic conversation in Báxoje, and he continued to hone his capacity to speak and understand the language during that summer. For home-schooling classes, he continued with several materials I had developed and composed, then he added other purchased learning aides, such as lettered blocks, dice, picture books, and innovative books and drawings. He became a “big brother” of sorts, and a constant companion for Grandson, taking him on walks, bike rides, and swimming pool visits. He preferred that I continue to sing the teaching songs, such as “Iyáŋki, núwe, dáñi nampóiñe” (‘One, two, three little fingers’) and the “ABC Uyáⁿwe” (‘ABC Song’). Saul returned the following summer to continue his assistance and take on a new mission, namely field research on Native language study and regeneration. When Grandson was about four years of age, he had noticed that he was the only child speaking Báxoje, and adults outside the immediate family who he was aware could speak some Báxoje-Jiwére would invariably talk English to him rather than speak whatever they knew in the language. Thus, he acquired basic English, and he began to speak it more often than he would his first language. Nevertheless, for some years afterwards, he would often approach me with new English words he heard spoken and ask: “What do they mean when they say ‘diarrhea’? Say it in Báxoje!” So I would respond: “Tahéda rayéthri raˆúⁿna.” “Ohh, ok, pí ke,” he would respond upon comprehending the new word. Now, it is not so much that he asks, but still every now and then, he will ask. Fur- ther, every day I continue to speak in part in Báxoje, his first language. And we continue to use it as a part of family gatherings and prayer ceremonials, such as in the YúgweChí (‘Purification Lodge’) and Wanáxi Kigóñe (‘Spirit Feasts’). The language does not have the prominent place in the home as it did in Grandson’s

140 111 7 Perspectives on Chiwere revitalization preschool years, but it remains a permanent presence in the home. He is now ten years old. Initially, I had pursued this language interest to satisfy my own knowledge. Later, I desired to have knowledge of the Ioway-Otoe Elders for the benefit of my family and my children. And now I desire to record and share the knowledge I keep as a resource in print for the younger generations that may desire to know about their heritage and language. The Elders are all gone on, and my own gen- eration grows older and fewer. I am now seventy-two. So, it will be good when the taped voices of those traditional Elders have been saved in order to instruct the contemporary and unborn generations. And that will be my final project and contribution to the late Elders, the communities, and those individuals who are inspired to speak the language in the manner of their great-grandparents. I, Jimm G. Goodtracks, on October 29, 2014.

3 Phrases in Báxoje Ichˆé Indispensible to Living with a Three-Year Old (Bryan)

In the summer of 2008 Hiⁿtáro (‘my friend’)3 Jimm Goodtracks hired me to assist his work on his Báxoje, Jiwére-Ñútˆachi, Maˆúŋke (‘Ioway, Otoe-Missouria, En- glish’) dictionary. He was raising Itágwa (‘his grandson’) Sage Goodtracks, then three years old, in Báxoje Ichˆé. Out of respect for the immersion environment, and out of my love for languages stretching back to when I was Hiⁿtóšge’s (‘my nephew’s’) age, I committed to doing my part. I created this list as a practical guide and a learning tool for myself, checking a lot of it with Hiⁿtáro along the way, but not all of it. It needs many corrections yet. Hiⁿtáro and Saul requested the list for inclusion in this chapter. I had originally posted it on a social-media site popular at the time and it was lost, so it was a relief that it could be turned up again. What you see in the following lists of phrases at first glance reads more author- itarian than a person ought to be with a child. This is because I usually added to this list during the workday, during which Hiⁿtóšge (‘my nephew’) provided me with constant company and friendship, plenty of play breaks, walks, shared meals, and many teaching and learning opportunities – but I also wished to stay productive and offer alternative behaviors often. I used the praising phrases more often than the critical ones. I feel bashful at putting phrases invented byanon- fluent learner out in publication, and disclaim that I learned more about Báxoje

3 See §4 for further explanation and interpretation of the Báxoje kinship terms employed.

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Ichˆe from Hiⁿtóšge’s and Itúgaⁿ’s (‘his grandfather’s’) corrections than from my faulty practice. To my recollection, the section breaks here reflect those in the original, but they are not consistently thematic, so I have not titled them. I was probably trying to maintain a sort of thematic structure while adding new phrases on the fly. Instead of reorganizing, I’ve kept the section breaks where they were.

“Hiñégo, míne wáˆuⁿnachi mínahiⁿ bé re hó.” (‘No, please leave me sitting alone because I am working.’) Phrases in Báxoje Ichˆé Indispensible to Living with a Three-Year-Old Wabúhge hiⁿñíŋe ke. ‘I’m out of bread.’ Ritúgaⁿ igwáⁿxe re. ‘Ask your grandfather.’ Inúhaⁿ Ritúgaⁿ ahósege škúñi ne. ‘Don’t talk to your grandfather that way again.’ (lit. ‘Second time your grandfather don’t talk saucily to him.’) Wapópoge škúñi ne. ‘Don’t throw stuff around.’ Wójiⁿ škúñi ne. ‘Don’t hit.’ ˆÚⁿ škúñi ne. ‘Don’t do that.’

Raˆúⁿ ramáñišge rakíchˆe hñašgu. ‘If you keep doing that you might get hurt.’ (Chúⁿhaⁿwe) Táⁿgrigi gasúⁿ wanáⁿxi ñíŋeñe ke. Gasúⁿ yáⁿ híwe re. ‘Now there are no ghosts outside (the window), so go to sleep now.’ Arábechi maⁿgrída mína hñe ke. ‘Since you threw it up there, it’s going to stay up there.’ Gasúⁿ srudhéda asríⁿ jí re. ‘Ok, now go and bring that back here.’

Wáˆuⁿ hamína ke. ‘I’m working.’ Dagú raˆúⁿ je? ‘What are you doing?’ Dagúre raína (je)? ‘What are you eating?’ Dagúrehsji ragúⁿsda (je)? ‘What exactly do you want?’ Dagúre uráje je? ‘What are you looking for?’ Wagísdóxi škúñišge srúdhe škúñi hñe ke. ‘If you don’t ask for it you won’t get it.’ Wayére (je)? ‘Who is that?’ Dagúra (je)? ‘What is it?’ Wé? ‘What⁉’

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taⁿdáre iwéhiⁿnegi je? ‘Where did you put my [horizontal] ?’ taⁿdáre iwéjehiⁿnegi je? ‘Where did you put my [vertical] ?’ taⁿdáre iwénahiⁿnegi je? ‘Where did you put my [round] ?’ Úⁿnekˆuⁿ hagúⁿta ke. ‘I want you to give it back.’ Rixráñi je? ‘Are you hungry?’ Ridáxraⁿ je? ‘Is that too hot for you?’ Ñí srátaⁿ ragúⁿsda je? ‘Do you want to drink water?’ Pagráⁿda agúje wórataⁿ hñe ke. ‘First you have to put on your shoes.’ Dókirašdaⁿ. ‘Just a little.’

Iyáⁿkišdaⁿ. ‘Just one.’ Hókithresdaⁿ. ‘Just half a piece.’ (Wabúhgehgu / Warókˆiⁿ / núxechebáñi / chebáñiwébri) ragúⁿsdasge Ritú- gaⁿ iwáⁿxe re. ‘If you want (cookies / pie / ice cream / cheese) go ask your grandfather.’ Yáⁿ híwe ragúⁿsda je? ‘You want to go to bed?’ Išdáⁿ richˆéšge ke. ‘You must be tired.’

Urídusˆadaⁿna ke. ‘I’m getting fed up with you.’ Wayíⁿ uríxwáñi ke. ‘You’re crazy.’ (lit. ‘Your mind fell down.’) Xápˆa re. ‘Quiet down.’ Amína ne. ‘Sit down.’ Uyéchi wará je. ‘Go to the bathroom.’

Dá. ‘I don’t know.’ Gasúⁿda áñiⁿ ke. ‘I already have it.’ Dagúre šé asríⁿ je? ‘What do you have there?’ Wáji hadúšdaⁿ ke. ‘I already ate.’ Waráji iríbraⁿ ke. ‘You’ve already eaten enough.’

Áta ihádušdaⁿ ke. ‘I already saw that.’ Raˆúⁿna aríta ke. ‘I already saw you do it.’ Gasúⁿda ihápahuŋe ke. ‘I already know that.’

Pi raˆúⁿ ke! ‘You did good / well!’ Ɉo! ‘Watch out!’

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Námañí huhe ke. ‘There’s a car coming.’ Nabráhge: “Šuⁿkéñi chéxi ke,” ériwana ke. ‘That sign says there’s a danger- ous dog.’ Náˆuⁿ asrúchena náwe úⁿkˆuⁿ ne. ‘Give me your hand when you cross the street.’ Xámi amáñi ne. ‘Walk on the grass.’ Danáñida chínada hiⁿwámañi ke; héroda eswéna hiⁿné ho. ‘We walked into town yesterday. Let’s go maybe tomorrow.’ Háⁿwe Waxóñidaⁿ naⁿkérida Jíwere Ñútˆachi Wóyaⁿwe hiⁿnáwi hiⁿnúš- daⁿwi ke. ‘We already went to the Otoe-Missouria Encampment a week ago.’ (lit. ‘We already went to where the Otoe and Missouria sing a Sunday into the past.’) Háⁿwegi míšdaⁿ hamáñi hajé. ‘Today I’m going for a walk by myself.’ Ríˆe jegí ramína hñe ke. ‘You stay here.’ Aréhga je? ‘Are you telling the truth?’ / ‘Are you serious?’ / ‘Is that so?’ Hiⁿwáha re. ‘Show me.’ Náⁿje giwáha re. ‘Go show your uncle.’ (lit. ‘father / father’s brother’) Chúgwa jí re. ‘Come back inside the house.’

Axéwe šgáje re. ‘Go play outside.’ Núwerútˆana amína re. ‘Go play on your bicycle.’ Grúya re. ‘Clean up.’ Rixúmi ke aréchi kipídha re. ‘You smell bad, so go take a bath.’ Šé miⁿtáwe ke; ritáwe škúñi. ‘That’s mine, not yours.’ Wagúñetáⁿiⁿ wanáⁿpˆi hiⁿnágirusdajena rusdáⁿ ne. ‘Stop pulling on my rainbow necklace.’

Gaˆída. ‘Over there.’ Akína ne. ‘Wait.’ / ‘Watch out.’ Gasúⁿhsji ke. ‘Right now!’ Tóriguⁿ. ‘[See you / Not until] Later.’ Uxré. ‘Soon.’ Náhehiⁿna gigré re. ‘Leave me alone.’ Ruhdá skúñi re. ‘Don’t touch that.’ Ritúgaⁿ nigírixogešge ke. ‘Your grandfather might scold you. ’ Ritúgaⁿ uhágidagešge ke. ‘I’ll tell your grandfather.’

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Húⁿche. ‘Yes.’ Hiñégo. ‘No.’ Ahó. ‘Hi there.’ / ‘Thanks.’ / ‘Good.’ / ‘Ok.’ / ‘I acknowledge that.’ Ahó warigróxi ke. ‘Thank you very much.’ Pi ke! ‘It’s good.’ / ‘Wow, cool!’ / ‘Ok.’ Pi je? ‘Is that good?’ Ripí je? ‘Are you okay?’ Daríhga? ‘How are you?’ Pí škúñi ke. ‘That’s bad.’ Wayíⁿthwe skúñi ke. ‘You’re misbehaving.’ Uwáreri škúñi ke. ‘I didn’t understand you.’ Gasúⁿ ke. ‘Enough!’ Rúšdaⁿ ne. ‘Stop it.’ Dákaⁿhina uránadhena rúšdaⁿ ne. ‘Stop turning the light off and on.’ Áⁿwithruje škúñi ne. ‘Don’t squirt me.’

Jehéhgana šéhe ke. ‘I told you so.’ Gasúⁿ srúšdaⁿ ke. ‘Ok, you’re done.’

4 Strategies and challenges in Chiwere revitalization (Saul)

In this section, I would like to provide a broader context for understanding the Project’s activities by describing their role within the Ioway and Otoe-Missouria communities and comparing them to strategies for revitalizing other Siouan and Native American languages. Following a long process of domain contraction, Chiwere was used primarily in religious contexts by 1950 (Davidson 1997; Furbee & Stanley 1996; 2002). This resonates with my own observations since I began working with Jimm in 2009. Besides interactions explicitly framed as language learning (e.g. tribal language classes), I have seen and heard Chiwere used for endonyms, salutations, valedictions, alimentation (especially water and common or traditional foods), elimination, kinship terms, personal names, and tribal pro- grams. Some tribal members incorporate Chiwere into their personal or profes- sional activities, especially if they are involved in art, music, and/or activism.4

4 Examples of tribal programs with Chiwere titles include the Otoe-Missouria tribal newsletter, Wórage: Stories of the People, and the Iowa Tribe of Oklahoma’s eagle sanctuary, Bah Kho-je

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Nevertheless, as in many Native American communities (see e.g. Kroskrity 1998), ritual contexts are the most prestigious domains for Chiwere and other indigenous language use for Ioways and Otoe-Missourias, including in Native American Church meetings, ceremonial dances (e.g. Iroška), sweat lodges, and personal prayers. Since access to these activities can be limited or restricted, not all tribal members are exposed to Chiwere in these settings; furthermore, participants themselves do not always know the meaning of the Chiwere words they use or else they memorize their meanings (see e.g. Davidson 1997: 520–521). The association between Chiwere and religious settings has fostered asense that the language itself is sacred and that its circulation should be restricted like the distribution of other kinds of ceremonial knowledge (Davidson 1997). As a result, tribal members have few or no opportunities to hear or use Chiwere in their daily lives unless they have family members who make a special effort to use the language on a regular basis or participate in language classes. Currently, two of the three tribes for whom Chiwere is a heritage language have active language programs that offer classes and other educational resources: the Iowa Tribe of Kansas and Nebraska, whose language program is directed by the Tribal Historic Preservation Officer, Lance Foster, and the Otoe-Missouria Tribe ofIn- dians, where Sky Campbell is the tribal language coordinator. One strategy for reversing language shift in such contexts involves expand- ing the domains available for heritage language use. Jon Reyhner’s (1999: vii) adaptation of Fishman’s (1991) Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale, for example, measures vitality in large part by whether a language is used in com- munal public spaces like educational and governmental institutions, businesses, and mass media. Jimm and his counterparts in tribal language programs try to raise awareness about language preservation by making Chiwere more visible in public places and encouraging people to use it more often. The last time I visited the Iowa Tribe of Kansas and Nebraska’s offices, for example, Lance had putup signs in Chiwere identifying different offices and the restrooms. Sky has made similar signs for the Otoe-Missouria offices, and stop signs in the tribal complex parking lot are also in Chiwere.5 The Ioway, Otoe-Missouria Language Project has pursued a similar strategy of increasing Chiwere’s public presence. For example, the Project designed and printed a tee shirt that includes a beadwork-inspired floral design, the Chiwere

Xla Chi (Báxoje Xrá Chí). For examples of Chiwere use by individual tribal members, see art, essays, and websites by Lance Foster (1989; 1996; 1999; 2009; n.d.[a],[b],[c]), an album by artist and musician Reuben Kent (2004), Jones (2004), and Brett Ramey’s (n.d.) website. 5 I am told that the Iowa Tribe of Oklahoma also has Chiwere signage in their offices.

146 117 7 Perspectives on Chiwere revitalization endonyms for the Iowa, Otoe-Missouria, and closely related Ho-Chunk peoples; an image of an elder and a child wearing ceremonial dance clothes and a sentence in Chiwere that translates, ‘The language honors our elders and teaches our chil- dren.’ The Project also designed mugs that include the Chiwere phrase for ‘Ilove my coffee’ with the image of an Oneota-style ceramic vessel superimposed over a medicine wheel.6 In both cases, these objects were designed to set up educational interactions through question and answer routines. Since both objects include only Chiwere and no English text, those who do not know Chiwere have to ask someone who does if they want to know what the tee shirt or mug “says.” When I have mod- eled the tee shirt at powwows and been approached by curious tribal members, Jimm has used the opportunity to explain the shared histories of the Iowa, Otoe, Missouria, and Ho-Chunk peoples and to discuss the aesthetic principles and symbolism of floral designs. Similarly, when I have witnessed interactions sur- rounding the coffee mug, Jimm has explained that the Chiwere word for ‘coffee,’ mákaⁿthewe, literally means ‘black medicine,’ just like the word for ‘tea,’ xámi mákan, literally means ‘herb medicine.’ This often leads into a discussion oftra- ditional notions of medicine, healing, substance abuse, etc. To take a more humorous example, Jimm’s license plate reads DAGWISA, the Chiwere word for ‘What did you say?’ When people approach Jimm to ask about his license plate, a typical dialogue goes something like this: “What does your license plate mean?” “What did you say?” “I said, what does your license plate mean?” “What did you say?” etc. While in this example the Chiwere language token does not appear in a cul- turally significant environment, it is still designed to promote an interactional context involving Jimm, who uses the opportunity to impart grammatical and cultural knowledge. Bringing Chiwere out of religious settings and into the public sphere also car- ries risks. One of the primary dangers is that the language may lose its indexical associations with the traditional cultural values that motivate its revitalization in the first place. This is a phenomenon that other scholars have described for Tlingit and other Alaskan Native languages (Dauenhauer & Dauenhauer 1998),

6 Oneota refers to an archaeological culture ancestral to a number of historical groups, including the Iowa and Otoe-Missouria. Some tribal members claim elements of Oneota culture as part of their cultural heritage, e.g., in Oneota-style ceramics by Ioway artist Reuben Kent (n.d. Rundle & Rundle 2007). Members of related Siouan groups, such as the Omaha, also see themselves as descendants of Oneota communities (Buffalohead 2004).

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Apache (Nevins 2013; Samuels 2006), Elem Pomo and other California Indian languages (Ahlers 2006), Kaska (Meek 2010), and Maliseet (Perley 2011). Some communities, particularly in the Southwest, restrict the circulation of language materials in order to prevent the decontextualization of heritage languages from what are considered to be proper settings and forms of language use (Deben- port 2015; Whiteley 2003). Jimm’s language revitalization strategies represent another approach to the problem of decontextualization: rather than limiting access to language materials, Jimm promotes the circulation of materials that associate Chiwere with other symbols of traditional Ioway and Otoe-Missouria culture (e.g. the tee shirt and mug described above) and resists the circulation of materials that associate Chiwere with what he believes are dominant society practices and values. Translation requests are one domain in which Jimm exercises discretion in order to control the cultural associations of Chiwere language tokens. Jimm of- ten receives requests to calque English idioms – for example, ‘Go green!’ (for a tribal environmental awareness program); ‘I ♡ boobies!’ (for tribal breast-cancer awareness bracelets); ‘Bigg Rigg’ (for fans of Otoe-Missouria mixed-martial-arts fighter Johny “Bigg Rigg” Hendricks); and ‘They are in a Warthog’ (aphrase used in playing the video game Halo7). These requests are often met with am- bivalence since they are seen as having no connection with traditional culture, and Jimm often declines to provide translation services for efforts that would increase Chiwere language use if he believes that such use would undermine traditional values. Once, for example, a tribal member sent Jimm a list of English terms that she wanted translated into Chiwere. The list focused on terms for genitalia and bodily functions that are considered “bad words” in English. Jimm declined to provide the requested translations since he felt that the corresponding Chiwere terms lacked the negative associations of their English counterparts and worried that English speakers would project those associations onto the Chiwere terms. Many tribal members also believe that there are no “bad words” in Chiwere. Thus, swearing is one domain of language use where there is considerable resistance to using Chiwere. (For a description of an inverse situation, where an indigenous language is used almost exclusively to swear, see Muehlmann 2008.) In a simi- lar vein, Jimm’s response to the request to translate ‘I ♡ boobies!’ for a tribal breast cancer awareness program included a long description of traditional atti- tudes toward sexuality, which he felt ran counter to the slogan’s sexual innuendo. Jimm was also concerned by the request to translate phrases used in playing the

7 Warthog is a type of vehicle in the game.

148 119 7 Perspectives on Chiwere revitalization video game Halo, which was intended to enable tribal members to communicate in Chiwere while playing the game. When I explained to Jimm what Halo is (a first-person shooter, i.e., a rather violent video game), he expressed reservations that Chiwere be associated with it and replied to the request by saying: “If I can- not contribute to peace and harmony, what the old people called wapána, then I cannot contribute at all.” Jimm’s responses to these translation requests reflect the attitudes of some tribal members who have strong views about appropriate and inappropriate con- texts for Chiwere language use. Occasionally, mere proximity between Chi- were and objectionable content can trigger concerns. Once, Jimm and I were approached by an elder who objected to Chiwere language lessons being posted on YouTube by a tribal member whose account also linked to music videos that contained suggestive and/or violent imagery. The elder was also concerned that the language lessons, which featured the voice of her deceased relative, were now publically available to unrestricted audiences. Of course, younger genera- tions, particularly those who live far from tribal reservations, may appreciate the increased access to their heritage language that online platforms like YouTube provide, and they may have no qualms about viewing a Chiwere language lesson followed by a popular music video. The challenge of giving an endangered heritage language a wider public pres- ence while maintaining its traditional cultural associations is one faced by many working to revitalize Siouan languages. For example, a request on the Siouan List to translate a line from Alice in Wonderland (“curiouser and curiouser, cried Al- ice”) for a polyglot compilation produced multiple responses. While some found the intellectual challenge of translating a Victorian neologism into Siouan lan- guages intriguing, others were less receptive to the request because of its per- ceived triviality and irrelevance to Native American communities. Bryan wrote: “It’s a more distinguished request than pet names8 and such, but it’s not the kind of translation work I would prefer to spend my time on. Why don’t people ask us to translate Microsoft Word or a K-12 curriculum or something important?” (Gordon 2014). Jimm concurred: “I have other priorities and am unclear on the need for [a translation of] the particular quote from a story which has nothing

8 Requests, many from non-Native people, to translate names for pets and children or stock English phrases into Siouan languages are so common that John Koontz (2003a) posted his general responses to such questions on the FAQ section of his website. Once, he was even asked (presumably as a joke) for a Native American name for an RV; he responded in kind with Hotanke, an Anglicized spelling of the Dakotan word for the Winnebago [Ho-Chunk] people, from one of whose English names the Winnebago brand of RVs took its name (Koontz 2003b).

149 120 Jimm Goodtracks, Bryan James Gordon & Saul Schwartz in common with Native American Culture…. To spend time on the translation of materials that have no immediate application to the language communities is nonsensical and, for my part, a waste of time” (Goodtracks 2014). Willem de Reuse shared his general guidelines for responding to such requests: “One has to pick and choose. If it is short and culturally appropriate, I generally agree to it…. Then other requests have to be nixed, like the set of ‘Spring Break’ phrases I once was asked to translate, things like ‘I am so drunk,’ and ‘Where is the bath- room?’ ” (de Reuse 2014a). As de Reuse (2014b) explained, part of the reason he objected to translating spring-break phrases is because the translations could be circulated in a way that would trivialize indigenous languages. In short, most linguists and activists working on Native American language revitalization face the question of what exactly is a “culturally appropriate” application of a her- itage language – and how to prevent indigenous languages from appearing in culturally inappropriate contexts. One solution to this problem is to embed heritage languages in contexts rich with other traditional cultural symbols. The tee shirt and coffee mug described above are two examples.9 Another example is a board game produced by the Kaw Nation language department, Wajíphaⁿyiⁿ, which Jimm and I adapted for Chiwere and played with his grandson and other relatives. The game encourages players to imagine themselves as camp criers, who move among the traditional moieties of the tribe answering vocabulary questions to accumulate clan counting sticks (Kanza Language Project 2004). Many pedagogical materials produced for Siouan languages also qualify as culturally rich to the extent that their content addresses traditional themes (e.g. Hartmann & Marschke 2010; Kanza Language Project 2010). Chiwere pedagogical materials, for example, feature late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century photographs of Ioways and Otoe-Missourias in tradi- tional dress and emphasize speech genres like prayer and oral histories of el- ders (Otoe and Iowa Language Speakers with Lila Wistrand-Robinson 1977a,b). Debenport (2015) notes that a “nostalgic” mood also permeates many Pueblo ped- agogical materials. Jimm’s dictionary also emphasizes a connection between Chiwere and tradi- tional cultural practices and values by including elaborate encyclopedia-style en- tries for terms with particular cultural significance. The entry for mihxóge, for example, begins by giving a range of more or less word-for-word English trans-

9 Many other materials produced by the Project also seek to embed language in culturally rich environments. In the past, for example, the Project has published calendars with historical photographs and the names of the months in Chiwere (Goodtracks 1985). The Otoe-Missouria Tribe recently published a similar calendar (Otoe-Missouria Language Department 2014).

150 121 7 Perspectives on Chiwere revitalization lations for the term, including “blessed person; a spiritual person or intermedi- ary; gay, lesbian, homosexual, bisexual; two spirits person; transvestite; trans- sexual; berdache” (Goodtracks 2008: 6). Following the standard definition field is a long note that begins with a more literal definition of the word as “an indi- vidual who has some natural female-like aspect of their character, personality or nature, which is of a mysterious divine origin” based on a morphological analysis of mihxóge as derived from miŋe, indicating a feminine quality, xóñitaⁿ, which refers to something sacred, blessed, or mysterious, and -ge, a suffix that indicates an innate or natural gift, ability, or state (Goodtracks 2008: 6). The note then frames this analysis as a reflection of a traditional understanding of homosexuality associated with the elders, who respected mihxóge as spiritual leaders. The note includes quotations from elders (“They are waxóbriⁿ [‘holy’], and they kinda know that and use it,” and, “They’re not crazy. They just got that born in them. Born in their nature,” etc.), which are interpreted for readers in relation to current social conditions (Goodtracks 2008: 7). The note contrasts the elders’ traditional views with Judeo-Christian attitudes, in which homosex- uality may be seen as a choice or sin. The note also suggests that returning to traditional views would enable mihxóge to once again cultivate “their dormant ‘medicine powers’ and abilities” for the benefit of all (Goodtracks 2008: 7). The note concludes with a final quotation from an elder who gives instructions on how to behave toward mihxóge: “Talk to them, be good to them and that’s all. But don’t hurt them – it’ll come back on you. They got medicine.” (Goodtracks 2008: 7) Thus, through a series of metapragmatic framings, the dictionary identifies the semantics of mihxóge (as reflected in its morphological composition) with its ancestral and potential future pragmatics. In other words, in defining the word mihxóge, the dictionary also teaches readers a set of traditional attitudes and behaviors associated with the elders. Jimm’s desire to include the kind of information that readers could use to live the language in this way, which reflects a commitment to meet the needs of community audiences as well as linguists, explains some of the dictionary’s unconventional formatting. Jimm’s language nest (discussed in more detail below) provided an opportu- nity for me and other participants to live the language. Within the language nest, for example, we never addressed or referred to each other as “Jimm,” “Sage,” or “Saul.” Instead, we always put a kinship term before the proper name. This is evident in Bryan’s preface to his list of Chiwere phrases, where he refers to Jimm as Hiⁿtáro ‘my friend’ and Itúgaⁿ ‘his [Sage’s] grandfather’ and to Sage as Itágwa ‘his [Jimm’s] grandson.’ When I first came to live with Jimm and his grandson,

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Jimm explained to me that it is impolite to address someone without a kinship term that expresses a consanguinal, affinal, or “fictive” relation because relat- edness is the basis of Ioway and Otoe-Missouria society. Historically, families in Ioway, Otoe-Missouria, and other Native American communities often made strangers, including anthropologists, into relatives through adoption (see e.g. Kan 2001). Jimm locates the origin of such practices in clan origin myths, which describe how clans met each other and formed larger societies by establishing re- lationships in which they refer to each other as hiⁿtáro ‘my friend10.’ Like Bryan, I refer to Jimm and his grandson, and they to me, as hiⁿtáro. Sometimes I refer to Jimm’s grandson as hiⁿthúñe ‘my little brother’, since after all these years hehas become like a little brother to me. By using these kinship terms with each other, we foster and express relationships that have become part of our lives as lived. The examples of mihxóge and hiⁿtáro reflect how the Project and language nest link Chiwere language with cultural values and social action. Of course, just as restricting Chiwere to religious settings limits opportunities for language use, associating the language exclusively with a nostalgic concep- tion of “traditional culture” risks alienating those who struggle to see how a her- itage language could be relevant to their modern lives. Linguists have noted on the Siouan List that some community members reject games as productive learn- ing activities in language classes because the language is “sacred” or oppose col- orful pictures and contemporary vocabulary in pedagogical materials because they are not “traditional” (de Reuse 2014b; Ullrich 2014a,b). Similar attitudes have been described for other Native American languages: Moore (1988: 463– 464) mentions an example of how everyday talk in Wasco has become “mythol- ogized” and subject to restrictions once applied only to a specific set of myths. Clearly, an exclusive association between indigenous languages and “sacred” or “traditional” domains may present an obstacle to revitalizing languages as means of everyday communication. In short, while language revitalization seeks to create new opportunities for heritage language use by adapting the language to current conditions, this quest for relevance is tempered with the recognition that codes can become disasso-

10 In the clan origin myths, this relationship is established through formal gift exchange and pipe ceremonies. Itáro also refers to what are known as Indian friends in certain varieties of American Indian English, in which two people are bound to each other by mutual ritual obligations. Between Jimm, his grandson, and me, the semantic sense of the term is closer to the English word friend since we are not bound to each other by ritual obligations, but our pragmatic use of the term to address or refer to each other differs from the conventional English usage of friend in a way that reflects how Ioways and Otoe-Missourias use kinship terms to express the social and cultural value of relatedness.

152 123 7 Perspectives on Chiwere revitalization ciated from the traditional values that motivate their revitalization in the first place. If what we care about is not only preserving linguistic diversity (in the sense of grammatical structures) but also preserving distinctive cultural world- views and lifeways, we will have won the battle while losing the war if people are learning and using heritage languages primarily to participate in activities associated with the dominant society. As an Apache bilingual teacher wonders, if children are only learning how to use Apache to order a cheeseburger, what’s the point? (Samuels 2006: 551) Revitalizing Chiwere, Apache, and other endan- gered Native American languages seems to require a balance between enabling language learners to order cheeseburgers or play video games and encouraging them to pursue a deeper engagement with ancestral cultural traditions that they will simultaneously transmit and reinvent for future generations. A second danger that accompanies attempts to make heritage languages more visible in public spaces is that the languages tend to be used as emblems of indige- nous identities without actually producing speakers (Ahlers 2006; Dauenhauer & Dauenhauer 1998: 98; Whiteley 2003: 715). This reflects the fact that as much as some language-revitalization efforts are motivated by a desire to reconnect community members with aspects of traditional culture, they are also informed by a thoroughly modern, nationalist notion of the role of language in political and social life (Kroskrity & Field 2009; Nevins 2013). In other words, people are not necessarily interested in learning the language; rather, they may want to display the code in order to accomplish nonlinguistic symbolic goals. It is often disappointing for linguists to discover, for example, that people may want a dic- tionary of their heritage language to have, but rarely if ever to take off the shelf to read. Community language classes also have a tendency to serve symbolic and social needs rather than being effective in producing speakers. A sense of disillusionment with community classes and other forms of lan- guage use that affirm identities but rarely produce speakers is common among linguists who work on Siouan languages. In an interview, for example, Bob Rankin told me that accurate documentation is more important than pedagog- ical materials for producing new speakers:

So, if we get it right, those of us who are lucky enough to have been able to work with this last group of speakers, then the materials will be available to future scholars, or I always hope that —. You know, every 10,000 kids there’s some language genius who’s born, there’s some little kid who can just pick up languages, and I was one of those, so I know they exist. And there’ll be some little Kaw kid or some little Omaha kid who’ll pick this up and just attack it hammer and tongs and actually learn it someday. I’m

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not one of those people who optimistically believes that language-retention programs or language-teaching programs are going to resuscitate these lan- guages. People are too busy to learn languages. Language learning is not easy for most people. It’s hard work. Everybody wants to know a foreign language, but nobody wants to study a foreign language, and I completely understand that from all those Romance irregular verbs that I had to memo- rize, but the materials will be there. If the tribe needs them, if scholars need them, they’ll at least be there.

Bob presents himself here as something of a messianic realist: he distances him- self from “optimists” who believe that classes will produce adults who learn their heritage language as a second language and instead emphasizes the importance of documentation, which will allow those with a gift for picking up languages to teach themselves. Similarly, as Jimm points out above, the inspiration for his language nest came in part from his disillusionment with community language classes and similar programs that produced a substantial discourse about the importance of lan- guage revitalization but failed to produce new speakers who used the language on a daily basis. A disconnect between discourse supporting language preser- vation and a lack of effective action to reverse language shift is unfortunately a common phenomenon (see e.g. Dauenhauer & Dauenhauer 1998). Like Bob, Jimm has focused on documentation in recent decades. “Even if no one is interested now,” he told me, “it will all be there in the dictionary for anyone who comes along and wants to learn.” In addition to putting more energy into documentation, Jimm also established his home as a language nest, in which he raised his grandson to speak Chiwere as his first language. The term language nest originates from and is a translation of a Māori language revitalization program called Te Kōhanga Reo, which focuses on early-childhood language immersion (King 2008). Te Kōhanga Reo inspired similar programs in Hawai‘i (Warner 2008; Wilson & Kamanā 2008) and other indigenous communities in North America and beyond. Whereas Te Kōhanga Reo and similar programs are usually communal or corporate in nature, Jimm’s language nest is domestic and includes only Jimm, his grandson, and graduate students who have lived with them, such as Bryan and myself. Jimm’s household is the only one I know of where Chiwere is used as a pri- mary language of communication and is one of the few places where Chiwere is spoken on a regular basis at all. White Cloud (or Chína Maxúthga, as we called the small town where we lived) is near the reservation of the Iowa Tribe of Kansas and Nebraska. Chiwere had not been a native language there for many

154 125 7 Perspectives on Chiwere revitalization years. One of the last fluent speakers, Arthur Lightfoot, was born there in 1902, but he moved to Oklahoma in 1935. When he died in 1996, he was one of two or three fluent speakers left and the only one of his dialect. The townitself, named after an Ioway chief, runs from the banks of the Missouri River upinto the neighboring bluffs. It was a regional center of commerce and culture during the steamboat era, and the downtown district is listed on the National Register of Historic Places for its “sense of historic time and place as a nineteenth century river town” (Wolfenbarger 1996: 1). For that reason, a few scenes from the film Pa- per Moon (Bogdanovich 1973), set in Great-Depression-era Kansas and Missouri, were filmed there. Today, the area feels like a ghost town. From a population of 1,000 or so in 1868, the 2010 census reported 176 residents, almost 20% Native Americans. Abandoned buildings and houses outnumber those permanently or seasonally occupied. When cars come through, they are usually on their way to the nearby reservation bingo hall and casino. The town is only busy twice ayear for semiannual flea markets, but at the last one I went to, in 2012, I heard people complain that numbers were down because vendors and shoppers prefer to go to markets in towns closer to where they lived. For many years, Jimm only spoke to his grandson in Chiwere, and Jimm told me that Bryan had done the same when he had lived with them for a summer. Since everyone else spoke to his grandson in English, however, his grandson had become bilingual and would use English unless addressed in Chiwere, which did not happen outside the home. Before I went to live with them, I prepared as well as I could to be a productive participant in their language nest. I made and memorized a few hundred flashcards, studied pedagogical materials, memorized Bryan’s list of “Phrases in Báxoje Ichˆé Indispensible to Living with a Three-Year- Old,” and walked around campus listening to Chiwere recordings on my iPod. The first summer, I spent a lot of time with Jimm’s grandson. We werefriends since there were few other children around and none that knew or seemed in- terested in learning Chiwere despite our proximity to the reservation. He was also my primary language teacher. I knew more grammar, but he knew more words, so I would constantly ask him for the names of things: “Dagúra? Jéˆe ráye dagúra? Séˆe dagwígana je?” (‘What is it? What’s the name for this? What do they call that?’). During a walk through the woods, I asked about the Chiwere word for ‘leaf’, which got us confused as we tried to sort out náwo ‘path’, náawe ‘leaf’, náwe ‘hand’, and núwe ‘two’. Since we only communicated in Chiwere, we often played in relative silence. When we went to the playground, wewould chase each other and jab each other with our fingers. We did not jab each other hard, but the person who was jabbed was supposed to yell, “Ow, pahíⁿ, gíchˆe

155 126 Jimm Goodtracks, Bryan James Gordon & Saul Schwartz ke!” (‘Ow, that’s sharp, it hurts!’). Or, we would climb to the top of the slide and ask each other what we saw: “Díno xáñe arásda je?’ (‘Do you see a big dinosaur?’), he would say. “Húⁿje, áta ke,” I would say. (‘Yeah, I see it.’) Our Chiwere repertoires consisted primarily of play routines and household phrases. ‘Good morning.’ ‘Pass the salt.’ ‘Have you seen my keys?’ ‘Where’s the dog?’ ‘Good night.’ In novel situations, we communicated with varying degrees of success through a combination of Chiwere, English, and body language. My own oral Chiwere skills peaked quickly that summer because Jimm and I usually spoke to each other in English. The topics we discussed were often technical (related, for example, to the formatting of dictionary entries, computer issues, and the like), and neither of us felt comfortable addressing them in Chiwere. From time to time we would talk about talking more in Chiwere with each other, but we never kept it up for long. After the first summer, I returned and lived with Jimm and his grandsonon and off for two years during my fieldwork. I volunteered to help home school his grandson in Chiwere. Chiwere is the first language he learned to read. When we began matching letters to sounds, his favorite activity was going through the consonant and glottal stop combinations: kˆa, kˆe, kˆi, kˆo, kˆu. One problem was that there were only two books in Chiwere for us to read. One, called Hó Gíthige, was a story about an uncle and nephew going fishing that Jimm translated from Lakota. The other was Mischíñe na Náthaje, a wékaⁿ (‘myth’) Jimm had hand- illustrated. His grandson was soon bored of reading those two books over and over. On the math side, I was able to teach addition and subtraction in Chiwere but had a hard time trying to explain more advanced topics like multiplication or division. Pressures to improvise gave our Chiwere novel features, including codeswitch- ing and lexical and grammatical innovation. For example, Jimm’s grandson would say “Wanna sgáje?” for ‘Do you wanna play?’ We were also forced to come up with new words for a number of household objects, some of which found their way into Jimm’s dictionary. When Jimm’s grandson wanted something to drink, he would say “Dagúra sráhdaⁿ?” which means ‘What do you want to drink?’ He associated this phrase with receiving something to drink because this is what Jimm would ask him before giving him something to drink. Jimm’s grandson was unaware that rahdaⁿ and other ra- initial verbs follow an irregular conju- gation pattern for first- and second-person forms. Sometimes, I responded by saying what I wanted to drink rather than giving him something to drink to try to help him understand that sráhdaⁿ is a second-person form – that is, I would

156 127 7 Perspectives on Chiwere revitalization respond to the semantic rather than pragmatic meaning of his utterance. He would say, “Hiñégo, míˆe hasráhdaⁿ!” (‘No, me, I-you-drink!’), hasráhdaⁿ being an ungrammatical form that includes both the regular first-person prefix ha- and the irregular second-person prefix s-. Jimm’s grandson seems not to have recog- nized the irregular pronoun prefixes at all and thus treated the s- as part of the word for ‘drink’. Moore (1988) describes a similar tendency to lexicalize already inflected forms as stems available for further inflection among younger speakers and semispeakers of Wasco. One challenge that faced the language nest was a lack of reinforcement be- yond the household. All of Jimm’s grandson’s favorite television shows, movies, and books were in English, and he could rarely if ever use Chiwere to communi- cate with anyone besides his grandfather, Bryan, and me. Once when we visited another reservation to help Head Start teachers incorporate Chiwere into their classrooms, the tribal language coordinator asked Jimm’s grandson to say some- thing in Chiwere. “Won’t you say a little something?” he said. “Even a word or two?” Jimm’s grandson just stared at him with a shy smile and shook his head. “He doesn’t do performances,” Jimm said, “he uses the language to commu- nicate.” Unfortunately, Jimm’s grandson had few opportunities to communicate in Chiwere outside the household, and supporters in the community treated him as something of a spectacle. Others expressed concern that his language acqui- sition would be delayed or that he would never learn to speak proper English. Over time, Jimm’s grandson began speaking to me in English even when I would address him in Chiwere, and I incorporated more English into the home school. We were just as likely to read Harry Potter as Hó Gíthige and Mischíñe na Náthaje, and all our math was in English, which suited me well because my Chiwere abil- ities found their limit in trying to explain multiplication and division. Chiwere went from being the medium of instruction to a special subject. As Jimm puts it, Chiwere may not have the prominent place that it once did, but it is still a permanent presence. Reflecting on my experiences, Jimm’s language nest has much in common with other home-based attempts to revive languages that are no longer spoken. One of the most famous examples of language revival, often presented as an inspira- tional model to indigenous communities whose heritage languages are “sleeping” (see Hinton 2008), is Hebrew. According to the popular narrative of Hebrew re- vival, Eliezer Ben-Yehuda, a late nineteenth-century Zionist, raised his children to be the first native speakers of modern Hebrew. For the previous 2,000 years, Jews had studied Hebrew for religious purposes but used vernacular languages for everyday communication. In the beginning, Ben-Yehuda’s own Hebrew skills

157 128 Jimm Goodtracks, Bryan James Gordon & Saul Schwartz were less than fluent, and his lexicon lacked terms for many household objects and activities. Thus, when he wanted his wife to prepare a cup of coffee, “he was at a loss to communicate words such as ‘cup,’ ‘saucer,’ ‘pour,’ ‘spoon,’ and so on, and would say to his wife, in effect: ‘Take such and such, and do like so, and bring me this and this, and I will drink.’” (Fellman 1973: 37–38) Over time, however, Ben-Yehuda came up with words to fill these gaps. Furthermore, family friends urged Ben-Yehuda and his wife to speak other languages to their children because they feared that they would grow up unable to speak at all (Ben-Avi 1984: 50–53). Like Ben-Yehuda’s household, Jimm’s language nest also involved dealing with gaps between communicative goals and abilities, innovating lexi- cal and grammatical forms, and resisting external pressure to speak dominant languages.11 There are also parallels between Jimm’s household and a more recent case:the revival of Miami, an Algonquian language, which was labeled “extinct” when the last fluent speaker died in the 1960s. In the 1990s, however, Daryl Baldwin, a tribal member, learned Miami from historical documentation and then taught his wife and four children. Like Jimm and his grandson, the Baldwins also lived in a rural area and home-schooled their children in order to create some sepa- ration from outside influences. Nevertheless, all of the Baldwins are bilingual and bicultural. The family’s language is characterized by a focus on domestic topics, relatively simple grammar, and changes from classical Miami reflecting some influence from English as well as lexical innovation. The Baldwins agreed to use Miami with each other whenever possible, but in practice around 30% of their conversation time was in Miami, though there was considerable variation depending on the topic (Leonard 2007: 14). Leonard argues that the Miami case shows the reclamation of sleeping lan- guages as languages of daily communication is possible, but he is careful to note that the measure of success in the Baldwin household is not Miami language flu- ency. Instead, the goal is to develop language proficiency as a means of enhanc- ing the family’s connection to traditional worldviews and their modern Miami identities. Daryl Baldwin refers to the goal as “cultural fluency” (Leonard 2007: 36–37; 2011: 139–140).12

11 While Ben-Yehuda plays a central role in popular accounts of Hebrew revival, the emergence of modern Hebrew was a complex process that went far beyond his efforts (Harshav 1999). Nevertheless, his household still provides an interesting comparative context for examining home-based strategies for language revival. 12 Another example of a similar language nest can be found in the documentary film We Still Live Here (Makepeace 2011), which addresses efforts by Jessie Little Doe to teach her daughter Wampanoag. Accounts of household language nests by Baldwin, Little Doe, and others are included in the recent edited volume Bringing Our Languages Home (Hinton 2013).

158 129 7 Perspectives on Chiwere revitalization

Similarly, Jimm’s goal was never for his grandson to speak only Chiwere for- ever. Jimm expected his grandson to switch to English as his primary language of communication but hopes that his life will always be enriched by Chiwere language and associated cultural traditions. Like Leonard, my experience living in a household working to revive an indigenous heritage language has led me to believe that such efforts are entirely possible, especially when the heritage lan- guage has a strong connection to distinctive cultural practices and values, when there is a collective commitment within the household to use the language for communication as often as possible, and when there is an openness to the new words and grammatical structures that arise when speaking a language that has not been spoken for many years. A supportive broader community or state ap- paratus may be necessary for language revival on a large scale, but much can be accomplished by an individual “language genius” or family if they dedicate themselves to the task.

5 Conclusion

In this chapter, we have tried to present a multifaceted account of the Ioway, Otoe-Missouria Language Project’s Chiwere revitalization activities, including personal accounts of our motivations and histories, a textual artifact from Jimm Goodtracks’ Chiwere language nest, and a broader context for understanding how the Project’s approach compares to other approaches to language revitaliza- tion in Siouan communities and beyond. There is no way to tell what the future for Chiwere and other sleeping Siouan languages will hold. As our accounts demonstrate, successful language revitaliza- tion often depends on a fortuitous and potentially fragile combination of individ- ual dedication, support from family and friends, collaboration with linguists and communities, and a sense of responsibility to previous and future generations. In the words of the Ioway, Otoe-Missouria Language Project’s mission statement, the goal of the Project is “to share in part the Elders’ desire to continue their language and traditional culture and knowledge,” but “ultimately, it is the role of each descendant to continue it further among their own family and relations.” Hó, Náwo Pí ramáñišge tahó! May you walk a good road!

159 130 Jimm Goodtracks, Bryan James Gordon & Saul Schwartz

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164 135 Appendix D: Information-structural variations in Siouan languages Gordon, Bryan James (2016) Information-structural variations in Siouan languages. In Rudin & Gordon (2016): 395-425. (PDF) Reprinted under terms of Language Science Press's Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License (CC BY 4.0): http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 The title can be downloaded at: http://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/94 © 2016, Bryan James Gordon

136 Chapter 16

Information-structural variations in Siouan languages Bryan James Gordon

Most previous information-structural analysis on Siouan languages has been frag- mentary and based on incommensurable definitions and frameworks. A corpus study drawing on transcribed and recorded utterances from languages in all ma- jor branches of Siouan represents a first step towards generalizable and practi- cal knowledge of the morphosyntactic and intonational indices of information- structural categories in Siouan languages. This study focuses on variations pre- viously noted in the literature – intonational marking and demarking, postverbal arguments, reduction of referring expressions, OSV word order and switch-topic markers.

1 Introduction

The formal linguistic record offers excellent, comprehensive documentation of morphological, syntactic and phonological structures in Siouan languages. The documentary record of those forms’ functions and meanings, however, is hit-and- miss – fragmented, uncomprehensive, and characterized by individual linguists’ often incommensurable functional analytical frameworks. Most of us documen- tary linguists, in fact, have been trained to seek out, describe and privilege de- scriptions of context-free levels of semantic meaning, and our work has less to say about the meanings that emerge in and create our linguistic and social con- texts, which may well be the most important types of meanings to community- based language-reclamation projects which try to adapt and use our work. The work I present here, while not free of its own analytical framework, attempts to rectify this situation by providing a comprehensive albeit partial description of one area of functional variation in form – information structure – based on a largely qualitative corpus study sampling data from nine Siouan languages. Most, if not all, previous descriptions of Siouan grammars have had something to say about information structure. Rudin (1998), Koontz (2003) and Eschenberg

Bryan James Gordon. 2016. Information-structural variations in Siouan languages. In Catherine Rudin & Bryan J. Gordon (eds.), Advances in the study of siouan languages and linguistics137 , 395–425. Berlin: Language Science Press. DOI:10.17169/langsci.b94.179 Bryan James Gordon

(2005) provide grammar/discourse analyses of specific features of Umoⁿhoⁿ Iye (Omaha). Graczyk (1991: 242–260) and de Reuse (1994) describe the functions of noun incorporation in Apsaalooke (Crow)1 and Lakota, respectively. Rood offers analyses of presupposition (1977) and variation between definite articles (1985), also in Lakota. Kaufman (2008) offers some information-structural analysis of Taneksą (Biloxi). Wolvengrey (1991) describes a switch-topic marker (a “focus” marker in his terms) in Rų’eta (Mandan). Issues of “oldness”, “emphasis”, “topic” and “focus” surface in various formal grammars including Cumberland’s (2005) Nakʰon’i’a (Assiniboine) and Boyle’s (2007) Hidatsa grammar. Ingham’s (2003) work is a notably comprehensive discourse-analytical approach to information- structural variations in Lakota. These works, however, generally focus on a single phenomenon, and do not all situate themselves as relevant to a more general field of information-structurally meaningful variation. Here I adopt a unifying toolkit which allows us to consider, compare and ex- tend previous findings under a common metalanguage. My hope is not toar- gue for or against previous analysts’ theoretical or methodological goals, or my own, but to make possible a more coherent and useful conversation about Siouan information-structural variations for a variety of audiences, including but not limited to theoretical linguists and community-based language-reclamation pro- grams.

2 Method

For this study I coded interlinear text from nine languages, and audio data from four, a corpus comprising the majority of text and audio available to me at the time of study in 2009. These languages span the four branches of the Siouan language family, including all three subbranches of the large Mississippi Val- ley Siouan subfamily: Rų’eta; the Southeastern Siouan language Taneksą; the Missouri Valley Siouan languages Hidatsa and Apsaalooke; and the Mississippi Valley Siouan languages Nakʰon’i’a, Lakota, Umoⁿhoⁿ Iye and Paⁿka Iye (Om- aha and Ponca), Ho-Chunk, and Baxoje Ichˆe and Jiwere Ichˆe (Ioway and Otoe). Of these I was able to access audio data in Hidatsa, Umoⁿhoⁿ Iye, Baxoje Ichˆe

1 I use autonyms where available for language names, providing the English colonial name in parentheses only on first mention. It should not be assumed that the autonyms have thesame reference as English colonial names. “Mandan”, for example, refers to a group of related vari- eties of which Rų’eta is only one. Where the English name is reasonably close in both form and reference to an appropriate autonym, as in the case of “Lakota”, “Ho-Chunk” or “Hidatsa”, I use the English name.

394 138 16 Information-structural variations in Siouan languages and Ho-Chunk. My sample, although representative of genetic diversity within the Siouan family, is not balanced across considerations of genre, time period or other sociolinguistic factors. These sources and the speakers who produced them are listed, with an utterance or page count, under “Primary resources” be- fore the references at the end of the chapter. I coded each primary resource for formal variation (intonational, segmental and morphosyntactic criteria summa- rized in §2.2–§2.3) and information-structural function (criteria summarized in §2.1). Some of these resources I coded in their entirety; in others (e.g. Dorsey 1890) I simply sampled a few works, attempting to capture multiple genres. I also drew many examples for this paper from secondary resources, and they are cited as such when they occur.

2.1 Information-structural coding procedure The following is a condensed version of my coding criteria. My criteria are drawn with some modification from the Givenness Hierarchy (Gundel, Hedberg & Zacharski 1993) and Ward & Birner’s (2001) framework, with attention towards commensurability with other frameworks. Because commensurability is one of my objectives, I do not use the terms “given,” “old,” “topic” or “focus” without specifying modifiers and definitions. I am the sole coder, so I have no intercoder reliability measure for these criteria, but it may be noted that I was applying Gundel’s criteria in the Minnesota Cognitive Status Research Group2 at the time this study was conceived, and that we achieved 85% intercoder reliability. All errors and misapplications are my own.

(1) a. Code a form as a link if its referent stands in a poset relation with a salient or inferrable alternative. See Ward & Birner (2001: 121) for examples, and cf. the categories of contrast and restriction in Erteschik-Shir (2007). Forms coded as links are underlined. b. Code a form as recoverable if its referent is an attention-central entity or an inferrable predicate. These categories are operationalized as in Gundel et al. (1993; 2010), but I replace Gundel’s term in focus with attention-central to avoid confusion with relational focus. A referent is attention-central if its utterer can assume that her audience is consciously attending to it (cf. continuing topic in Erteschik-Shir 2007, and highly accessible in Ariel 1990). A referent is inferrable if the discourse model at time of

2 The Minnesota Cognitive Status Research Group was funded by a National Science Foundation grant, A cross-linguistic study of reference and cognitive status (BCS0519890, PI Jeanette Gundel).

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reference gives ample and recoverable evidence for its validity (if a predicate) or existence (if an entity). Such evidence may be logical, narrative, stereotypic or based on general cultural knowledge. Forms coded as recoverable are italicized. c. Code a form as a relational topic or relational focus if its referent stands in a directed relation (i.e. a relationship of semantic scope like quantification, or pragmatic/framing scope in the sense of Goffman 1974, e.g. stage topics, scene-modifiers, activating topics, extragrammatical mentions, unactivated definites, deixis, “aboutness” and “predication-of”). Relational topics are forms whose referents take scope, and relational foci are forms whose referents are under scope. Forms coded as relational topics are followed by a right angle bracket >, while those coded as relational foci are followed by a left angle bracket <.

Example (2) diagrammatically represents the coding marks as they are pre- sented in all examples taken from primary sources:

(2) link recoverable relational topic > relational focus <

2.2 Intonation-structural coding procedure Armik Mirzayan (2011) has developed a ToBI coding protocol (cf. Pierrehumbert 1980; Beckman & Pierrehumbert 1986; and Pierrehumbert & Hirschberg 1990) for Lakota, but at the time of this study no such protocol was available, so I developed one myself. This section principally includes the basic description and justification of the protocol I developed; precise coding criteria have been omitted for length considerations and are available on request. I was able to establish consistent criteria for identifying the standard array of prosodic phrase levels – the accent phrase (AccP), the intermediate phrase (IntP) and the intonational phrase (IP) – in all four of the sampled languages. Accent phrases in all four languages maximally consist of a low-high-low contour in which either the high point or the high-low fall is accorded greatest prosodic prominence. Such contours are represented in ToBI notation as LH*L, and all four languages have them, although the first L tone in particular is often absent. Intermediate phrases in all four languages consist of one or more accent phrases followed by a phrase accent, either !H or L; and intonational phrases in all four languages consist of one or more intermediate phrases followed by a boundary

396 140 16 Information-structural variations in Siouan languages tone, either !H% or L%. The exclamation point before H phrase accents and bound- ary tones indicates downstep: I found no evidence of upstepped H phrase accents or boundary tones in any of the four languages. My protocol was designed to cover four languages (Umoⁿhoⁿ Iye, Ho-Chunk, Baxoje Ichˆe and Hidatsa) rather than one, and so is shallower and less detailed than Mirzayan’s. The simple apparatus sketched here is designed to capture high- level intonational variations across Siouan languages, and should not be taken as evidence that Siouan intonational structures are simple. Besides Mirzayan (2011) see also Larson (2009) on Umoⁿhoⁿ Iye for richer descriptions of intonational variation in particular Siouan languages.

2.3 Selection of formal variants of interest In information structure and intonational structure I have begun with high-level, a priori coding categories and attempted to apply them to the entire corpus. In deciding which formal (morphosyntactic and segmental as well as intonational) variations to correlate to information structure, however, I have made no such attempt. Instead, I have specifically looked at some of the formal variations in previous descriptions of Siouan languages: postverbal arguments (§3.2); degrees of reduction of noun phrases or referring expressions, from zero reference to “determiner drop” and noun incorporation (§3.3); OSV word order (§3.5); switch- topic markers (§3.6); and intonational processes of “marking” and “demarking” which surfaced during my ToBI coding (§3.4 and §3.1, respectively).

3 Findings

3.1 Deaccenting I use the term deaccenting to describe intonational variations in which a given word or string of words may be realized either with or without the H* pitch- accent head of an AccP. The variant without the pitch accent is the deaccented variant. This term implies that the accented variant is canonical. Bolinger (1986: 100) makes this explicit: “[A] neutral sentence accents all content words, … and a non-neutral or marked sentence would be one in which one or more words have been deaccented.” Every audio resource I coded has examples of deaccenting, and all examples of deaccenting signal a recoverable referent. In example (3), Umoⁿhoⁿ Iye speaker Clifford Wolfe, Sr., deaccents the strings kʰi égithe ‘and so it happened that’ and

397 141 Bryan James Gordon ahí ‘arrived there’. Both are absorbed into the LH*L contour of the AccP headed by weáhidexti ‘truly far’: (3) Shkóⁿ-tʰe wasékoⁿ, kʰi égithe weáhidexti ahí.3 shkóⁿ-tʰe > wasékoⁿ < kʰi égithe weáhidexti [L H* L] [L !H* L] L [L H* L movement-the fast and it.happened.that ahead.really ahí < ] L L% arrive.there.prox ‘She was moving fast, so it happened that she got pretty far ahead.’ In example (3) and in other audio examples, I provide a ToBI line under the information-structural coding and above the gloss line. Here, AccP’s are repre- sented by square brackets. IntP’s are recognisable by their pitch accents outside square brackets, and the IP by its boundary tone. For this example, I also provide a Praat (Boersma & Weenink 1992) screenshot, but omit it from subsequent examples due to space considerations. In the screen- shot, the blue line is the pitch contour in Hz, and the green line the intensity contour in dB.4 The ToBI line in my Praat annotations is simplified relative to the ToBI line in the examples presented in this paper. Glosses in the Praat anno- tations are provided at the IntP level, which is a technique I use to simulate the intermediate-level prosodic chunking present in the audio.

Figure 1: Praat screenshot corresponding to example (3)

In example (3), two sections have been deaccented and absorbed into the L tones that bound an adjacent H* phrase accent. Both have been coded as recov-

3 Rudin field tapes 4 It should further be noted that the blue line, being a computed estimate of pitch, is not sufficient evidence for any ToBI coding criterion, but must be accompanied by impressionistic auditing.

398 142 16 Information-structural variations in Siouan languages erable: kʰi égithe because it is a frequent discourse marker that is likely always recoverable in narrative. The predicate ahíi is inferrable given immediately pre- ceding references to motion, speed and distance. We may distinguish between “true” deaccenting, as in example (3), where the deaccented part of the pitch contour is either flat or very slowly declining, and “weak” deaccenting, as in example (4), where Mr. Wolfe uses a compressed ver- sion of the LH*L contour. We are looking at níkshiⁿga, whose ToBI line is anno- tated with (LM*L). This is because the pitch range of this contour is compressed within a range smaller than the pitch range of the L tone in the adjacent AccP, so that it is realized as something more like (LM*L) than a full [LH*L] AccP.

(4) Hiⁿbéazhi-tʰe égithe, táxti sí-tʰe, thiwágazui níkshiⁿga.5 hiⁿbé-ázhi-tʰe égithe > táxti sí-tʰe thiwágazui [L H* L ] !H [L H* L] [L !H* L] [L H* L moccasin-not-that it-happened-that deer foot-that notice-prox níkshiⁿga (L M* L)] L L% person ‘The man noticed that she was not wearing shoes, but rather had thefeet of a deer.’

Mirzayan (2011: 121–123) presents similar compressed AccP’s in Lakota. This phenomenon may suggest a continuous process at work, in which the degree of accenting in AccP’s is continuously gradient. Such a process would challenge the usefulness of a discrete annotation system like ToBI for capturing deaccenting phenomena in Siouan languages. If this scale from “true” to “weak” deaccent- ing corresponds to variation in information-structural function, however, my coding criteria have not captured it. Instead, all types of deaccenting I have de- scribed signal recoverability of referents. This finding is entirely dependent on my methodology, however, and the area of gradient deaccenting and potential information-structural corollaries needs to be investigated further. In short, all the audio resources I coded display deaccented forms, and all such forms have recoverable referents.

3.2 Postverbal arguments Since all Siouan languages canonically position verbs after their arguments, the syntactic status of postverbal arguments is controversial. All Siouan languages at

5 Rudin field tapes

399 143 Bryan James Gordon very least permit postsentential referring expressions to clarify one or more ver- bal arguments, but grammarians have varied in accepting postverbal arguments as elements of the same sentence (cf. Rudin 1998; Mithun 1999; Ingham 2003: 76; Cumberland 2005: 421; Boyle 2007: 292–293; Gordon 2008). My attention to deac- centing phenomena in this study may shed light on this question and enabling language workers to distinguish between those postverbal arguments which are clearly “outside” the sentences and those which are more likely “inside”. Accented postverbal arguments (those which are pronounced with the [LH*L] contour of an AccP) typically have nonrecoverable referents. Instead, they clar- ify uncertain information, providing new information about both entities and predicates. (See Graczyk 1991: 103 for a relevant discussion on Apsaalooke af- terthought.) Accented postverbal arguments are usually separated from the verb not only by an AccP boundary but by a prosodic break (i.e. an IntP phrase accent or IP boundary tone). In example (5), Baxoje Ichˆe speaker ThigréPi concludes an IntP on ráye uⁿkˆúⁿñeˆsuⁿ ‘they gave me a name’, as seen in the L phrase accent, here evidenced by early and sustained low pitch. Then he adds another IntP in pronouncing the postverbal argument Baxóje ráye ‘a Baxoje name’:6

(5) Woxáñi migragáñiˆsuⁿ, ráye, ráye uⁿkˆúⁿñeˆsuⁿ, Baxóje ráye.7 woxáñi migragáñiˆsuⁿ < ráye < ráye uⁿkˆúⁿñeˆsuⁿ < [L H* L L] [L H* L L] [L H* L L] cherished me.their.named.now name name me.give.pl.now Baxóje < ráye [L !H* L L] L% Ioway name ‘They named me as a cherished one, a name, they gave me aname, Baxoje name.’

Deaccented postverbal arguments, in contrast – like níkshiⁿga in example (4) – are not separated by prosodic breaks, and signal recoverable referents. Example (6) is a useful model of the relationship between postverbal arguments and re- coverability in general. Hidatsa speaker Helen Wilkinson says kúahe ‘this’ first in preverbal position when it is not recoverable, and then in postverbal position when in the second sentence (with the form kúac it is recoverable):

6 Square brackets in the ToBI line here refer to IntP boundaries rather than AccP boundaries as previously. 7 ThigréPi in Goodtracks (2004)

400 144 16 Information-structural variations in Siouan languages

(6) Kúahe aku-iháaraci. Maapúkšaruxpáaka wáahaapʰaak ráahaa’he ita-arukiwé’ kúac.8 kúahe > aku-iháaraci < Maapúkšaruxpáaka wáahaapʰaak ráahaa’he Here.this different.sorta Snake.People raid go.caus.that ita-arukiwé’ < kúac their.story.tell here.this ‘This is a different story [from the story of the Bird Woman]. Thisisthe story of the Shoshone raid.’ There are some examples of multiple postverbal arguments. In example (7),I present two. In example (7a), Helen Wilkinson first gives us the recoverable post- verbal argument maa-iháa’š ‘the enemy’ before then further specifying Waapúk- šaruxpáaka’š ‘the Snake People’. Although the two phrases share the same entity referent, the function of Waapúkšaruxpáaka’š is to supply a predicate which is not inferrable at this point in the discourse model, so Waapúkšaruxpáaka’š is coded nonrecoverable (one of the few unseparated by commas which I coded nonrecoverable). In example (7b), however, the telling of the Baxoje legend of Béñeiŋe recorded by Gordon Marsh (1936) displays two postverbal arguments. Here the two are not coreferent, nor are they in the same argument relation to the verb, and they are both recoverable. (7) a. Hii šee awá ihtúutiru ú’šiak káawarec maa-iháa’š Waapúkšaruxpáaka’š.9 hii šée awá > ihtúutiru ú’šiak káawarec < maa-iháa’š and that ground hill.base.at arrive.ss be.there.pl.ne enemy.pl.def.the Waapúkšaruxpáaka’š < Snake.People.pl.def.the ‘And the enemy, the Shoshone, were on that ground, having gotten to the base of the hill.’ b. Nahésge, igwáhuŋa súŋe Béñeiŋe.10 nahésge > igwáhuŋa < súŋe Béñeiŋe be.if his.know horse Béñeiŋe

‘And so the horsei recognized hisi [owner] Béñeiŋe.’ Without audio we can’t be sure whether the apparent double postverbal argu- ments are really all part of the same utterance, but it makes sense to speculate

8 Parks, Jones & Hollow (1978: 18: 1) 9 Parks, Jones & Hollow (1978: 22: 26) 10 Marsh (1936)

401 145 Bryan James Gordon that, of the two, Ms. Wilkinson’s example (7a) is more likely to involve a major prosodic break than the Baxoje Ichˆe example (7b). In written transcripts for which no audio is available, I found the transcriber’s comma a somewhat useful index of prosody – and recoverability. Many of the postverbal arguments I coded – like Ms. Wilkinson’s in example (6) – were not separated by commas from preceding material. Although transcriber’s commas may somewhat reliably correlate with IntP or IP boundaries as annotated in ToBI, we cannot be too sure of how strong this correlation is. Still, nearly all of the post- verbal arguments not separated by commas had recoverable referents. Presence of a comma, on the other hand, does not seem to reliably predict recoverability of the referent. Not all languages (or speakers) are alike with respect to the frequency of post- verbal arguments. I found many examples of postverbal reference to recoverable entities in Taneksą, Rų’eta, Hidatsa, and Umoⁿhoⁿ Iye and Paⁿka Iye texts, and very low rates in Ho-Chunk and Apsaalooke texts – but still nearly all of the post- verbal arguments in the Ho-Chunk and Apsaalooke texts I coded had recoverable referents. All the languages I looked at allow at least some use of postverbal argu- ments to refer to recoverable entities. In some languages, like Umoⁿhoⁿ Iye and Paⁿka Iye, this use may be (or have been) obligatory. In Gordon (2008), I sampled 51 continuing topics in Umoⁿhoⁿ Iye and Paⁿka Iye and found 42 of them were referred to postverbally. Of the 9 preverbal, most were within repeated colloca- tions. This suggests that in some languages recoverable referents not only can be referred to postverbally, but must in most contexts. To summarize, all the languages in this study make use of postverbal argu- ments, although they vary in frequency. Even without audio data to distinguish between deaccented and accented postverbal arguments, the strong tendency is observable for postverbal arguments to refer to recoverable entities. The index of the transcriber’s comma may serve as circumstantial evidence. Its absence indi- rectly indexes recoverability of postverbal referents while also directly, if weakly, indexing deaccenting. Forms with nonrecoverable referents are often found af- ter commas, on the other hand. Where audio data is available, the case is clearer: deaccented postverbal arguments, like other deaccented material, have recover- able referents, and are intrasentential (part of the same sentence as the verb they follow) by intonational if not syntactic criteria.

402 146 16 Information-structural variations in Siouan languages

3.3 Reduced nominal referring expressions 3.3.1 Determiner drop in languages with two indefinite articles Of the languages represented in this study, four – Lakota, Nakʰon’i’a, Apsaalooke and Ho-Chunk – have two indefinite articles, one specific and one nonspecific. The texts I coded in these four languages display determiner use in all nominal expressions which are specific (i.e. which refer to entities and not just topredi- cates or types) but nonrecoverable, allowing bare nominal expressions only for nonspecific or recoverable referents.11 In example (8) Apsaalooke speaker Francis Stewart refers twice to a specific quantity of water, but only the second reference is recoverable. This exemplifies how, among specific referents, recoverability makes the difference between determiner use and bare expressions:

(8) Hinné wíliash kala iháatak huuk. Bilé xatáakelak.12 hinné wilíash kala > iháatak < huuk bilé xatáakelak < this water.the now strange hearsay water move-ds ‘This water (they say) was getting weird now. The water was moving.’

This finding at first glance contradicts Cumberland (2005), who found barespe- cific NP’s acceptable in elicitation with Nakʰon’i’a speakers. However, my find- ing is based on text analysis as opposed to elicitation – a social informational set- ting which presents extraordinary information-structural pragmatic conditions even when information structure is deliberately controlled (as it usually is not). It may also be noted that Cumberland’s definition of “specific” is not information- structural.

3.3.2 Determiner drop in languages with one or no indefinite article Three other language groups – Umoⁿhoⁿ Iye and Paⁿka Iye, Rų’eta and Hidatsa – have either one or no indefinite article. These languages tend to fit aweaker version of the generalization in §3.3.1, with the exception that speakers do some- times refer to specific indefinite referents (nonidentifiable entity referents) using bare nominal expressions. In example (9), Hidatsa speaker Annie Eagle makes two specific indefinite references – ‘a sinew’ and ‘a fire’ – but only usesadeter- miner on the first. This may be because sinews are more canonically objectlike and therefore have higher specificity potential than fires.

11 I do not consider generic reference in this study. 12 Wallace (1993: 194: 178)

403 147 Bryan James Gordon

(9) Macúawa rúhcak wiráa’ úawa.13 macúawa rúhcak wiráa’ úawa < sinew.a take.ss fire make.fire.temp ‘He [the Thunderbird] took a sinew and made a fire.’

The extreme case is Rų’eta, which has no indefinite articles at all. Specific indef- inites, thus, are usually bare in Rų’eta, as in example (10) from speaker Stephen Bird:

(10) Dáˑhaˑmįˑmįˑ mą́nąrok pą́ˑxe híroˑmąko’š.14 dáˑhaˑmįˑmįˑ > mą́nąrok > pą́ˑxe > híroˑmąko’š < go.while.prog.prog tree.in potato arrive.there.narr.pst.decl.m ‘While he was going along, he came to some wild potatoes in the woods.’

A possible explanation for the difference between the languages in this sec- tion and those in §3.3.1 follows: Languages with both a specific and a nonspe- cific indefinite article may tend to make the use of the specific indefinite article obligatory while leaving the use of the nonspecific indefinite article optional. Languages which lack this distinction, on the other hand, do not have the oppor- tunity to develop obligatory use of their one indefinite article – and those with no indefinite article at all, like Rų’eta, must allow bare expressions to refer to specific indefinite referents.

3.3.3 Determiner drop in all sampled languages One generalization may be made which holds of all nine languages in this study, including those with incipient article classes (Taneksą and Baxoje Ichˆe and Ji- were Ichˆe): The majority of bare nominal expressions have referents which are either nonspecific or recoverable, regardless of the particular distribution or grammatical constraints involved in each individual language. This is, surpris- ingly, true even of languages like Baxoje Ichˆe which regularly use bare nominal referring expressions for specific and nonrecoverable referents. In example (11) speaker WaⁿˆsígeChéMi uses a bare nominal referring expression for a recov- erable referent. Had ’my grandmother’ not been recoverable (e.g. had she been new to the narrative), a determined form like hiⁿkúñi nahé would have been more likely (Jimm GoodTracks, p.c.).

13 Parks, Jones & Hollow (1978: 15–16: 76–77) 14 Carter (1991: 29–30: 8)

404 148 16 Information-structural variations in Siouan languages

(11) Ídare hiⁿkúñi wárudhàshguⁿ warúje.15 ídare > hiⁿkúñi wárudhàshguⁿ < warúje then my.grandmother some.take.infer food ‘Then it seems my grandmother took some of the food.’

This generalization is weak, and may say nothing special about Siouan lan- guages, but it raises interesting theoretical questions. Why are recoverable refer- ents, and referents which lack a specific entity, lumped together on the same end of a formal variation? I speculate that they are similar in their light processing load.

3.3.4 “Determiner-drop drop”: recent rises in obligatoriness In older Lakota narratives speakers often use bare nominal expressions to refer to recoverable referents. Ella Deloria (1932: F831) makes five references to Rabbit (and two vocatives), three of which are determined and two bare.16 In example (12), we may observe one of the bare references:

(12) K’eyaš Maštíƞčala tákuni yútešni čhaƞké tókȟa-wok’ušni ke’.17 k’éyaš Maštíƞčala tákuni yútešni < čhaƞké > tókȟa-wok’ušni < but Rabbit nothing ate.not so how-something.give.not ke’. hearsay.decl ‘But Rabbit ate nothing and so he had nothing to give [to the boy], they say.’

In more contemporary registers, however, Lakota tends not to exhibit deter- miner drop, requiring determiners for all specific referents. Many contemporary speakers, thus, consider the bare NP Maštíƞčala in example (12) to be missing its article kiƞ or k’uƞ. Hiroki Nomoto (p.c.) informs me that the same phenomenon occurs in certain obligatory-classifier languages such as Cantonese, in which

15 Marsh (1936) 16 I am grateful to an anonymous reviewer who suggests that in Lakota, as opposed to other languages sampled here, references made with proper names are ordinarily made using bare expressions. A close examination of Deloria (1932), however, does not categorically bear this out. Rabbit is mentioned in Deloria (1932: F831, F843, F844 and F847). Of these works F831 and F844 typically include determined expressions referring to Rabbit while F843 and F847 typically include bare expressions. Thus, the picture for Lakota is one of variation. 17 Deloria (1932: 4–5: 12)

405 149 Bryan James Gordon speakers vary on whether they drop determiners (classifiers) or even accept de- terminer drop as grammatical for highly presupposeable referents. Similarly, at the Title VII Umoⁿhoⁿ Language and Cultural Center we often “reinsert” dropped determiners into transcripts and materials, and this is described as a correction. I believe that this move may emerge in part from the influence of the “rule”- based project of documentary linguistics upon community-based programs. Doc- umetary linguistics has set in motion rapid codificational change to community language ideologies, and has privileged questions of speaker skill and grammati- cality (heard as “correctness” by most audiences) over descriptions of legitimate variation. Determiner drop has not, however, disappeared from fluent spoken language, and may be viewed as itself correct. It’s possible that the shift towards obligatoriness in Lakota will be completed in Umoⁿhoⁿ Iye too, and that in both cases it will have been led by stylistic variation driven by the metalinguistic notion of correctness. Interestingly, the Nakʰon’i’a speakers who worked with Cumberland viewed determiner use metalinguisti- cally as optional in general, and accepted constructed examples with determiner drop regardless of recoverability (Cumberland 2005: 345), but Nakʰon’i’a texts do not differ appreciably from Lakota or Umoⁿhoⁿ Iye texts in the use of barenom- inal expressions for recoverable referents. In all cases, a broader spectrum of genres and registers will need to be analysed before drawing conclusions about the state of determiner drop in Siouan languages as a whole.

3.3.5 Determiner drop and noun incorporation as continuum Noun incorporation occurs primarily in Missouri Valley Siouan, and is most ex- tensive in Apsaalooke. Graczyk considers a variety of its functions, information- structural and otherwise, and synthesizes from the literature his claim that incor- porated objects tend “to be non-referential, non-individuated, non-specific, non- autonomous, non-countable, and the object-verb compound typically expresses unitary, habitual, characteristic, typical, institutionalized activities” (1991: 244). Autonomy, individuation and countability are characteristic of entity referents, so what Graczyk says here is essentially that incorporated nouns tend to refer nonspecifically, and that the noun-verb compound itself has a relatively unitary concept structure. This second claim touches on an aspect of information struc- ture which I have not covered in this study. As for the first claim, this study supports it as a statistical generalization, al- though not as a categorical one. Apsaalooke does display instances of incorpo- rated nouns with specific referents, as in example (13) (uncoded):

406 150 16 Information-structural variations in Siouan languages

(13) a. biíttaashteelitdialaalak18 biíttaashteelitdialaalak me/my.shirt.sorta.make.you.if ‘if you make my shirt’ or ‘if you make me a shirt’ b. Basahpawaannáastawiilakoosh ítchikissuuk.19 basahpawaannáastawiilakoosh ítchikissuuk me/my.moccasin.bead.you.string.me.you.give.the good.sport.pl.decl ‘The moccasins that you beaded for me are pretty.’

Example (13a) is ambiguous between two readings. In one, the first person pronominal b- is interpreted as a possessive prefix on the incorporated noun iíttaashtee ‘shirt’, and in the other it is interpreted as a pronominal argument on the predicate iíttaashteelitdia ‘make-shirt’. In example (13b), the possessed phrase (b)asahpa ‘(my) moccasins’ is incorporated in the predicate waannáasta ‘you string beads’ which itself has the incorporated waan ‘bead’ in it. This double- incorporation is essentially an example of the body-part incorporation in exam- ple (13a), except that the possessor is another incorporated object. The specific referents of the incorporated nouns iíttaashtee and asahpa in exam- ple (13) are both recoverable, and thus fit my observations about determiner drop in §3.3.3: Like determiner drop, incorporation may be conditioned similarly by both nonspecificity and recoverability. Even in the case of nonspecific referents, as in example (14) (uncoded), recoverable references to types are made by incor- porated nouns ( hunnáappaxbialaalak) while less recoverable first references are made by bare nouns (hulé):

(14) Dáassuua ashkawúuan hulé dappaxíssah, hunnáappaxbialaalak awéeleen díah.20 dáassuua ashkawúuan hulé dappaxíssah your.house inside.at bone split.not.command hunnáappaxbialaalak awéeleen díah bone.you.split.mod.you.if outside.at do.command ‘Don’t split bones inside. If you want to split bones, do it outside!’

Although Lakota lacks full incorporation of the sort seen in Missouri Valley Siouan, de Reuse (1994) considers noun incorporation and determiner drop as

18 Graczyk (1991: 247) 19 Graczyk (1991: 257) 20 Graczyk (1991: 250), cited as Old Coyote (1985: 13)

407 151 Bryan James Gordon related phenomena in his study. He finds cases of recoverable referents with determiner drop (“noun stripping” in his terms21), like the second instance of ištá in example (15) (uncoded): (15) Čhaƞké maǧážu mní ištá kiƞ owíčhakičaštaƞ hiƞ na úƞ ištá wičhákičiyužaža haƞ čhaƞké tuƞwáƞ pi skhé’.22 čhaƞké maǧážu mní ištá kiƞ owíčhakičaštaƞ hiƞ na úƞ and.so rain water eye the in.them.ben.instr.pour cont and instr ištá wičhákičiyužaža haƞ čhaƞké tuƞwáƞ pi skhé’ eye them.textscben.instr.wash cont and.so see pl infer.decl ‘So he poured rain water in their eyes, and washed their eyes with it until they were able to see.’ De Reuse (1994) considers “syntactic compounding” as an intermediate phe- nomenon between “noun stripping” (determiner drop) and full noun incorpora- tion. He cites the example in (16) (uncoded), from Ella Deloria. Although de Reuse’s example is out of context, it appears that ‘the child’ is likely recoverable and certainly specific:23 (16) Hokší okìle pi škhé.24 hokší okìle pi škhé child look.for pl infer.decl ‘They looked for the child.’ As Graczyk (1991) noted, linguists have often drawn associations between noun incorporation and nonspecificity. Recoverability has perhaps been less frequently associated, but as de Reuse (1994) suggested, and as my study corroborates, it is useful to look at how recoverability functions alongside nonspecificity to en- courage not only noun incorporation, but a continuum of related variations with noun incorporation on one extreme and determiner drop near the other.

21 As a reviewer points out, de Reuse defines noun stripping more or less as a lexical process, and if I were to follow his approach I might consider the absence of determiners to be point made moot by definition. I see no contradiction, however, in subsuming a lexicalized noun stripping under more general considerations of determiner use which can be directly observed from the data without making inferences about the lexical status of noun-verb collocations. 22 de Reuse (1994: 232) 23 De Reuse uses the grave accent, as on okìle, to indicate that the word does not receive primary stress, i.e. that it is part of the same AccP as the preceding word (or, it might be argued, a nested, subordinate AccP within the main AccP, cf. example (4)). “Syntactic compounding”, then, necessarily includes intonational structure alongside the compositional, ordered rules de Reuse considers in his analysis. 24 Deloria (1932: 48: 4), cited in de Reuse (1994)

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3.3.6 Zero reference (argument drop) All Siouan languages make use of zero reference in all argument positions, in all persons. The referents of such zero expressions are recoverable. Rų’eta speaker Stephen Bird says utterance (17) at a point in the narrative where both Trickster and some potatoes are recoverable, and so he refers to both with no nominal expression:

(17) Ó’haranį ké’nį dutóˑmąko’š.25 ó’haranį > ké’nį dutóˑmąko’š < so.and dig.and eat.npst.decl.m ‘And so he digs and eats them.’

3.4 Intonational bounding of links, relational topics and relational foci We have seen the importance of AccP boundaries in previous sections: Words which do not project one have recoverable referents. In this section we will see how the phrase accents which bound IntP are put to use in demarcating informa- tionally prominent material. IntP boundaries tend to coincide with strings coded as having referents which are either links, relational topics or relational foci. The converse is not true: Links, relational topics and relational foci do not in general tend to require an IntP boundary in the texts I have coded. Recoverable referents, on the other hand, tend not to be associated with forms specially demarcated by IntP (or AccP) boundaries. Examples in this section follow the ToBI presentation I used in §3.1, with the exception that square brackets here represent IntP bound- aries instead of AccP boundaries, and thus include rather than exclude phrase accents. Pierrehumbert & Hirschberg (1990) generalize that H phrase accents are pro- jected on relatively “forward-looking” material. If this holds of Siouan languages, then the threshold of “forward-looking enough” must be higher in Siouan lan- guages than in English, where a L phrase accent on a stage topic might sound a bit odd. I found stage topics are referred to by IntP’s with both L and !H phrase ac- cents, but L phrase accents were more common in this study. A Hidatsa example from the Water Buster Account is given in (18):

25 Carter (1991: 33: 28)

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(18) Še’erúhaak waapixupá rúupatook kiráahuac.26 še’erúhaak waapixupá rúupatook > kiráahuac < [L H* L L] [L H* L !H] [L H* L L] [L H* L L] L% then Sunday two we.came.for.them ‘Then, two weeks later, we came for them.’

The first and third IntP in example (18) provide complete stage topics, butthe second ends with a hesitation not resolved until the third. The second IntP is the only one with a !H phrase accent. This weakly supports Pierrehumbert & Hirschberg’s generalization in that it is the most “forward-looking” of the three. The fourth IntP, like nearly all the other relational foci I coded, receives aLphrase accent. In example (19), Ho-Chunk speaker Cecil Garvin uses a !H phrase accent on both the linking coowexjįšgera ‘just a little’ and the stage topic karacgą ’ųnąąkaš- gera ‘since they were drinking’. On the other hand, the last two links – coowera ‘a little’ and hoinąk haanįsge ‘I started too’ – both of which are also coded as relational foci, receive L phrase accents:

(19) Coowexjįšgera karacgą ’ųnąąkašgera coowera hoinąk haanįsge.27 Coowexjįšgera karacgą ’ųnąąkašgera > coowera < hoinąk haanįsge < [L H* L !H] [L !H* L L] [L !H* L L] [L H* L [ L% just.a.little drink they.were.since a.little I.start I.too ‘Since they were drinking, just a little, I started a little too.’

Another kind of material we might even more strongly expect to take a !H phrase accent, following Pierrehumbert & Hirschberg (1990), are explicitly for- ward-looking references like list items and other incomplete references, e.g. waa- pixupá in example (18). But, like stage topics and links, forward-looking refer- ence appears to make use of both !H and L phrase accents in Siouan languages. The speaker in the Hidatsa example (20), again from the Water Buster Account, makes a complete predication in his first IntP, and then elaborates it in his sec- ond. He may have used the !H phrase accent “foward-lookingly” to signal that an elaboration was planned:

26 Lowie (1939) 27 “Connection (humour)” in Hartmann & Marschke (2010)

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(20) Úuwaca kirakapʰa’áhku pirakíhtia toopatóok kirakapʰáapak.28 úuwaca kirakapʰa’áhku < pirakíhtia toopatóok kirakapʰáapak < [L H* L L !H* L !H] [L H* L L !H* L L] L% money they.kept.collecting hundred four they.collected ‘They kept raising money; they raised four hundred dollars.’

ThigréPi’s forward-looking reference ráye ‘name’, on the other hand, has a L phrase accent in example (21) (repeated from example (5)). It is unclear to me whether these L-final IntP’s convey more of a sense of autonomy or finality than the “incomplete” IntP in example (20).29

(21) Woxáñi migragáñiˆsuⁿ, ráye, ráye uⁿkˆúⁿñeˆsuⁿ, Baxóje ráye.30 woxáñi migragáñiˆsuⁿ < ráye < ráye uⁿkˆúⁿñeˆsuⁿ < [L H* L L] [L H* L L] [L H* L L] cherished me.their.named.now name name me.give.pl.now Baxóje < ráye [L !H* L L] L% Ioway name ‘They named me as a cherished one, a name, they gave me aname, Baxoje name.’

Example (22), from Umoⁿhoⁿ Iye speaker Clifford Wolfe, Sr., contains three boundaries between different coding categories. There is a boundary between the linking stage topic shóⁿxti ‘nevertheless’ and the nonlinking activating topic wa’ú-thiⁿ ‘the woman’, then one before the relational focus ní thatóⁿ-bazhíi ‘he didn’t drink water’, and another before the separate relational focus wa’ú-thiⁿ uthúhai ‘he followed the woman’. Each of these relational boundaries coincides with an IntP boundary:

(22) Shóⁿxti, wa’ú-thiⁿ, ní thatóⁿ-bazhíi, waʼú-thiⁿ uthúhai.31 shóⁿxti wa’ú-thiⁿ > ní thatóⁿ-bazhíi < waʼú-thiⁿ uthúhai < [L H* L !H] [L H* L !H] [L !H* L L] [L H* L L] L% nevertheless woman.the water drink.not.prox woman.the follow.prox ‘Nevertheless, the woman, he didn’t [stop to] drink water, he just followed the woman.’ 28 Lowie (1939) 29 Square brackets in the ToBI line here refer to IntP boundaries rather than AccP boundaries as previously. 30 ThigréPi in Goodtracks (2004) 31 Rudin field tapes

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The fact that ní thatóⁿ-bazhíi ‘he didn’t drink water’ concludes with a phrase accent, despite not being notably “forward-looking”, suggests that many IntP breaks may be arbitrary with respect to the narrow kind of information structure measured by my coding criteria, and conditioned by a more general, working- memory-related chunking process alongside other factors like weight, complex- ity and semantic unity. Generally, however, the recordings I have coded have the boundaries of links, relational topics and relational foci wherever a phrase accent occurs. The mapping tends to be 1–1, in that a single IntP tends to include a single relational category, but I suspect that in faster speech – of which I coded very little – speakers may stuff more than one relational category into asingle IntP. When the referent of a string is a relational focus, it gets a L phrase accent, while links and relational topics tend to get !H or L phrase accents, and tend to weakly support Pierrehumbert & Hirschberg’s (1990) generalization that !H phrase accents are reserved for more “forward-looking” material, albeit with a different threshold than in English.

3.5 Object-subject-verb (OSV) word order Like postverbal arguments, OSV word order occurs in all the languages I included in this study, albeit with varying frequency. It is generally used when the object (O) is a link. Hidatsa speaker Annie Eagle says utterance (23) at a point in the nar- rative when the subject of the previous clause is ‘our parents’, so that matawácʰo’ ‘our relatives’ is in a linking relation and is syntactically fronted:

(23) Matawácʰo’ maapúkšihtíawa šé’ri pʰéekšáwa.32 matawácʰo’ maapúkšihtíawa šé’ri pʰéekšáwa < our.relative.pl.indf snake.big.a that.st eat.up.iter.ds ‘Our relatives are always being eaten by this big snake.’ some ex- amples Graczyk (1991: 102) presents Apsaalooke example (24) out of narrative context, are type- so I have not coded it, but the linking relation between the two instances of set with hawáte ‘one’ is clear even out of context. The second instance of hawáte is a emph, syntactically fronted object: oth- ers not. (24) Hawáte isdáxxiia kulushkúam hawáte áxpe dappiíok. Can the hawáte isdáxxiia kulushkúam hawáte áxpe dappiíok emphs one his.gun grab.from.ds one his.companions kill.pl.decl be re- ‘Onei of them, hej grabbed hisi gun from himi, and the otherk, hisj moved? companions killed himk.’

32 Parks, Jones & Hollow (1978: 3: 14) 412 156 16 Information-structural variations in Siouan languages

Example (25), from speaker Francis Stewart, may be evidence that Apsaalooke allows OSV for other information-structural categories besides links. Although the clause huulé kala kuluúkkuuk has no overt subject, the position of the object before a time adverb indicates that a similar object-fronting process is at play. A linking poset relation like ‘remnant of’ may in fact be at play here, and the predicate ‘bone’ seems inferrable from the preceding word chilishíak ‘they ate them’, but the context did not meet my coding criteria for link, and so the form is not coded as linking:

(25) Chilishíak huulé kala kuluúkkuuk huuk.33 chilishíak huulé < kala > kuluúkkuuk < huuk they.ate.them.ss bone now they.piled.them.up hearsay ‘And after eating them, they piled their bones up.’

3.6 Switch-topic markers Switch topics are nonrecoverable referents which function to shift hearers’ at- tention away from currently recoverable referents. Although switch topics are typically new, they may be recoverable. They send hearers the signal, “enough of the old topic, pay attention to this now”. This definition of “switch topic”sub- sumes a variety of special cases linguists often describe as “presentational focus” or “topic competition/resolution”. Many Siouan languages have special morpho- logical marks which signal some type of switch topic. Here I give a few Rų’éta examples and make some observations about Yesánq (Tutelo, not otherwise in- cluded in this study), Lakota and Nakʰon’i’a morphology. See also Boyle (2007: 288–293) for a syntactic analysis of the Hidatsa switch-topic marker -ri, which we saw in example (23). In that example, the snake, maapúkšihtíawa šé’ri, does not function to fill an open proposition like ‘what’s eating our relatives?’, but rather is introduced as a new character for subsequent narrative. Similarly, Wolvengrey (1991) analyses the Rų’éta suffix -eną as a “focus marker” which is used for presentation of new topics, as in example (26a), “atypical” sub- jects as in example (26b), and topic competition as in example (26c) from speaker Stephen Bird. The material marked by -eną in each of these examples functions to replace the current attention-central discourse topic with another, so Ifindit more useful to describe -eną as a switch-topic marker than as a “focus” marker. Note that in example (26c) the two characters marked with -eną are postverbal arguments with recoverable referents. This is a good case of how switch topics

33 Wallace (1993: 192: 153)

413 157 Bryan James Gordon are not always new topics, and how, though they have much in common with relational foci, they are not relational foci either.

(26) a. Kanį miˑheną heromąko’š.34 kanį miˑheną heromąko’š < and woman.st saw.decl ‘And he saw a woman.’ b. Oreną tinį; napupušereka’ehe.35 oreną tinį napupušereka’ehe < fire.st arrive.and burn.in.streaks.hearsay ‘A prairie fire arrived and burned him in streaks.’ c. Kašká’nįk iną́k kimą́ˑxeroˑmąko’š, kiną́mą’kšiseˑną. Káki “Mįkó’š” éheroˑmąko’š, pą́ˑxeseˑną.36 kašká’nįk > iną́k < kimą́ˑxeroˑmąko’š, kiną́mą’kšiseˑną káki > be.disjunct.that again ask.narr.pst.decl.m Coyote.the.st be.that “Mįkó’š” < éheroˑmąko’š pą́ˑxeseˑną no.decl.m say.narr.pst.decl.m potato.the.st ‘But Coyote asked him again. And Potato said, “no”.’

Lakota encodes switch-topicality grammatically. As a special case of contrast, switch topics may be marked with the įš set of independent personal pronouns as opposed to the non-contrastive iyé set. Nakʰon’i’a similarly uses the suffix -įš on switch-topical pronouns (Cumberland 2005: 129–130); and Oliverio (1996: 149) describes similar functions for Yesánq -ma, -są and ikʰá-. Independent personal pronouns rarely referred to recoverable entities in the texts I coded. When they do, there is typically a repeated or conventional colloca- tion at play. My study suggests that all of the nine Siouan languages in this study may observe this constraint on pronoun use. Dakotan languages further set aside a series of pronouns for use in referring to switch topics and other contrastive referents only. Other languages lack this mark. Yet despite these differences, in all nine languages the majority of independent personal pronouns in the texts I coded functioned as switch topics.

34 Wolvengrey (1991: CWW9) 35 Wolvengrey (1991: SA17) 36 Carter (1991: 31: 15–16)

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4 Discussion

The findings in §3 may be usefully sorted into two distinct categories. In §3.1 we saw that lack of a full [LH*L] contour signals referent recoverability. In §3.2 we saw this same phenomenon intersect with postverbal argument position in a way that usefully distinguishes between two constructions. In §3.3 we con- sidered bare (undetermined) nominal expressions, noun incorporation and zero reference as stages on a continuum of phenomena variably constrained by recov- erability and nonspecificity. I also suggested that the violent, colonial contact conditions under which recent language change is occurring may underlie a re- cent shift away from optionality and towards obligatoriness of determiner use and overtness of reference. These first variations I term “prominence variations” – variations inwhich reduced variants are used for lighter (recoverable or nonspecific) referents. In the other category are “marking variations” – variations in which marked variants are used to refer to referents with marked information-structural functions. In §3.4, I showed how the phrase accents which demarcate intonational in- termediate phrases (IntP) tend to coincide with the boundaries of information- structural categories like link, relational topic and relational focus. !H phrase accents are reserved for “forward-looking” material – and by no means all of it. Specific information-structural categories are also associated with fronted objects and OSV word order, as we saw in §3.5, and with switch-topic markers like Rų’éta -eną and Hidatsa -ri, as we saw in §3.6. This distinction between prominence variations and marking variations maps roughly to Gundel’s (2003; 1988) distinction between “relational givenness” and “referential givenness”. Although I have presented many of my findings as categorical generalizations when the data called for it, I caution readers away from assuming that any of these constraints really are categorically binding in all contexts in any one lan- guage, or in the family as a whole. More breadth and depth – more texts, more genres, more time periods, more languages; and more detailed, language-specific descriptions of documented variations with information-structural meaning – are required to be able to make any definitive statement on Siouan information structure, but I hope this sketch serves as a preliminary step towards imagining what such a statement might look like.

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Abbreviations ben benefactive mod modal caus causative narr narrative cont continuative ne narrative ending decl declarative npst nonpast def definite pl plural ds different subject prog progressive indf indefinite prox proximate infer inferential evidentiality pst past instr instrumental ss same subject iter iterative st switch topic m masculine temp temporal progression

Primary resources

Carter (1991), Rų’eta • Stephen Bird: Kiną́mą’kšinį pą́ˑxe (legend) – 74 utterances

Cumberland (2005), Nakʰon’i’a • Bertha O’Watch: Snohéna Tʰą́ga (history) – 34 utterances • Bertha O’Watch: Įktómi and Fox (legend) – 46 utterances • The Red Fox (legend) – 27 utterances

Deloria (1932), Lakota • multiple histories and legends

Dorsey (1880), Jiwere Ichˆe • The Rabbit and the Grasshopper (legend) – 1½ pages

Dorsey (1890), Umoⁿhoⁿ Iye and Paⁿka Iye • multiple histories, legends, stories and orations – 915 pages

Dorsey (1891), Umoⁿhoⁿ Iye and Paⁿka Iye • multiple histories, legends, stories and orations – 915 pages

Dorsey & Swanton (1912), Taneksą • multiple histories, legends and letters – 102 pages

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Goodtracks (2004), Baxoje Ichˆe and Jiwere Ichˆe • TadáⁿjeMi: Reminiscences of Grandmother (reminiscence) – 1½ pages • ThigréPi: Being a present-day (1970’s) Ioway (history/metaculture) – 1½ pages

Hartmann & Marschke (2010), Ho-Chunk • Bill O’Brien: A bear appears (reminiscence) – 24 utterances • Bill O’Brien: Bill O’Brien & Hollywood (reminiscence) – 31 utterances • Bill O’Brien: The moccasin game (picture description) – 54 utterances • Child teaching (history/metaculture) – 100 utterances • Bill O’Brien & Chloris Lowe, Sr.: Horses (history) – 113 utterances • Cecil Garvin: Connection (humour) – 14 utterances • Chloris Lowe, Sr.: Buffalo hunt (history) – 18 utterances • Ed Lonetree: Stealing watermelons (reminiscence) – 25 utterances • Richard Mann: A warrior honor (reminiscence) – 46 utterances • Richard Mann: Picking cherries (reminiscence) – 12 utterances

Ingham (2003), Lakota • George Bushotter: Hunting eggs in the spring (reminiscence) –1page • George Bushotter: How young men and women behaved towards each other among the People (reminiscence) – 2 pages • George Bushotter: War customs (reminiscence) – 2 pages • George Bushotter: Holy men and healers (reminiscence) – 1½ pages

Kennard (1936), Rų’eta • untitled (legend) – uncounted utterances

Lowie (1939), Hidatsa • First Worker Intrudes on Sun’s Realm (legend) – 94 utterances • First Worker Captures Geese But Loses Them to Spotted Tail (legend) – 68 utterances • First Worker Captures Prairie Dogs But Loses Them to Spotted Tail (legend) – 71 utterances

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• The Story of a Girl Who Became a Bear (legend) – 59 utterances • The Water Buster Account (history) – 22 utterances

Marsh (1936), Baxoje Ichˆe and Jiwere Ichˆe • MáñiHú – Twin Holy Boys (legend) – 14 pages • Béñeiŋe (legend) – 11 pages • Mishjiñe Aheri Waraxˆedhe (legend) – 5 pages • HinágeSdaⁿ: Udwáⁿge Mishjíŋe (legend) – 16 pages • WaⁿˆsígeChéMi: Hiⁿkúñi (reminiscence) – 7 pages

Mixco (1997), Rų’eta • Résike Wįke (legend) – 220 utterances

Parks, Jones & Hollow (1978), Hidatsa • Annie Eagle: Packs Antelope (history) – 85 utterances • Helen Wilkinson: The Return of Wolf Woman (history) – 152 utter- ances • John Brave: Lone Man and First Creator Make the World (legend) – 87 utterances • John Brave: Old Man Coyote and the Rock (legend) – 149 utterances

Rudin field tapes and transcripts, Umoⁿhoⁿ Iye • field tapes and transcripts of Catherine Rudin (elicitation), Microsoft Word .doc format with CD audio – 19 CD’s

Wallace (1993), Apsaalooke • Francis Stewart: Thunder Medicine (history) – 203 utterances

Yellow Brow & Short Bull (1980), Apsaalooke • Yellow Brow & Short Bull: Bitáalasshia Alítchiasshiituualak Baháa Awúuasshiituualak (legend) – 41 utterances

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Siouan and Caddoan languages conference, 584–598. Lawrence: University of Kansas. Yellow Brow & Short Bull. 1980. Bitaalásshia alítchiasshiituualak baháa awúuasshiituualak. Mary Helen Medicine Horse (ed.). Crow Agency, MT: Bilin- gual Materials Development Center.

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