Why Is Female Labour-Force Participation So Stagnant in Egypt, Jordan, and Tunisia Despite Rapid Increases in Educational Attainment?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Why Is Female Labour-Force Participation So Stagnant in Egypt, Jordan, and Tunisia Despite Rapid Increases in Educational Attainment? Th e ‘Aft erlife’ of Cheap Labour: Bangalore Garment Female Employment & FEDI Dynamics of Inequality Research Network Workers from Factories to the Informal Economy FEDI Female Employment & Dynamics of Inequality Research Network WHY IS FEMALE LABOUR-FORCE PARTICIPATION SO STAGNANT IN EGYPT, JORDAN, AND TUNISIA DESPITE RAPID INCREASES IN EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT? Author(s):Ragui Assaad Country Briefing Paper No: 06.17.5 1 WHY IS FEMALE LABOUR-FORCE PARTICIPATION SO STAGNANT IN EGYPT, JORDAN, AND TUNISIA DESPITE RAPID INCREASES IN EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT? Ragui Assaad Prepared for the Project Dynamics of Gender Inequality in the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia (ESRC Global Challenges Research Fund) London Conference, 9-10 June 2017 The main issue I wish to raise in this note is the puzzle of stagnant female labour-force participation rates in a context of rapidly rising educational attainment for women and a closing if not reversal of the gender gap in education. This is a phenomenon that characterizes a number of societies in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). I will focus in this note on the situation in Egypt, Jordan and Tunisia. Raising women’s economic participation, is, in my view, a necessary although not sufficient condition for promoting gender equality in the economic sphere. The fact that participation rates among women in MENA are among the lowest in the world has been well established and widely discussed and is not my main concern here. I am mostly concerned with the trend in participation in relation to the trend in educational attainment. It is easy to see from cross-sectional data that a strong gradient exists between educational attainment and participation for women, leading to an expectation that participation would respond strongly to increases in educational attainment. However, this gradient has clearly weakened over time, resulting in a paltry participation response to rapidly rising educational attainment among women in MENA. I attribute the weakening relationship between female participation and education to the changing opportunity structures facing women in MENA labour markets rather than to any developments on the supply side of the labour market. In making this argument, I deliberately downplay arguments about social and economic trends that may restrict labour supply, such as a religiously-driven resurgence of social conservatism or an oil-driven re-enforcement of patriarchal norms and preferences. In fact, the evolution of the typical factors that affect labour supply behavior is, for the most part, in a direction that is conducive to higher female participation. Besides the rapid increase in educational attainment, there has been a notable delay in the age at marriage, a reduction in fertility, and improved access to urban services, household technologies and markets for time saving goods and services, all of which have undoubtedly reduced the domestic and care work burden. Admittedly, these strong secular trends may have been partly counteracted by an increased desire and ability on the part of educated women and their families to increase their investments in child human capital. In a context of such strong preferences for child quality and weak public educational inputs, parents, and mothers in particular, are forced to spend more time (and money) in assisting their children with their studies (Assaad & Krafft, 2015a). The net effect, however, is still likely to be a downward trend in the household time burden and thus greater availability for market work. 1 Since the start of the drive for the massification of education in the Arab World in the 1960s, the relationship between women’s education and their participation in market work has been intimately linked to access to public sector job opportunities. The vast majority of educated women entering the labour market in the 1960s and 1970s did so by means of public sector jobs in education, health and public administration. In Egypt, the proportion of women with secondary education or above entering the labour market who got their first job in the public sector was in excess of 80 percent until the mid-1980s. That proportion fell precipitously thereafter, falling below 40 percent by the mid-2000s (Assaad & Krafft, 2015b). Educated men entering the labour market experienced a similar if not larger decline in access to the public sector, reflecting the overall restructuring of the Egyptian economy away from state-led development since the introduction of the structural adjustment programs of the 1980s and 1990s. Although they succeeded in curbing the growth of the public sector, these neoliberal reforms mostly failed to spark the growth of a dynamic private sector, leading to anemic growth of formal private sector employment. Faced with declining overall demand for their labour in the formal sector, the growing cohorts of graduates were essentially relegated to informal private employment, whose share among educated first-time job seekers grew from under 20 percent in the mid-1980s to about 45 percent by 2010 (Assaad & Krafft, 2015b). The situation in Jordan and Tunisia is fairly similar. In Jordan, the proportion of female first-time job seekers with secondary education or above getting public sector jobs was over 70 percent until the early 1980s. In Tunisia, it remained above 70 percent until the early 1990s (Assaad, Hendy, Lassasi, & Yassine, 2016). By the mid-2000s, it had dropped to just over30 percent in both countries. The main difference with Egypt is that formal private employment has played a more important role in these two countries in taking up the slack than in Egypt. The share of formal private employment grew from about 20 percent of all jobs in the early 1980s to above 40 percent by the mid-2000s in both countries. Informal private employment does not only lack any form of social or legal protection, but also tends to be concentrated in small workplaces or requires work outside fixed establishments. In addition, it often involves long work days and long commutes (Assaad & Arntz, 2005). In short, it provides working conditions that most Egyptian women and their families deem unacceptable. In an analogous notion to the reservation wage below which a worker is unwilling to accept a job offer, the minimum working conditions women are willing to accept are sometimes referred to as “reservation working conditions” (Dougherty, 2014). Similar situations apply in Jordan (Miles, 2002) and to a lesser extent in Tunisia. Unmarried women find these working conditions unacceptable because they pose excessive risks to their reputations and therefore their marriage prospects. Working in a small establishment, often without other women present, poses risks of actual sexual harassment by male bosses and co-workers, as well as a perception among family members and social circles that such risks are pervasive. This is in addition to the sexual security risks young unmarried women endure in long commutes to work in poorly-funded and poorly-secured transit systems. Young women often 2 speak of “maintaining one’s dignity” rather than exposing oneself to the risks of informal employment (Barsoum, 2004). Married women face additional challenges related to their ability to remain in informal private wage employment even if they opted to engage in such employment prior to marriage. Long work hours and long commutes come into direct conflict with unyielding domestic work burdens after marriage. Hendy (2015) shows that although domestic work burdens have fallen substantially in Egypt over time, they increase from about 13 hours per week prior to marriage to about 30 hours per week after marriage. Moreover, the domestic work burden of working and non-working married women in 2012, was virtually identical at about 30 hours per week, suggesting that employed married women have a limited ability to reallocate time from the domestic sphere to the market sphere. Domestic work burden for married women in Jordan are even heavier, averaging about 37 hours per week as compared to 17hours per week for unmarried women and, like Egypt, do not vary by work status (Assaad, Krafft, & Selwaness, 2016). They are lighter in Tunisia at 20 hours per week for employed married women compared to 24 hours per week for non-working married women (ibid.) Although systematic research on this is lacking, private sector employers, whether formal or informal, appear to be unwilling to make the necessary compromises to allow married women to reconcile their home and work responsibilities. Data on women’s participation in employment just before and just after marriage in Egypt reveals that employment rates fall by about half (from 1.6% to 0.9%) in the formal private sector at the time of marriage, and they fall by more than two thirds for informal private wage employment (from 3.4% to 1.3%). In contrast, employment rates in the public sector are scarcely affected by marriage and continue along their pre-marriage trends several years into marriage (Hendy, 2015). Rates of self-employment rise slightly after marriage, but less that what is necessary to make up for the sharp drop in private wage employment. Anecdotal evidence suggests that private employers are generally not willing to make any compromises about the length of the work day or to change other aspects of the work process, like allowing telecommuting or job sharing, to accommodate the time constraints of married women Thus, there appears the be agreement among women themselves and among employers that private sector wage work is not suitable for women after marriage. Informal private wage work, in particular, is to be avoided if at all possible. Since that is the predominant form of employment that is currently available to educated workers in Egypt, educated women essentially find themselves increasingly shut out of the labour market. While formal private employment is more common in Jordan, it is mostly of a temporary nature and appears to be equally incompatible with women’s domestic work burdens (Assaad, 2014; Assaad, Hendy, & Yassine, 2014).
Recommended publications
  • Cross-Cutting Gender Issues in Women's Health in the Easte.Indd
    WHO-EM/WHD/011/E Cross-cutting gender issues in women’s health in the Eastern Mediterranean Region © World Health Organization 2007 All rights reserved. The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the World Health Organization concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Dotted lines on maps represent approximate border lines for which there may not yet be full agreement. The mention of specific companies or of certain manufacturers’ products does not imply that they are endorsed or recommended by the World Health Organization in preference to others of a similar nature that are not mentioned. Errors and omissions excepted, the names of proprietary products are distinguished by initial capital letters. The World Health Organization does not warrant that the information contained in this publication is complete and correct and shall not be liable for any damages incurred as a result of its use. Publications of the World Health Organization can be obtained from Distribution and Sales, World Health Organization, Regional Office for the Eastern Mediterranean, PO Box 7608, Nasr City, Cairo 11371, Egypt (tel: +202 670 2535, fax: +202 670 2492; email: [email protected]. int). Requests for permission to reproduce WHO EMRO publications, in part or in whole, or to translate them – whether for sale or for noncommercial distribution – should be addressed to the Regional Adviser, Health and Biomedical Information, at the above address (fax: +202 276 5400; email [email protected]).
    [Show full text]
  • Women and Gender in Middle East Politics
    POMEPS STUDIES 19 Women and Gender in Middle East Politics May 10, 2016 Contents Reexamining patriarchy, gender, and Islam Conceptualizing and Measuring Patriarchy: The Importance of Feminist Theory . 8 By Lindsay J. Benstead, Portland State University Rethinking Patriarchy and Kinship in the Arab Gulf States . 13 By Scott Weiner, George Washington University Women’s Rise to Political Office on Behalf of Religious Political Movements . 17 By Mona Tajali, Agnes Scott College Women’s Equality: Constitutions and Revolutions in Egypt . 22 By Ellen McLarney, Duke University Activism and identity Changing the Discourse About Public Sexual Violence in Egyptian Satellite TV . 28 By Vickie Langohr, College of the Holy Cross Egypt, Uprising and Gender Politics: Gendering Bodies/Gendering Space . 31 By Sherine Hafez, University of California, Riverside Women and the Right to Land in Morocco: the Sulaliyyates Movement . 35 By Zakia Salime, Rutgers University The Politics of the Truth and Dignity Commission in Post-Revolutionary Tunisia: Gender Justice as a threat to Democratic transition? . 38 By Hind Ahmed Zaki, University of Washington Women’s political participation in authoritarian regimes First Ladies and the (Re) Definition of the Authoritarian State in Egypt . 42 By Mervat F. Hatem, Howard University Women’s Political Representation and Authoritarianism in the Arab World . 45 By Marwa Shalaby, Rice University The Future of Female Mobilization in Lebanon, Morocco, and Yemen after the Arab Spring . 52 By Carla Beth Abdo, University of Maryland
    [Show full text]
  • Fall/Winter 2018 — Vol. 4, No. 1
    NUR FALL / WINTER 2018 The Magazine of The Center for Arabic & Islamic Studies مركز الدراسات العربية واإلسالمية 1 Nūr: CAIS magazine — Spring 2018 (Vol. 4, No. 1) final draft.indd 1 11/7/2018 12:41:37 PM What’s inside? FROM THE DIRECTOR’S DESK Scholarly and timley articles from St. Bonaventure faculty and friends and students Art Exhibit reviews with sneak peeks Grand Opening of the Center for Arabic and Islamic Studies Book reviews and recommended readings Spotlight on SBU students AND MORE... Nur: The Light Magazine © Design and layout by Amina Golden-Arabaty 2 Nūr: CAIS magazine — Spring 2018 (Vol. 4, No. 1) final draft.indd 2 11/7/2018 12:41:39 PM What’s inside? FROM THE DIRECTOR’S DESK Crossing the line – the lines of politics, cul- ture, religion, gender and more – this is the theme of this issue of Nūr. Crossing any Change is afoot at CAIS! Regular readers of line can be a positive or negative experi- Nūr will notice a new look and format. In the ence, by which one can delight in diversity three years since it was first published, Nūr or demand uniformity. It can lead to new has gone from a slim newsletter into a sub- insights and understanding, or sometimes stantial magazine. This reflects the growth in to greater conflict. These facets of cross- CAIS as seen also in our new location and ex- ing various lines are explored here through panded facilities on the St. Bonaventure cam- the scholarship and experiences of St. pus which we officially opened in September.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of Women's Liberation in Egypt
    Portland State University PDXScholar University Honors Theses University Honors College 8-1-2017 Global Intersections: a History of Women's Liberation in Egypt Jordan Earls Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/honorstheses Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Earls, Jordan, "Global Intersections: a History of Women's Liberation in Egypt" (2017). University Honors Theses. Paper 506. https://doi.org/10.15760/honors.511 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in University Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. Global Intersections: A History of Women’s Liberation in Egypt by Jordan Earls An undergraduate honors thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in University Honors and Social Science Thesis Adviser Taghrid Khuri Portland State University 2017 1 Introduction The struggle of women against constraints placed upon them because of gender is one historically shared worldwide and continues today. In 1989, Kimberlé Crenshaw coined the term “intersectional feminism” to describe how intersections of oppression impact women to varying degrees and argued that the goal of feminism must be to challenge these intersections. To not challenge these intersections is to, instead, reproduce them. Crenshaw demonstrates that the failure of American feminism to adequately interrogate the problems of racism caused feminism in the US to replicate and reinforce the racism women of color faced. Likewise, civil rights movements to end racism largely ignored the oppression of women by patriarchy and, in so doing, reproduced the subordination of women.
    [Show full text]
  • Egypt 2019 Crime & Safety Report: Cairo
    Egypt 2019 Crime & Safety Report: Cairo This is an annual report produced in conjunction with the Regional Security Office at the U.S. Embassy in Cairo, Egypt. The current U.S. Department of State Travel Advisory at the date of this report’s publication assesses Egypt at Level 2, indicating travelers should exercise increased caution due to terrorism. Do not travel to the Sinai Peninsula (with the exception of travel to Sharm El-Sheikh by air) or the Western Desert due to terrorism; or to the Egyptian border areas due to military zones. Overall Crime and Safety Situation The U.S. Embassy in Cairo does not assume responsibility for the professional ability or integrity of the persons or firms appearing in this report. The American Citizens’ Services unit (ACS) cannot recommend a particular individual or location, and assumes no responsibility for the quality of service provided. Review OSAC’s country-specific page for original OSAC reporting, consular messages, and contact information, some of which may be available only to private-sector representatives with an OSAC password. Remain alert to local security developments, avoid demonstrations, and be vigilant regarding personal security at all times throughout the country. Carry identification and a cell phone or other means of communication that works in Egypt, and pre-program the U.S. Embassy’s telephone number and email address into the device. Egypt was under a government-declared State of Emergency for all of 2018. Egypt’s demonstrations law prohibits gatherings of more than ten persons without advance permission from the Ministry of Interior (MOI); authorities have quashed previous illegal demonstrations in a relatively short time.
    [Show full text]
  • Women's Political Participation in Egypt: the Role of the National
    Women’s Political Participation in Egypt: The Role of the National Council for Women Amany A. Khodair Bassant Hassib Abstract The pivotal role of Egyptian women in recent revolutionary movements, represented in January 25 and June 30 revolutions, has been well documented. Egyptian women’s zealous contribution in the revolutions stems from their conviction that it does not only constitute a means of overthrowing the oppressive regime, but will also rid them of the negative conventional image they have been stereotyped with, lacking any significant weight in shaping their country at present or in the future. Ironically, after January 25 revolution, women's status in Egypt has regressed in the realm of civil rights, freedoms and equal representation. Before the revolutions, the National Council for Women (NCW) has been recognised as a significant actor in the process of women empowerment in Egypt. However, the efforts of the council had been somewhat limited. With upcoming parliamentary elections, women organisations in Egypt, led by the NCW, are working to gain their rightful representation. This research endeavours to assess the effectiveness of the role of NCW in promoting women’s political participation in the genesis of the revolutions, with special regards to the 2015 parliamentary elections. The research argues that the role of NCW is rather limited due to three factors: shortcomings within the NCW institutional framework; shortcomings within the Egyptian legal/constitutional framework’ and shortcomings within the Egyptian societal and cultural heritage. Methodologically, the study encompasses qualitative and quantitative analysis, depending on primary data- collection through interviewing the key decision makers in the NCW, and surveying NCW members and executives, as well as the target beneficiaries.
    [Show full text]
  • Women and the Web Bridging the Internet Gap and Creating New Global Opportunities in Low and Middle-Income Countries
    Women and the Web Bridging the Internet gap and creating new global opportunities in low and middle-income countries Women and the Web 1 For over 40 years Intel has been creating technologies that advance the way people live, work, and learn. To foster innovation and drive economic growth, everyone, especially girls and women, needs to be empowered with education, employment and entrepreneurial skills. Through our long-standing commitment to helping drive quality education, we have learned first-hand how investing in girls and women improves not only their own lives, but also their families, their communities and the global economy. With this understanding, Intel is committed to helping give girls and women the opportunities to achieve their individual potential and be a power for change. www.intel.com/shewill For questions or comments about this study, please contact Renee Wittemyer ([email protected]). Dalberg Global Development Advisors is a strategy and policy advisory firm dedicated to global development. Dalberg’s mission is to mobilize effective responses to the world’s most pressing issues. We work with corporations, foundations, NGOs and governments to design policies, programs and partnerships to serve needs and capture opportunities in frontier and emerging markets. www.dalberg.com For twenty-five years, GlobeScan has helped clients measure and build value-generating relationships with their stakeholders, and to work collaboratively in delivering a sustainable and equitable future. Uniquely placed at the nexus of reputation, brand and sustainability, GlobeScan partners with clients to build trust, drive engagement and inspire innovation within, around and beyond their organizations. www.globescan.com Women and the Web 3 FOREWORD BY SHELLY ESQUE Over just two decades, the Internet has worked a thorough revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • Barriers to Employment That Women Face in Egypt
    Barriers to Employment That Women Face in Egypt Policy Challenges LOUAY CONSTANT and Considerations IFEANYI EDOCHIE PETER GLICK JEFFREY MARTINI CHANDRA GARBER C O R P O R A T I O N Cover and interior design: Rick Penn-Kraus 'SPOUBOECBDLDPWFSJNBHF$MBVEJB8JFOT"MBNZ4UPDL1IPUP Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions.html. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. R® is a registered trademark. For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR2868. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0464-0 © Copyright 2020 RAND Corporation rticle 12 of the Egyptian Constitution of 2014 enshrines work, stating that it is “. a right, a duty, and an honor guaranteed by the state.”1 In addition, the Egypt Vision 2030 Sustainable Development Strategy, which is based on the global Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), contains the ambitious goals of reducing the unemployment rate to 5 per- A 2 cent, creating a fair society for all, eliminating illiteracy, and raising the quality of education.
    [Show full text]
  • Bruised but Never Broken: the Fight for Gender Equality in Egypt and Bangladesh
    Global Majority E-Journal, Vol. 11, No. 2 (December 2020), pp. 102–116 Bruised but Never Broken: The Fight for Gender Equality in Egypt and Bangladesh Lily Sweeting Abstract This article examines issues of gender inequality and women’s rights in Bangladesh and Egypt. Both countries have high levels of gender inequality that have resulted in widespread discrimination and violence towards women. Additionally, religious and cultural norms and a profound patriarchal view of women as being inferior to men have led to the extensive exclusion of women from the workforce and political participation. Failure to adequately enforce legal practices and protections has further encouraged discrimination and violence against women and will continue to do so without governmental action. Social, political, and economic empowerment is needed for the women of Bangladesh and Egypt, but such empowerment is not happening due to the current societal norms in these two countries. I. Introduction According to a report by the World Bank (2019a), only six countries (Belgium, Denmark, France, Latvia, Luxembourg and Sweden) give women equal legal work rights as men; a typical country only gives women three-quarters the rights of men. Issues of gender inequality are continually pervasive throughout most of the developing world. Women are often subject to violence and discrimination, lack equal access to basic systems such as health care and education, and face fewer opportunities in the workforce. Cultural, societal, and religious norms, as well as governmental failures to provide adequate protections have allowed these issues of inequality to continue for generations at the expense of millions of women around the world.
    [Show full text]
  • Xma FINAL DRAFT
    PROPERTY LAW IN ROMAN EGYPT IN THE LIGHT OF THE PAPYRI: SAFEGUARDING WOMEN’S ECONOMIC INTERESTS by Melina Sturym A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Ancient Mediterranean Cultures Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2013 © Melina Sturym 2013 AUTHOR’S DECLARATION I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii ABSTRACT This study looks at the role of women in the economic environment of Roman Egypt in the light of the papyri. By examining marriage and inheritance documents from the first three centuries, the study shows that marital and inheritance laws and customs in Roman Egypt were made to protect women’s interests when it came to ownership and possession of property, which is one of the main reasons why women played such a prominent role in Egypt’s economic environment. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. Sheila Ager, whose vast knowledge, guidance, understanding, and patience added greatly to my graduate experience. I would also like to thank the other members of my committee, Dr. Andrew Faulkner and Dr. Christina Vester for their supportive feedback, assistance, and advise. A special thanks also goes out to Brigitte Schneebeli for all her help during this past year. I am greatly grateful to all the professors at the Classics Department at the University of Winnipeg, where I did my undergraduate studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Feminism, Female Shame, and Sexual Violence in Modern Egypt Jihan Zakarriya
    Journal of International Women's Studies Volume 20 | Issue 7 Article 8 Aug-2019 Public Feminism, Female Shame, and Sexual Violence in Modern Egypt Jihan Zakarriya Follow this and additional works at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws Part of the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Zakarriya, Jihan (2019). Public Feminism, Female Shame, and Sexual Violence in Modern Egypt. Journal of International Women's Studies, 20(7), 113-128. Available at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol20/iss7/8 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. This journal and its contents may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. ©2019 Journal of International Women’s Studies. Public Feminism, Female Shame, and Sexual Violence in Modern Egypt By Jihan Zakarriya1 Abstract This paper examines the interconnections between public sexual violence, female shame, and public feminism in modern Egypt. It connects aspects of public sexual violence against women generally and politicized sexual violence in 21st-century Egypt in particular, arguing that successive political regimes in Egypt produce and maintain a spatial culture of humiliation and inferiorization as a political tool of silencing, and oppressing women and opposition. This culture of humiliation and inferiorization is premised upon media-oriented female shame ideas that relate and condemn female sexuality and public participation, establishing the public space as militarized, dangerous and exclusive. This paper attempts to assess the successes and failures of public feminism in Egypt in addressing such politicized culture of female humiliation and isolation in public spaces, with a particular focus on fighting politicized forms of sexual violence directed against women in post-2011 revolutionary Egypt.
    [Show full text]
  • Women in the Middle East and North Africa: Issues for Congress
    Women in the Middle East and North Africa: Issues for Congress Updated November 27, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46423 SUMMARY R46423 Women in the Middle East and North Africa: November 27, 2020 Issues for Congress Zoe Danon Many experts have found that women in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) fare Coordinator of Research worse than those in other parts of the world on a range of social, economic, legal and Planning political measures. Some attribute this underperformance to prevailing gender roles and perspectives (including discriminatory laws and beliefs), as well as challenges facing the Sarah R. Collins region overall (such as a preponderance of undemocratic governments, poor economic Research Assistant growth, wars, and mass displacement, which often disproportionately affect women). Some key issues facing many women in the region include the following: Unequal Legal Rights. Women in the MENA region face greater legal discrimination than women elsewhere, with differential laws on issues such as marriage, freedom of movement, and inheritance, as well as limited to no legal protection from domestic violence. Constraints on Economic Participation and Opportunity. Regional conditions, in addition to gender-based discrimination, contribute to a significant difference between men and women’s participation in MENA economies. For example, women do not participate in the labor force to the same degree as women in other regions, and those who do participate face on average nearly twice the levels of unemployment than men. Underrepresentation in Political Processes. Women—particularly in Yemen, Kuwait and Lebanon—are poorly represented in legislative bodies compared to the global average.
    [Show full text]