Book Reviews

BOOK REVIEWS

Society, Economics, and Politics in Pre-Angkor Cambodia: The 7 t"_8t" Centuries. Michael Vickery. The Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies for UNESCO, The Tokyo Bunko, Tokyo, 1998. 486 pp, 5 maps, 4 plates, 3 tables, bibliography, and index. Paperback $50.00. ISBN 4-89656-110-4

Reviewed by P. BION GRIFFIN, University ofHawai 'i, Manoa

Michael Vickery, a genuine "Old Cambo Angkorian Cambodia, how this under dia Hand," has offered us a volume full of standing was gained, and what is wrong meat to chew on-not tough old sinew, with it. He then proceeds to examine anew but a large roast, ranging from rare to well the contemporary data, the inscriptions that done, and offering much for many tastes. are the basic pre-Angkorian sources. He While the anti-Marxist, anti-materialists does not privilege Chinese sources, and cer may foolishly suggest Vickery's work suffers tainly shies from adopting European models from "mad cow disease," I suggest that for of feudalism, kingship, and social organi once we have a clearly, if densely, argued zation. His analyses of the works of the view of the nature of the evolving pre late George Coedes and of Claude Jacques, Angkorian society of the protohistoric today's pre-eminent French epigrapher Khmer. The volume has, for the archaeol and historian, are intimate and unsparing. ogist, an especially clear and useful theo Michael Vickery certainly has the creden retical foundation. Vickery, a Marxist tials to approach the pre-Angkorian; a his historian, tackles the "Asiatic Mode of Pro torian of Cambodia since the 1960s, he has duction," looking at the Khmer from the published voluminously on the entire range earliest indications of adoption of Indic of Khmer history and has examined the religious trappings until, but not includ necessary data for decades. Never one to ing, the great Angkorian civilization, which shirk raising difficult questions, or avoid begins about A.D. 800. His effort is not to stirring up old passions, he has, in this further examine the genealogies of rulers as monograph, "told it as he sees it." an end in itself, but to use the primaty My review of Vickery is undertaken as source of stele texts, especially those in Old an archaeologist, not a historian, epigra Khmer, to understand the changing orga pher, or even as an "Old Cambodia Hand." nization of society, of the cults, and, most My interests in ancient Cambodia began in importantly, the economic system on which 1994, with my initiation of the University society, politics, and religion was based. I of Hawai'i/East-West Center/Royal Uni emphasize that the source of the data comes versity of Fine Arts program in Khmer from the written record, carved on stone, studies. After my colleague, Dr. Miriam and speaking directly to the matters of Stark, assumed directorship of the archaeo concern noted. Vickery argues that previ logical program at the ancient city of ous scholarship has neglected these data, Angkor Borei, my own attention turned to instead focusing on kingly matters. He dis wide-ranging questions concerning the cusses the textbook understanding of pre- pre-Angkorian and Angkorian periods. I

review Vickery's monograph as one excited of reasons, by A.D. 802, the traditional date about the thoroughly argued insights it for the founding of the Angkorian state by offers and its many leads for model building Jayavarman II. The seventh century is rich and hypothesis generation for future ar in texts carved in stone, but early in the chaeological research. eighth century epigraphy nearly ceases, the The monograph is logically organized, hiatus lasting until A.D. 877. Interestingly, making following the arguments relatively Vickery hypothesizes a correlation of stele easy. Chapter 1 is the "Introduction." In erection with times of political change; this it we are offered an unusually clear justifi is but one of the many archaeologically cation for the theoretical foundations of testable ideas one extracts. the study and an overview history of the The reconstruction ofthe pre-Angkorian pre-Angkorian, beginning with Funan (ap begins with a re-interpretation ofthe Funan proximately early in the Christian era) in period, or the nature of their social organi the Mekong Delta and southern Cambo zation, and of the chiefly title pan. That the dia. Much of the thesis of the rest of the Khmer were organized matrilineally with work in encapsulated in this narrative. The male accession to chiefly position based re less diligent student could obtain the heart lationship to mother's sister is perhaps one of the matter by a careful reading of the of the most interesting and controversial of Introduction. The rich supporting data and Vickery's promotions. "Pan-ship was passed arguments would be neglected, as would from a man to a sister's son; and a son of a the kernels that spark ideas for new re pan only inherited status if it also passed search. Chapter 2 is "Pre-Angkorian Cam through his mother from her brother" bodia: The Historiographic Situation," and (p. 23). The idea is not new, and cultural Chapter 3 the "Pre- and Proto-Historic anthropologists tend not to be enamored Background." Chapter 4, "The Pre-Angkor with an ancient matrilineal society in Inscriptions," is followed by "The Cult coastal Southeast Asia (Ledgerwood 1995; Component" and "Divisions of the Popu Parkin 1990). The problem is not resolved. lation." Chapter 7, "Social Structure and Vickery's ideas as to why a matrilineal soci the Economy," and Chapter 8, "Political ety "may have been appropriate" are not Structure, Kingship and the State," com compelling, but he does make a case con plete the monograph, except for a valuable cerning the development of Khmer society appendix discussing Khmer and Sanskrit from matrilineality to the Angkorian patri terms. lineal bias. His use of the kinship relations A principal point of the book is that the inscribed on stone makes sense. The cul stele inscriptions inherently encode eco tural anthropologists have come at the nomic, social, and political data, not being problem from a different angle and data limited to dynastic histories, royal genealo base, and really do not address the possibi gies, and related kingly praises. From these lities of the stele data. As an archaeologist, data Vickery develops a structure for infer I would, however, suggest one might ring the changing organization of society, model several different bases of trajectory the economic system as it evolved in con change in Khmer political organization. cert with changing political structures, and The Kratie pre-Angkorian, with its eighth the uses of adopting Indic cult features and century queens, seems an especially useful aristocratic titles. He engages in, and re area of archaeological inquiry into political ports, a close reading ofthe stone stele upon change. In any case, the early chiefly pan which the Khmer inscribed texts in Sanskrit titles disappeared in the eighth century, be and Old Khmer. Vickery's sources are those ing replaced by Indic titles. published, largely by George Coedes, The reason why-varman replaced supplemented with unpublished material other titles and why-vara replaced provided by Claude Jacques. The pre pre-Indic deities was because at a Angkorian texts considered begin in the certain level of wealth accumulation early seventh century and end, for a variety chiefs wished to change the rules of BOOK REVIEWS 141

wealth preservation and transmission. rial on the "Cult Component" of the There was a new stage of political monograph would focus on pre-Angkorian integration, and ultimately a change religion and be less useful to archaeology, in the mode of production. The first neither is the case. First, the aim is not to signs already appear in the vague provide an understanding of the religion Chinese records of Funan, and the few texts allow that-but to extract cult process emerges more clearly from the 7 th-century Khmer, not Sanskrit, aspects from the inscriptions and to better inscriptions. (p. 60) understand the roles of people in the soci ety, roles one may examine concerning po A strategy of chiefly subordination of litical and economic positions. local, indigenous deities and customs and adoption of Indic elements runs through I intend to show that the cult roles held by those individuals were not out the entirety ofVickery's argument, as is their exclusive, or even principal, oc clear in his statement, "It is important to cupation, that the inscriptions, which recognize the indigenous traits and institu seem superficially to be devoted to tions may lie under the Indic fayade, rather cult matters, were in their over than assume Indianization ..." (p. 141). whelming majority concerned with And, "Very few inscriptions record erec practical, not religious affairs.... It tion ofidols, installation ceremonies, or any seems a priori probable that the rapid particular ritual, but simply assignment of development of Indic cult features at property and personnel to apparently exist the expense of indigenous cults was ing foundations" (p. 159). linked to political and economic riv Vickery argues that the "capital" or alries intimately connected with the shift in dominance from coast Funan "central place" (my term) of Funan was not to inland Chenla in the 7th cen Ba Phnom, but Angkor Borei in the upper tury.... (p. 140-141) Mekong Delta, and may have been the seat of the early king, Rudravarman. Rudravar The chapter goes a long way to doing just man is mentioned by both the Chinese and that, with extensive discussions of the gods, in the inscriptions, and may have been a joint gods (the joining of gods or founda lineal ancestor of Isanavarman, a powerful tions), and a hint 0) at Khmer religion. To unifier and ruler located at today's Sambor an anthropological archaeologist such as Prei Kuk (Isanapura, the first post-Funan myself, the conclusion that, simply put, capital). The nature of kingly or chiefly Khmer religion involved adaptations of succession, and the place of lineality is im Indic features is, if not self-evident, at least portant as one sees, with Vickery, the move archaeologically testable. Vickery, how of polity centers from the delta northward, ever, points to proof "... in the non east of the TonIe Sap, edging ever closer to Sanskritized, or partially Sanskritized native "Angkor." gods in the Khmer language inscriptions The hypothesized shift of political and ..." (p. 170) and other details. economic strength from the delta inland, Moving to the economy, we have aban and the diminishing of polities located doned the notion of lists of temple slaves around Angkor Borei and Ba Phnom, and who existed to provide for the temple and with centers in Kampong Thorn and Kratie the gods. Instead, we see the inscriptions rising, make for archaeological testable providing endowments by the ruling class models. Indeed, Vickery positions Jayavar of land, people, and animals, all indicat man II at the end of this shift with his cap ing economic and social relationships. The ital established immediately north of TonIe temples are seen as production units, not Sap. New, research-design-driven archaeo simply religious establishments supported logical site survey would build on Vickery's by gifts. The temples were artifacts of po inscription-based data, ultimately testing his litical leaders' machinations aimed at gain conclusions. ing a surplus for their own use; temple While one might suspect that the mate- personnel produced much more than they ASIAN PERSPECTIVES . 40(1) . SPRING 2001

consumed. In addition to singers and center of the Cambodian polity dur dancers, whose tasks beyond singing and ing the 7th _8th century, from the dancing can only be imagined, one often Takeo-Kampot-Prey Veng-Kompong fmds leaf sewers, spinners, weavers, potters, Cham-Kompong Thom region, to record keepers, grinders, cooks, and field just north of the TonIe Sap where Angkor was established. (p. 315-316) hands. Metal workers (smiths) are missing, surprisingly, as are all other craft workers. And, he asks, "What was the attraction, No builders, carpenters, sculptors, jewelers, since the southern provinces were more or animal handlers (mahouts, etc.) are listed. favorably endowed for agriculture than the Only one reference to trading is known, Angkor region?" (p. 316). and this is late and at Sambhupura on the First, we are pointed to Sambhupura, Mekong, an anomalous context, perhaps. developing separately but on the Mekong Since an argument can be made that tem at a key location for control of river traffic ples produce, in part, luxury goods for ex and trade. Political and locational changes change with political elite, one wonders at in Champa to the east in Viet Nam may the lack of craftspersons. The archaeologi also be associated. Copper, iron, and lead cal implications suggest a need to locate deposits in the north seem also relevant, nontemple residential areas, searching for especially as social and political complexity evidence of localization of specialists asso must have demanded better arms and anna ciated with noncult leaders. ments as well as nonmilitary metallurgy. The final chapter, "Political Structure, Population growth and agricultural expan Kingship, and the State," questions the sion are also suggested, and supported by received wisdom that state-level societies the ever larger and more elaborate temple existed during Funan and Chenla times. structures found as the northward emphasis The chapter also attempts to see political continues. I would, as an aside, question the processes from the seventh into the ninth favorability of the southern agricultural centuries. These interests are extremely zones, but that is another matter and for in keeping with those of anthropological future resolution. archaeologists and do provide grist for As an archaeologist progresses through hypothesis generation and field testing. the monograph, more and more come Archaeologists have for three decades wor together for the nonepigrapher/historian. ried about "chiefdoms" and "states," and Michael Vickery has produced an extremely how the former could develop into the lat detailed, data rich, and well-argued study. ter. I suggest that a close reading ofVickery Epigraphers and historians will undoubtedly convinces one that the state is a ninth have a variety of views, finding fault with century construct, realized by Jayavarman interpretations of inscription texts, transla II, and that the preceding centuries saw tions of Khmer and Sanskrit, and so on. the progression from simple chiefdoms in Some will argue, correctly, that far more southern Cambodia and environs through could be extracted concerning the religions complex chiefdoms at Isanapura and, per and ideological nature of the temple foun haps, Sambhupura (although, as an archae dations, but that may be another scholar's ologist, I speculate that the Kratie area, task. But, for the archaeologist, we have a remaining separate from the larger devel comprehensive study that in both its theo oping polity, remained a chiefdom until retical focus and data sources provides a Jayavamlan II). Much of the archaeological multitude of inspirations for future re potential of the movement ofpolity centers search. I have read through the book three and consolidation of power can be seen in times; every time I examine a particular Vickery's statement that: portion, I better understand how archaeol The dates and locations of pre ogy can address issues. The book is a mas Angkor and early Angkor inscrip terpiece and required reading for new, as tions indicate a gradual shift north well as old, Cambodia hands. It is "the ward of the political and economic beef" BOOK REVIEWS 143

REFERENCES PARKIN, ROBERT 1990 Descent in old Cambodia: Decon LEDGERWOOD, JUDY L. structing a matrilineal hypothesis. 1995 Khmer kinship: the matriliny/matri ZeitschriJt fiir Etfmologie 115: 209 archy myth. Journal of Anthropological 227. Research 51: 247-261.

Myth and History in the Historiography of Early Burma: Paradigms, Primary Sources, and Prejudices. Michael A. Aung-Thwin. Athens: Ohio University Center for In ternational Studies, 1998. 220 pp., maps.

Reviewed by PATRICK A. PRANKE, Middlebury College, Vermont

This book brings together five essays by Shan Brothers led to the birth of a new Michael A. Aung-Thwin on the history Shan dynasty at Ava in the aftermath of and historiography of the Burmese king Pagan's destruction (p. 126). doms of Pagan and Ava between the Through a careful review of epigraphic, twelfth and early fourteenth centuries. In archaeological, and chronicle evidence, these essays, each ofwhich is presented as a Aung-Thwin demonstrates that the five chapter, the author reexamines five events events are myths with little or no basis in that, over the course of the last centmy of historical fact. Exploring their origins and Western scholarship, have come to be viewed the motivations underlying their articula by Burma scholars as watersheds in the history tion, he shows that four of the myths (nos. of Pagan and its successor state, Ava. Stated 1, 3-5) are of recent vintage, being the briefly, the five events are: (1) the Sinhalese product of late nineteenth- and twentieth capture of Pagan and execution of its king, century British colonial historiography, Kulakya, in 1165 C.E., (2) the flight of while the fifth (no. 2) can be traced to in Pagan's King Narathihapade in the face of digenous Burmese chronicles. He argues the Chinese (Mongol) invasion of 1284, (3) that these myths were shaped by particular the destruction of Pagan by Chinese forces political and intellectual biases of their in 1284, (4) the murder of Pagan's King creators, and that when these biases are Kyawswa by the "Three Shan Brothers" in recognized and set aside, an entirely differ c. 1304, and (5) the founding ofthe kingdom ent and more cogent picture of Burmese of Ava by a descendant of the Three Shan history comes into view. Brothers, Thadominbya, in 1364 (p. 2). Aung-Thwin develops his critique incre Leading Burma scholars have commented mentally in each of the five chapters, and in on the significance of the five events and in each he offers an alternative to the prevail the process woven them into a more or less ing historical theory under consideration. continuous narrative. G. H. Luce claimed In his conclusion, he discusses the intellec the Sinhalese capture of Pagan ushered in tual, political, and social trends in nine Pagan's golden age, insofar as it led to the teenth- and twentieth-century Burma that ascendancy ofBurman over Mon culture at shaped the historiography of pre-colonial, the capital, and the adoption of Sinhalese colonial, and independent Burma (p. 3). Theravada Buddhism as the state religion He ends with a brief look at contemporary (p. 26). Pe Maung Tin and G. E. Harvey Burma in the aftermath of the failed de saw the flight of Narathihapade and the mocracy uprising of 1988, where he tou sacking of Pagan by the Chinese as mark ches upon the continuing process of histor ing the end of the Pagan Empire. And ical myth-making in the rhetoric of the D.G.E. Hall, among others, asserted that military junta and its opponents in the de the political machinations of the Three mocracy movement.

Aung-Thwin identifies three prejudices for example, that the Pagan Empire col in particular that have influenced the inter lapsed suddenly with the destruction of its pretation of Bunnese history by modern capital by Chinese troops in 1284, and that scholars. The first is the "reification of eth this catastrophe ushered in the Shan period. nicity" by which he means the attribution In fact, the Chinese army never reached ofhistorical causation to ethnicity. He notes the city of Pagan and there is no evidence that Western scholarship has tended to view that the city was ever sacked (p. 92). Burmese history as an "endless series ofbat Instead, Pagan suffered a gradual decline tIes between ethnic groups," a perspective brought about by internal economic con not shared by indigenous chronicles. Bur tradictions rather than invasion (pp. 63 mese sources, he observes, do not portray 64), and it continued to survive in dimin the various rebellions, wars, and coups they ished form until 1368, when Pagan's last record as being caused by ethnic differ king became a vassal of Ava (p. 93). ences, but by the quest for power by elite It was further assumed that the Shans groups competing for the throne (p. 146). were less civilized than the Burmans so that The second prejudice is the "idea of their cultural achievements were seen as progress" by which Burmese history was necessarily inferior as well. Since as early as placed within the "ancient, medieval, 1883, with the publication of Sir Arthur modern" paradigm of Western historiogra Phayre's History of Burma, most Burma phy. Burmese history as a whole was con scholars have characterized the Ava period ceived as moving through stages ofprogres (1364-1527) as a kind of Burmese dark sive transformation in a process ultimately age, one whose Shan polity was a back driven by the contest of competing races. water when compared to the 'classical' Aung-Thwin argues that these conceptions Burman empire of Pagan that preceded it had their origins, at least in part, in late and the 'renaissance' Burman empire of nineteenth- and twentieth-century West Taungoo that followed it (p. 136). ern ideas of social Darwinism, natural se Yet, as Aung-Thwin points out, the lection, and survival of the fittest (p. 148). kingdom of Ava was neither Shan nor in The third prejudice was the notion that ferior to either Pagan or Taungoo in terms Burmese history was necessarily determined of culture and civilization. The Three Shan by "momentous events." Specifically, it was Brothers, progenitors of the Ava dynasty, the belief that the dramatic transformations turn out not to have been Shan but minis presumed to characterize distinct periods in ters of the Pagan court who usurped the Burmese history had to have been brought throne-their 'shan-ness' being entirely the about by equally dramatic watershed events invention of modern historians beginning (p. 149). Aung-Thwin points out that the with Phayre (p. 122). Furthermore, while latter prejudice is also evident to a certain the kingdom of Ava controlled less terri extent in indigenous chronicles, and that tory than did Pagan, it was nevertheless myths of radical junctures in Burmese his prosperous and stable during most of its tory found in these sources have generally history and remained a major power in the been accepted uncritically as fact by mod region. Available evidence indicates that ern historians (p. 3). This has acted to rein Ava maintained all of the "centralized state force the tendency among Western-trained activities found during the Pagan period, scholars to overlook patterns of political, along with the socioeconomic and political cultural, and religious continuity otherwise institutions they represented and the per discernable in the epigraphic, archaeologi sonnel they would have required" (p. 132). cal, and literary record. In its production of Buddhist scholasticism In his review of the historical evidence, and Burmese literature and poetry, Ava Aung-Thwin describes how these pre actually surpassed Pagan in achievement, judices distorted modern understandings of setting the standards against which all later the Pagan and Ava periods. It was assumed, generations ofliterati would measure them- BOOK REVIEWS 145

selves (p. 133). Summarizing the legacy of the historiography of the colonial and post the kingdom, Aung-Thwin remarks, "Ava colonial generations of Burma scholars, was Pagan writ small. By resurrecting the both in terms ofmethodology and cogency. structure and conceptual system of Pagan, At the same time his views on the notion the kingdom of Ava preserved and perpe of progress and linear history, the role of tuated the principles of the 'classical' Bur ethnicity in Burmese history, and historical mese state, upon which succeeding king myth making in the political arena of con doms could be (and were) founded" (p. 142). temporary Burma, are as controversial as With this work we have really for the they are innovative and thought provok first time in modern scholarship an accurate ing. This is an excellent book for use in glimpse at Ava's role and importance in upper-level and graduate seminars on Bur Burmese history. While acknowledging and mese history and culture, sure to stimulate building upon the work of predecessors in discussion and debate. the field, Aung-Thwin moves well beyond

Studies in Southeast Asian Art: Essays in Honor of Stanley]. O'Connor. Nora A. Taylor. Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, 2000. 243 pp, $28.00. ISBN 0-87727-728-1

Reviewed by ROBERT L. BROWN, University of California, Los Angeles

Stanley J. O'Connor retired as professor of work on modern material, to study things Southeast Asian art history at Cornell Uni that are part of everyday life, or at least versity in 1995. This volume contains arti modern life, and for which we thus have cles by eleven of his former graduate stu the written and oral evidence to treat it as dents published in his honor. It is clear part of people's lives. from these studies that Prof. O'Connor had As the editor, Nora A. Taylor, writes in a profound influence on these students, her Introduction: both in how they approach the study of Where previous art historical treat material culture as well as personally, as it ments of Southeast Asia have tended comes across how much the students like to concentrate on religious monu and respect him as a person. The intent in ments and statuary, this volume his teaching that so affects them in their should stand out for the virtual ab own research interests is his desire to make sence of any reference to stone struc the art come alive by relating it to the peo tures and large temple complexes. ples and cultures who made it. Art is lived O'Connor's students were encour by the people. aged to search in new places for The essays begin with a bibliographical "art." This emphasis has made the field of Southeast Asian art more di sketch by Oliver Wolters. Prof. Wolters verse and, at the same time, changed (who unfortunately died this last year) was it so that it no longer seems frozen or an eminent historian of Southeast Asia and ossified.... (p. 12) colleague of O'Connor's at Cornell. Again, one is struck by the care and affection that We in the field may find it a bit of a Wolters had for "Stan," who "has been no shock to realize that what we have been ordinary teacher and friend." doing is frozen and ossified. Taylor's whiff In part, perhaps, the desire to find art of hubris throughout her Introduction re that can be spoken for by the people who garding how innovative her and her fellow made it has led O'Connor's students to students' work is, should not stand in the

way of how admirable the attempt is to anced analysis of the photographs' fornlal find new areas of art historical exploration. characteristics, which she relates to the his I can only briefly introduce the eleven torical evidence. Such studies of photogra essays here, using their order in the book. phy in Southeast Asia hold considerable Kaja McGowan explores modern Balinese promise. Nora A. Taylor asks "Whose Art notions of landscape, particularly how are We Studying?" when we write the art naturally found tiny stones called manik history of Viet Nam. She contrasts colonial retain the pre-Indic megalithic believes in art histories with those of two contempo a geography of power. McGowan, often rary Vietnamese scholars, concluding that writing in eloquent prose, shows caring there is no one art history but several his sensitivity to her informants' opinions. Jan tories, and a long list of questions that thus Mra¢zek views Indonesian wayang puppets far no approach has yet answered. Robert and performance through the eyes of the S. Wicks looks at a modern Burmese silver puppeteer, arguing that the puppets must bowl with repousse illustrations of the most be seen as instruments rather than static popular of the Buddhist Jataka stories, the museum objects (that is, as art historical Vessantara Jataka. The bowl was a gift to an objects). It seems to me, however, that the American Christian medical missionary in puppeteer brings such highly elite and re Burma, and Wicks suggests why this par fined knowledge, judgements of a true ticular story was chosen and why its illus connoisseur, that an extremely narrow and trations take the form they do. scholarly view of the object is created The final three papers turn to earlier rather than any popular understanding. In material. M. L. Pattaratorn Chirapravati other words, such a view of the puppets associates clay votive tablets from Thailand is no more experiential for most peo dating to the seventh to eleventh centuries ple than is viewing the puppets in glass with various Buddhist schools using the cases. tablets' iconography and geographical dis Two scholars focus on ceramics. Hilda tribution. John N. Miksic and E. Edwards Soemantri, a ceramic artist as well as art his McKinnon end the collection with two torian, traces the development of ceramic papers that are similar, being archaeological art in modern Indonesia, and Barbara Har surveys of areas of Southeast Asia. Miksic, rison classifies and interprets various cera in an extremely interesting paper, looks at mics, Chinese and Southeast Asian, found archaeological excavations of Chinese cera particularly in Borneo. Astri Wright writes mics in Singapore and other islands in the about a contemporary female Indonesian South China Sea and suggests how differing painter, Lucia Hartini, tracing the devel understandings among the local peoples re opment in her paintings. It is a story of garding ceramics can be identified. McKin art as well as personal biography, Hari non's paper is also important, a survey of tini's paintings being interpreted prim objects from East Kalimantan, showing that arily through interviews with the artist, several sites, long ignored, may have had a connecting paintings of a particular time significant role in the Indianization process with the artist's life and experiences of in island Southeast Asia. that period. The artist and her work end Prof. O'Connor should be very proud of "liberated, defiant, and strong," an em this volume. His concern and interest in powered woman. My question here is what making the art and cultures of Southeast about Haritini's quintessential modern Asia come alive to students in his classes, [read Western] journey toward female self both undergraduates and graduates, has expression is Javanese? clearly worked (see his article "Humane Caverlee Cary very nicely reads two Literacy and Southeast Asian Art," Journal well-known photographs of two nine of Southeast Asian Studies 26, 1 [1995]: teenth-century Thai kings, King Mongkut 147-158). His legacy is displayed in these and King Chulalongkorn, through a nu- essays. BOOK REVIEWS 147

History, Culture, and Region in Southeast Asian Perspectives. O. W. Wolters. Revised edition. Southeast Asian Program Publications No. 26, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, 1999. 275 pp, $17.00. ISBN: 0-87727-725-7

Reviewed by LAURA JUNKER, Anthropology Department, Western Michigan University

Anyone who is familiar with historian O. tainly not alone in questioning the over W. Wolters' original publication in 1982 of emphasis on Indian influence on the emer this collection of essays on the pre-colonial gence of early Southeast Asian kingdoms cultural and political landscape ofSoutheast like Srivijaya and Funan (advanced particu Asia will be extremely happy to see this new larly by Georges Coedes in his classic work version come to press. The original book, The Indianized States of Southeast Asia), he already a provocative and seminal work went further than many others in trying to appreciated by historians and anthropol explain how specific cultural factors and ogists alike, consisted of five theoretically historical trajectories in Southeast Asia wide-ranging essays on such issues as the made Indian concepts of authority and In meaning of "Southeast Asia" as an entity dian religious precepts a particularly good with historical and cultural commonalities, "fit" with indigenous notions of kingship what the process of "Indianization" in first and ritual potency in first millennium millennium and early second millennium A.D. Southeast Asia. According to Wolters, A.D. Southeast Asia really means, and the such factors as the cosmopolitan outlook of implications for continuities between his Southeast Asians engendered by an early toric kingdoms and the prehistoric past. emphasis on maritime trade, social groups The essays in the 1982 book were sand formed through fluid alliance rather than wiched by introductory and concluding territorially based lineages, and political chapters that nicely emphasized some of systems emphasizing personal competition the broader implications of Wolters' ideas for ideological and material supremacy all on political structure in historic and "pro were instrumental in the adoption by tohistoric" Southeast Asian complex socie Southeast Asians of exotic models of arts, ties like Funan, Srivijaya, Champa, and religion, and government that could be Majapahit. The 1982 publication also in manipulated for prestige and political gain. cluded several appendixes which illustrated Wolters makes a strong argument that Wolters' masterful use of native texts Hindu (Sanskrit) literary traditions were (Malay Sanskrit, Vietnamese, and Old]ava particularly attractive to Southeast Asians nese) to support his notions about how tra because they emphasized many precepts of ditional rulers and other "men of prowess" rulership that were already part of South manipulated political alliances and made east Asian politics (such as how to make convincing displays of ritual potency to ex effective alliances and political coalitions), pand their authority. but by codifying these precepts in literature One of the most significant contributions and art gave material authority and com of Wolters' 1982 essays and previous his petitive weight to their local bearers. torical work was his challenge to the tradi However, Wolters took care in his 1982 tional view of "Indianization" as a whole essays not to talk in pan-Southeast Asian sale cultural overlay. Including not only generalities, but instead emphasized that it aspects of Hindu religion and writing but was how these foreign models were "loca political power structures, this "Indianiza lized" (i.e., integrated into local cultures tion" process has been traditionally seen as and given local "meaning") that provides catalyzing and shaping "state" development the bridge between work on "local" cul in Southeast Asia. While Wolters was cer- ture history (where he believes that most

Asiall PcrspccrilJcs, Vol. 40. No.1, © 2002 by University of Hawni'j Press. ASIAN PERSPECTIVES . 40(1) . SPRING 2001 historical research is rightly situated) and emerged in the historical literature over the attacking broader issues of regional scale. last two decades on cultural contextuali Consistent with his view that it is useful zation, multiple ways of "reading" texts, for historians to continually work between engendering history, and integrating the what he calls "local statements" and more work of historians with that of their ar general regional models of political, so chaeological colleagues. Wolters accom cial, and economic development, Wolters plishes his aim of updating, reevaluating, fleshed out the concept of mandala (a San and in some cases (with unwarranted hu skrit term from Indian manuals of govern mility) substantially revising his views not ment) in his 1982 essays to describe the by rewriting the original essays which type of nonterritorial, fluctuating political formed the core of his 1982 book, but in structure characteristic of many parts of stead by writing whole new essays in a se Southeast Asia. This style of political au ries of "postscript" chapters, which essen thority, in which all political relations were tially revisit and expand on the content of personal and immediate rather than remote the original ones. At first, I was somewhat and hereditarily imbued, fit well with the dubious about the effectiveness of organiz contemporaneous struggles of anthropol ing the book in this manner, with the as ogists like Clifford Geertz; Stanley Tam sumption that it would be difficult for the biah, and Robert Winzeler in the 1970s reader to follow Wolters' changing per and 1980s to describe the essence of the spectives on specific issues if his discussion decentralized ("segmentary," "galactic"), was widely separated in the two halves of unstable, and "theatrical" polities charac the book. However, as I moved through teristic of both mainland and island South both portions of the books, I realized that east Asia at the time of European contact. Wolters' masterful integration of various In showing that mandala-like features of topics related to political structure, political political structure could be found in places economy, ecological and demographic fac like the Philippines, previously considered tors, writing, and the "localization" of for relatively politically peripheral and "tribal" eign knowledge and religions in both the in development by anthropologists, W 01 1982 and 1999 essays provided a theoretical ters usurped the usual role of anthropol coherence that allowed the reader to easily ogists in demonstrating that there were follow Wolters' evolution as a historical significant pan-regional patterns of social scholar. and political organization worth investigat In the new section of the publication, ing through multidisciplinary approaches. Wolters strengthens some of the points Wolters' perspective that there is strong made in his 1982 essays and changes some of cultural continuity rather than an abrupt his previous views through a more extended disjunction between the prehistoric past discussion of the theoretical arguments, the and historic kingdoms known through addition of new historical analyses or case Chinese, Indian, Arab, European, and local studies (some of which are provided in the texts, has allowed him to develop a dia detailed appendixes), and responses to cri logue with archaeologists as well as cultural tiques that have emerged over the past sev anthropologists. Archaeologists like me eral decades. For example, he points to the found much of interest in Wolters' work as recent research which reinforces his notion embodied in the 1982 essays, attested over that Southeast Asian political configurations the past two decades in the frequent incor have been characterized by a long-term poration of his ideas into archaeological pattern of"multi-centricism," reflecting the projects on complex society development unstable and personal nature of political in various parts ofSoutheast Asia. power relations and persistent competition The revised version of the book, more between factionalized elites. We now know than double the size of the original, builds through the work of historians and archae on these important themes by integrat ologists that both the Mon-speaking "king ing new ideas and approaches that have dom" ofDvaravati (in central Thailand) and BOOK REVIEWS 149 the early Khmer kingdom of Funan (in models of prehistoric societies, such as the Cambodia) can be best characterized as net heterarchic approach of White, can fruit works of competing polities with an elite fully inform historical analysis of later veneer of shared religious iconography, ar Southeast Asian states, providing a bridge chitecture, and writing. Archaeological sur between prehistoric and historic trajectories veys and excavations on Sumatra in the of complex society development. Thus, in vicinity of Palembang by Manguin and a view that is too rare among historians, others, as well as Wisseman-Christie's new Wolters suggests that the archaeology of epigraphic work on Sanskrit and Old Malay protohistoric periods does not necessarily inscriptions in the region, is also cited as have to be a handmaiden to historically support for Wolters' political model in derived interpretations. which patron-client relationships and the One of the most significant areas of spatial expansion of social networks are discussion in the 1999 essays is Wolters' more important than bounded territories in recognition of the need to develop an defining the almost-continually changing "engendered" history of Southeast Asia. In "Srivijaya" state. Even in what was pre the fourth of the "postscript" chapters, viously considered a more Chinese-style he synthesizes a great deal of the impor "centralized" state along the Vietnamese tant work of the last two decades on this coast, Keith Taylor's recent historical work issue, particularly the expanding realization has shown that the supposed thirteenth among scholars that Sanskrit writings and and fourteenth-century Tran kingdom may other indigenous texts generally speak in a have actually been a series of ethnically dis male voice but often contain more subtle tinct polities in close cultural interaction hints of female perspectives. Wolters em stretching from the Red River delta to the phasizes that the distinction often made in Mekong. Wolters takes even stronger issue gender studies between "text" and "prac than in the 1982 essays with historians and tice" is a particularly fruitful line of histori archaeologists who continue to emphasize cal inquiry in Southeast Asia. Since inscrip tendencies to;ward greater "centralization" tions with metaphorical writing praising and permanence in Southeast Asian polities military achievements, economic successes, (i.e., a more literal "Indianization" or and ritual potency are the weapons of "Sinocization") over time. rulers and would-be rulers in asserting their Wolters also demonstrates in his 1999 status as "men ofprowess," this discourse of essays an even stronger willingness to cross male power tends to mask the traditionally disciplinary boundaries to improve our strong role of women in Southeast Asia as theories of how Southeast Asian states are political, economic, and ritual authorities. structured and how they came to be. He Wolters, echoing other historians such as presents an extended discussion of archae Lorraine Gesick, Thomas Kirsch, Barbara ologist Joyce White's use of the concept of Andaya, and Anthony Reid, calls for his heterarchy to describe prehistoric complex torical analysis of how both males and societies in Thailand, in which the perma females wield power and establish them nent status and political hierarchies assumed selves as "people of prowess" in Southeast by a centralized "state" or "chiefdom" Asia, a plea that is given empirical weight model are not neatly reflected in the ar by his own "engendered" analysis of court chaeological burial record at sites like sec politics in thirteenth- and fourteenth ond millennium Ban Chiang. Heterarchy century Vietnam presented in Appendix 2 models, like Wolters' concept of the man of the updated volume. dala, allow for a decoupling of changes in In sum, History, Culture, and Region in social, economic, and political institutions, Southeast Asian Perspectives is an outstanding and for fluidity in social relations involv collection of historical essays that belongs ing both hierarchical ranking and non on the book shelf of any historian, archae hierarchical forms of differentiation. Wol ologist, or cultural anthropologist inter ters argues that archaeologically tested ested in questions of how complex societies 150 ASIAN PERSPECTIVES . 40(1) . SPRING 2001 were structured in premodern Southeast warfare, competitive strategies for foreign Asia. While this review has focused on trade, etc., that will certainly stimulate and Wolters' more general theoretical perspec contribute to new directions of historical tives, his wide-ranging discussion contains and archaeological research for years to many "gems" of ideas about the role of come. writing in Southeast Asia, the nature of