Agnese Pavanello

Weerbeke at – The Making of aPapal Composer*

When Gaspar vanWeerbekejoinedthe PapalChapelascantorcapellanus,in theautumnof1481, he alreadyhad behind himten years of professional experience at the Sforza courtofMilan.Hehad held aleading positionthere – not only in an organizationalcapacity, as viceabate,charged with thetask of expandingthe chapel,but as the musicianresponsible forbuildinga suitable repertory. Thetransmission of Weerbeke’sworks in the Milanese Gaffurio codicespoints clearlytohis importantroleasacomposer at the Sforza court, andtohis contribution to the conception andrealisation of motetcyclesthatserved liturgicalfunctions,yet were freelycomposed.1 Weerbeke’s entryintothe Papal Chapel meantnot justmembershipinan institution – thecourt of thefirst apostle’s successor, the Pope,thatwas in

* Iwishtoexpress my deepestthankstoRob C. Wegman (Princeton) fortranslating my German/Italian text andtoLeandra Scappaticci (Genova) forhelping me withthe transcriptions of thedocuments mentionedbelow whichIfoundinthe Archivio SegretoVaticano (one of which is here completely published).Ialso thankKerstin Rahn (DeutschesHistorisches Institut in Rom)and Martin Steinmann(Basel) for theiradvice concerningsomepointsofthe docu- mentation, andCarlo Bosi (Salzburg) forhis carefulreadingofthe finaltext. 1 On Weerbeke in , seethe documentationassembled in Paul A. andLora L. M. Merkley, Music andPatronageinthe SforzaCourt (Studi sullastoriadella musica in Lombardia, 3),Turn- hout 1999,and severalearlier studiesofthe chapelcited there; forthe responsibilitiesentrusted to Weerbeke in connectionwiththe formationofthe chapeland therecruitment of itssingers, seeibid.,esp.pp. 77–80;regarding therepertory of theso-called motettimissales,see ibid., pp. 341–353. Concerning theassembly of aspecificrepertory forthe chapelofthe Sforza, seethe study of Patrick Macey, »Galeazzo MariaSforzaand MusicalPatronage in Milan:Compère, Weerbeke andJosquin«, in: EarlyMusic History 15 (1996),pp. 147–212. On Gaspar’s cycles of Milanesemotets, seeGerhard Croll, DasMotettenwerkGaspars vanWeerbeke.Ph.D. diss., Uni- versity of Göttingen 1954, pp.179–238. The problems discussedinrelationtothe cycles of Milanesemotets, especially by Thomas L. Noblitt, »The Ambrosian ›Motetti missales‹ Reper- tory«, in: MusicaDisciplina 22 (1968),pp. 77–103,and Lynn HalpernWard, »The ›Motetti Missales‹ RepertoryReconsidered«, in: Journal of theAmericanMusicologicalSociety 39 (1986), pp.491–523, aresummarized in Ludwig Finscher, »Motetti missales«, in: DieMusik in Geschichteund Gegenwart,secondedition, ed.Ludwig Finscher,Sachteil, vol. 6(Kassel/Stutt- gart 1994–99),pp. 549–552. Forthe questionsraisedbythe transmission of theGaffuriocodi- ces, andfor asummary of thestate of research on theMilanesemotets, seethe importantcon- tributionbyJoshua Rifkin,»Munich,Milan,and aMarianMotet.DatingJosquin’s Ave Maria ...virgo serena«, in: Journal of theAmericanMusicological Society 56 (2003),pp. 239–350: pp.245–264.

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many ways unparalleled –,but also theprestigious status of Papal familiaris, openingupnew opportunities andperspectivesfor hisecclesiastical career. Thebull issued motu proprio by Pope Sixtus IV on 6th November 1481 officially confirmedWeerbeke’sappointmentinthe chapeland detailed the privileges thatwere due to himinthisposition, benefices cum or sinecura whichhewould be able to accept despitehis defectum natalitium (see Document 1inthe Appendix).Tobeacontinuus commensalis of the Pope, andtoworkinhis chapel as cantorcappellanus,meant alsotoaccept new tasksand undertakenew obligations, of whichtodate we do not know nearly as much as we wouldlike.2 Weerbekejoinedthe PapalChapelatatime when many of the artand building projectscommissionedbySixtusIVwere underway or nearing completion.Thisincluded, of course,the construction of thenew chapel (cappella magna)inthe Vaticanpalace, whichjustatthattimewas being decorated by theforemostartists of , andwhose consecration, in August 1483, Gaspar wouldbeabletowitness at first hand;but also – and more importantlywithaview to Weerbeke’s activities – theconstruction of thenew buildingoftheOspedalediSanto SpiritoinSassia, whosefrescoes weretoimmortalizethe life andworks of thepope.3 SinceSixtusintended

2 Thebullof6th November 1481 (ArchivioSegreto Vaticano, RV 675)formalized thefavours andbeneficesgranted to Weerbeke in hiscapacity as singer andpapal familiar (specialibus favoribusetgratiae), withwhichSixtusplacedthe composer underprotectionagainst possible ecclesiastical punishments, such as interdictand excommunication,grantinghim akindof absolution forall pending matters both presentand future (see Appendix, Doc. 1,). In a previous bull,Sixtushad alreadyconferredonthe singer an indult forthe defect of his birth, or the»irregularity of thefamilialsituation«, as is apparent from thedocuments discoveredby Merkley, Musicand Patronage (cf. fn.1), pp. 6–7, 13–14,16, 29,285–288. 3 On theroleofSixtusIVasanart patron, see thevarious contributions publishedinUn pontificatoeduna città. SistoIV(1471–1484) (Istituto storico italiano perilMedioEvo,Studi storici,154–162. Littera Antiqua5), ed.Massimo Miglio, FrancescaNiutta,Diego Quaglioni, andConcetta Ranieri, Città delVaticano,1986; SistoIV. Le ArtiaRomanel PrimoRinascimento, ed.Fabio Benzi, Rome 2000. Foracomprehensiveoverviewofhis papacy andthe initiatives patronized by him, cf.Ludwig F. Pastor, Geschichte derPäpste,vol.II: VonPiusII. bisSixtusIV (1458–1484), Freiburg 131955 (orig. ed. 1886–1933),pp. 451–710. Concerning thesignifi- canceofpapal patronageoftheOspedalediS.Spirito,and regardingthe constructionofthe newSistine aisleofthe Ospedale,see Pietro de Angelis, L’ospedale di SantoSpirito in Sassia,vol. II: Dal1301 al 1500 (Collana di studistorici sull’ospedalediSanto SpiritoinSassiaesugli ospedali romani), Rome 1962; on thefrescoesinparticular, seepp. 379–513; Eunice D. Howe, TheHospitalofSanto Spirito andPopeSixtusIV,NewYork,1978, pp. 93ff. and322–416; id., Art andCulture at theSistineCourt. Platina’s »Life of Sixtus IV«and theFrescoesofthe Hospital of SantoSpirito (StudieTesti, 422), Città delVaticano 2005, especially pp. 101–105and 207–257.

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to raise theprestigeand public imageofthe papacy,the collegium of Papal singers wasexpandedinaneffort to promote the displayofPapal magnifi- cence.4 Weerbekearrived at thevery time when thisPapal institution was beingrestructured throughnovel recruitments, allofwhich lent anew pro- file to thechapel. In theinaugural year of theSistineChapel, nine new singers joined the Papalcollege,among themBertrandus Vacquerasand Marbrianus de Orto.5 Weerbeke’sservicealsofalls exactlyinthe period when theearliestextantCappella Sistinacodices were beingcopied – thatis, in whichthe first purposivecopying effortsfor thepreservationofthe chapel’s polyphonic repertorywereinitiated. It wasduringthe pontificateofSixtus,asAdalbert Roth, more than any- one else, hasemphasized in anumberofstudies,thatthe systematic compi- lation andarchiving of thechapelrepertorywas undertaken. Theattemptto preservethe musical corpus (oratleast the polyphonic repertoryspecifically suited to the chapel)can be witnessed also inconnectionwiththe founda- tion of theVatican Library,whose directorship Sixtus entrustedtothe humanist Bartolomeo Sacchi,alias Platina.6 UnderInnocentVIII many of theinitiatives commissionedbySixtus were to be continued; among the

4 On theroleplayedbySixtusinthe consolidationand expansionofthe PapalChapel, seethe studies by Adalbert Roth,»Zur ›Reform‹der päpstlichenKapelle unterdem Pontifikat Sixtus’ IV.(1471–1484)«, in: Zusammenhänge,Einflüsse,Wirkungen. Kongressaktenzum erstenSympo- siumdes Mediävistenverbandes in Tübingen 1984,ed. JoergO.Fichte,KarlHeinz Göller and Bernhard Schimmelpfennig, Berlin andNew York 1986,pp. 168–195; id., »Primus in Petriaede Sixtus perpetuaeharmoniae cantoresintroduxit: Alcune osservazionisul patronatomusicale di SistoIV«,in: Un Pontificatoeduna città (cf. fn.3), pp.217–241. 5 In November andDecember1483, respectively.Cf. FranzXaver Haberl, Bibliographischerund thematischerMusikkatalog despäpstlichen Kapellarchives im VatikanzuRom (Bausteinefür Musikgeschichte, 2),Leipzig 1888, pp.53–55; ErnstSteinmann, Die Sixtinische Kapelle,Bd. 1, München1901,pp. 663–665 (documents edited by Heinrich Pogatscher); RichardJ.Sherr, ThePapal Chapel ca.1492–1513 andits Polyphonic Sources,Ph.D. diss., PrincetonUniversity 1975, pp.62–63, 74–76, passim. 6 SeeAdalbertRoth, »Zur Datierungder frühenChorbücherder päpstlichenKapelle«, in: Datierungund Filiationvon Musikhandschriften derJosquin-Zeit (Quellenstudienzur Musikder , 2), ed.Ludwig Finscher,Wiesbaden 1983, pp.239–268; Adalbert Roth,»Litur- gical(and Paraliturgical) Musicinthe PapalChapeltowards theEnd ofthe Fifteenth Century: ARepertory in Embryo«, in: PapalMusic andMusicians in Late Medieval andRenaissanceRome, ed.RichardSherr,Oxford1998, pp.125–137: p. 131. – In 1475Platina wasnamed gubernator et custos of theVaticanLibrary in thebull Ad decoremmilitantisEcclesiae.Onthe importance of his appointment, seeCarmela Vircillofranklin, »›Procommuni doctorumvirorum comodo‹: TheVaticanLibrary andIts ServicetoScholarship«, in: Proceedings of theAmericanPhilosophical Society 146(2002), pp.363–384: pp.373–377.

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survivingmanuscripts of the Papal Chapel,Capp. Sist.35was thefirst to be writtenspecifically forthe chapel at Rome.7 Weerbeke’s first Romanstaythus coincidedwithaperiod that witnessed agreatmanynew artistic initiatives andimpulses, whichimmediately affected the Papal collegium.Still,Weerbekeleftthe PapalChapelduringthe pontificateofInnocentVIII,inthe springof1489, not to returnuntil a decade later.8 Althoughhis second appointmentwould be much longer, and lasted probablyuntil theend of hislife, thoseofWeerbeke’s works that can be connected with Rome alldatebacktohis first Romanperiod. His compositionalactivityfor the chapel seemstobeconcentrated, then,inthe 1480s.Yet the transmission of hisworks raisesnumerous questions,of whichthe following will be explored in thepresentcontext: What didhe composespecificallyfor the PapalChapelinRome, at what time andunder what circumstances?

*

Five manuscripts from theFondoCappella Sistinaincludeworks attributed to Weerbeke(seeTable 1).The earliest,Capp. Sist.14and 51, transmit underGaspar’snamethe Masses Avereginacelorum and OVenus bant,as

7 Adalbert Roth, »Die Entstehungdes ältesten Chorbuches mitpolyphoner Musikder päpst- lichen Kapelle:Città delVaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,FondoCappella Sistina, Ms. 35«,in: Gestalt undEntstehung musikalischerQuellenim15. und16. Jahrhundert (Quellen- studien zurMusik derRenaissance,2), ed.MartinStaehelin,Wiesbaden 1998, pp.43–63. 8 PossiblyWeerbeke left Rome in 1489 also to take formal possession of newbenefices. In May of thesameyear we alreadyfindhim in Milan,where notarial acts indicate that he permutated a numberofbenefices obtained in Bruges,Nivelles, andUtrecht.See Lora L. Matthews, »Weer- beke in Milan: AspectsofClientage at Court«,in: Liber amicorumAlbertDunning in occasionedel suoLXV compleanno,ed. GiacomoFornari,Turnhout 2002,202–203 and228–230 (regarding some beneficesofWeerbeke,see below).Perhaps Weerbeke left thePapal Chapel also because of thefinancialproblemsofInnocentVIII.The singers’ stipends forDecember1485and Janu- ary1486,asreconstructedbyRoth, were to be paid onlyinDecember1488. SeeAdalbert Roth,»La storiadella cappellapontificia nelQuattrocento rispecchiata nelFondo CameraleI dell’Archivio di StatodiRoma«,in: La musicaaRomaattraverso le Fontid´Archivio,Attidel convegnointernazionale, Roma4–7giugno1992 (Strumenti della RicercaMusicale,2), ed.Bianca MariaAntolini, ArnaldoMorelliand Vera Vita Spagnuolo, Lucca1994,pp. 453–454. Weer- beke wastoreturntothe PapalChapelin1500 under AlexanderVIand is documented thereat leastuntil 1517.See RichardJ.Sherr, ThePapal Chapel (cf. fn.5), pp.26–42,76–77.Accor- dingtothe data assembledbySherr andmadeavailable online,Weerbeke wasstill in thechapel in 1521: http://sophia.smith.edu/~rsherr/singlist.htm. That thesingernever left Rome,and that he sawthe endofhis days in thecity, is suggested by theundated documentcited in n. 51, wherethe singerisreferredtoas no longer in good health.

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well as one Credo. Althoughthese twomanuscripts were apparentlynot compiled in Rome,theydocontain worksthatwere performedbyPapal singers before therepertorywas to be expanded or replaced.9

Table1: Transmission of Weerbeke’sWorks in theCappella Sistina-Codices

CS 14 fol. 14’-27: [missa] Avereginacaelorum (Gaspar) CS 51 fol. 132’-145: [missa] Ovenus bant (Gaspar) fol. 180’-183: Credo (anonymous)

CS 35 fol. 137-148: [missa] Se mieulx ne vient (Gaspar) fol. 158’-170: [missa] Princessed’amourettes (Gaspar)

CS 41 fol. 156’-174: [missa] Se trop penser (Gaspar)

CS 15 fol. 148’-153: Magnificat [octavi toni](Gaspar) fol. 201’-204: Avereginacaelorum (Gaspar) fol. 204’-208: Dulcis amica Dei (Gaspar)

Thefirst manuscriptcopied underInnocentVIII, thecodex Capp. Sist.35 mentionedearlier, preserves in itscentral corpus theMasses Se mieulx ne

9 The hypothesis of theNeapolitan originofthe twomanuscripts,proposedbyAdalbertRothin Studienzum frühen Repertoire derPäpstlichen Kapelle unter demPontifikatSixtus’ IV. (1471– 1484).Die Chorbücher14und 51 desFondo CappellaSistinader BibliotecaApostolicaVaticana (CapellaeapostolicaeSixtinaeque collectaneaactamonumenta,1), Città delVaticano1991, has been calledintoquestionbyseveral scholars. FlynnWarmington, in particular, hasproposed theirorigininVeniceonthe basisofthe styleofthe illuminationsinthe manuscript(in an unpublishedpaper presentedatGlasgow in 1994 entitled »AbeoSemperFortuna Regressum: Evidence forthe Venetian Origin of theMSS CappellaSistina 14 and 51«).RecentlyRichard Sherr, in hisedition of Capp. Sist.14, hasdeclaredhimself in favour of thehypothesis formulated by Emilia Talamo,ofapossible origin of Capp. Sist.14and Capp. Sist.51in Ferrara. SeeEmilia Talamo,»Schede«, in: Liturgia infigura,ed. Giovanni Morelloand Silvia Maddalo, Rome 1995, pp.174–178. Forasummaryofthe entire discussion on theoriginand thecompilation of themanuscripts,see Sherr’sedition Massesfor theSistine Chapel,Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,CappellaSistina,MS14(Monuments of , 13), ed.RichardSherr, Chicago2009, pp.8–18.

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vient and Princesse d’amourettes.10 These probablyrepresentworks that Weerbekewrote specifically forthe PapalChapelinthe 1480s (thatis, not justworks that happenedtobeperformed by Papalsingers).AnotherMass ascribed to Gaspar whosecompositionfalls in the sameperiod, Et trop penser,isfound in Capp. Sist.41and wascopied, probablyfromsomeolder fascicle,byJohannesOrceau,ascribe active at alater time.11 Capp. Sist.15, whichwas compiled around themiddle of the1490s,also includes worksbyWeerbekethatgoback to hisfirst Romanstayand are thus databletothe years 1481–1489: the Magnificat Octavitoni,whose polyphonic design without alternatim sectionsmatches the useofthe Papal Chapel;and thefive-part Dulcis amicaDei,for whichJeremyNoble has proposed adatingin1486.12 Thethird Weerbeke compositioninthis manuscript, the motet Avereginacelorum,could conceivablybeamuch older compositionwhich became part of the chapel repertoire at alater date.13 Weerbeke’s worksinthe CappellaSistina codicespoint to compositional activity thatwas dedicatedlargely – as one wouldexpect – to therealisation of polyphonic cycles of the Mass Ordinary forthe festal liturgy, but also to forVespers – as exemplifiedbythe Magnificat – as well as to music forspecial occasions andeventsthatwere celebrated in public, or in specialceremonies – as in thecase of Dulcis amicaDei.14 Yetthe surviving compositions most likely offeronlyapartialview of themusic composed andperformedbyPapal singers in variousservicesand events.Animpres- sionofthe broader repertoryisprovidedbydocuments such as diaries, whichrecordthe Pope’s visits to various churches in Rome,orhis official appearance at avariety of occasionsatwhich,inthe presenceofthe Papal singers,performances of polyphonydid presumablytakeplace.15 This

10 On Capp. Sist.35see Roth,Die Entstehungdes ältesten Chorbuches (cf. fn.7), pp.174–178. 11 Forthe dating of thefascicle,see Richard Sherr, PapalMusic Manuscriptsinthe Late Fifteenth andEarly SixteenthCenturies,AmericanInstitute of Musicology 1996,pp. 73 and155. 12 Sherr, PapalMusic Manuscripts (cf. fn.11),pp. 112–113, 122–123. On Dulcis amicaDei,see fn.14. Concerning Capp.Sist. 15 seealsothe contributioninthisvolumebyThomasSchmidt- Beste. 13 Seeespeciallythe observationsmadebyEricFiedler, Die Messendes Gaspar vanWeerbeke (FrankfurterBeiträgezur Musikwissenschaft, 26), Tutzing1997, pp.23–28. 14 SeeAlbert Dunning, DieStaatsmotette.1480–1555,Utrecht 1970,p.331. On thegenesis of the motet, seeJeremyNoble,»Weerbeke’s Motetfor theTempleofPeace«,in: MusicinRenaissance Cities andCourts. StudiesinHonor of LewisLockwood,ed. by Jessie AnnOwens andAnthony M. Cummings,Warren/Michigan1997,pp. 227–240. 15 Among thediaries andchronicles forthisperiod, andinparticularfor thepapacyofSixtus, see

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concernsespecially the music whichMitchellBraunerhas characterizedas the»hiddenrepertory« of thePapal Chapel,16 arepertorythatwas not copied in the choirbooksthat survivetoday,and of whichwefindnotrace in thechapel’srepositories, butwhoseexistence we caninfer from other sources; works, forexample,whose survivalweowe to non-Romantrans- mission, yetwhich cannevertheless be traced back to Rome andthe Papal Court. In thecaseofWeerbekethisseems to be true of themotetcycle In hono- remsanctispiritus,which wasprintedinOttavianoPetrucci’s Motetti Libro Quarto (1505) along with twomoremotets, Avemater omnium and Obeate Sebastiane.17 Until theappearance of themostrecentstudy of this cycle, it wasassumed thatthiswork, whichconsists of six interrelated ,had been composed in Milansince it is found also in the fourth Gaffuriuscodex, albeit incompletely (onlyfourout of the six motets), andespeciallybecause it hasalwaysbeen brought in relation to thetwo Marian motetcyclesby Weerbeke, whichoriginated in Milanand werecopiedinthe second Gaffu- rius Librone.18 However, the recently proposed arguments concerningthe composition of thiscycle lead to the conclusionthatthe cyclemusthaveoriginated in Rome,specifically in connectionwiththe numerous initiativeswhich Pope Sixtus undertook forthe benefitofthe OspedalediSanto Spirito in Sassia, acting as adirectpatron of this institution. Within twoyears, namely at

GasparePontani, Il diario romano di GiacomoPontani (RerumItalicarumscriptores, 3,2),ed. Diomede Toni,Città di Castello 1907–1908; JacobusVolterranus, Il diario romanodiJacopo Gherardi da Volterra:dal VIIsettembre MCCCCLXXIX al XIIagosto MCCCCLXXXIV (Rerum Italicarumscriptores, 23,3),ed. Enrico Carusi, Città of Castello1904. 16 MitchellBrauner, »Traditions in theRepertory of thePapal Choirinthe Fifteenth and Sixteenth centuries«,in: PapalMusic andMusicians in Late Medieval andRenaissanceRome,ed. RichardSherr,Oxford 1998, pp.167–174: p. 174. 17 Seethe descriptionand inventory of thecollectioninStanley Boorman, OttavianoPetrucci.A CatalogueRaisonné,Oxford2006, pp.584–591. 18 Indicative especially is thepresentationofWeerbeke’s threecyclesasMilaneseproductsinthe editionbyAndrea Lindmayr-Brandl;see Gaspar vanWeerbeke, Collected Works, vol. 3: The MotetCycles,ed. Andrea Lindmayr-Brandl,AmericanInstituteofMusicology1998. This pre- sentationtakes accountofthe hypothesisput forwardbyHalpern Ward,thatthe cycleofthe Holy Spiritoriginallyconsisted of eightmotetslikethe Marian cycles andthatitmusttherefore be incomplete in Petrucci (Halpern Ward,The ›Motetti Missales‹,cf. fn.1,pp. 508, 520–22). Forfurther discussion,and foracompletely differentpositionregarding thesignificanceofthe structural systemsofthe cycle, seeAgnese Pavanello, »Ilciclo di mottetti In honoremsancti Spiritus di Gaspar vanWeerbeke:Un’ipotesisulla suaorigine«, in: Musica disciplina 54 (2009), pp.147–180.

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Pentecost1483 and1484, allPapal singerswouldjointhe Confraternityof the Ospedale.Onthe Monday afterPentecost,Mass wasfestivelycelebrated in theChurch of Santo Spirito in thepresence of thepope andhis court.19 Thedesignation of thecycle as it appears in thePetrucci print, »inhonorem sanctispiritus«, maybetaken to applydirectly to thisinstitution, whose specialsignificanceand positioninthe Pope’s theological vision wasmade visible in Botticelli’s fresco opposite thepapal throne in theCappella Sistina.20 Thedesignofthe motetcycle could be understood as an extended Proper of the Missa de SanctoSpirito (seeTable 2).The useofliturgicaltexts from theIntroit,Gradual,Communion, andOffertoryofthe Missa de sancto spirito,inthe sameliturgicalorder as in theMass celebrationitself, andthe partialquotation of theassociated melodies afterthe Romanrite(namely, those in theseventh andeighthmodes, in whichthe cyclewas conceived), pointtoadirectconnectionwiththe liturgy de SanctoSpirito and de Pentecoste,thoughtheyappear to be interruptedbytwo additionaltexts from theOffice de Sancto Spirito,thatis, textsnot belonging to theMass.

Table2: »Gaspar in honorem sancti spiritus« (Petrucci, MotettiLibro Quarto,1505)

1. SpiritusDominireplevit Introit(missadePentecoste/ de S. Spirito) 2. Veni sancte Spiritus Antiphon (off.Pentecoste) 3. Beatagens Gradual(missadeS.Spirito) 4. Confirmahoc Deus Offertory(missadePentecoste/ de S. Spirito) 5. Loquebantur variis linguis Responsory (off.Pentecoste) 6. Factus estrepente Communio (missa de Pentecoste / de S. Spirito) Even if this amplification of theProperbymeans of twoOffice textscould be related to aspecificceremony in the church of the Ospedale,onthe

19 Fordetailed references,see thearticlecited above(ibid., pp.165–171). 20 Forareadingofthisfrescoasatributetothe Pope,see themonumental andstill admirable work of Steinmann, Diesixtinische Kapelle(cf.fn. 5),pp. 244–251.

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Mondayafter Pentecostinthe presenceofthe Pope andthe Papalsingers (onthe occasion of theGeneral Chapterofthe OrderofSanto Spirito, and of the enrolmentofthe singers in the Confraternityin1483 and1484),21 these motets couldalsobeassociatedmoregenerally with thecustom,well attested in laterperiods,ofperforming motets on Office textsatcertain placesofthe Mass,for example, afterthe Offertory.Thiscustomisdocu- mented forthe PapalChapelinthe sixteenth century,but canbepostulated in that contextalready at the endofthe fifteenth.22 Thus, Loquebantur could be viewed as amotet afterthe Offertory, andwould thus representanearly example of thispractice. In asimilar way, taking into account customs documented at alater date, Veni sancte Spiritus couldhavefulfilledthe function of amotet afterthe Epistle(in the MissadeSancto Spirito), or have functioned possibly as an alternativetothe Gradual – that is,»loco Alle- luia« – in the Missa de Pentecoste.23 Thecycle in honoremSancti Spiritus raises importantquestions about the function of motets within the liturgy, andpointsmoregenerally to the performanceduringMass of polyphonic, cyclically conceived music,not consistingofOrdinary movements,which canbeunderstood bothasthe completion and, possibly,asanalternativetothe performanceofOrdinary cycles.Thiscycle occupies an importantpositionwithinWeerbeke’s output,

21 This hypothesis is putforward andarguedinPavanello,Ilciclo di mottetti (cf. fn.18),pp. 168–171. 22 Especiallysignificant inthisregardisthe testimonyofBurckhard in 1492 concerning the proposalofpapal singerstoperform amotet by Tinctorisinhonor of Pope Alexanderafter the Offertory. SeeJohann Burckard, JohannisBurckardi Libernotarum ab anno MCCCCLXXXIII usqueadannum MDVI (RerumItalicarumScriptores, 32), ed.Enrico Celani, vol. I, Città di Castello 1907, p. 376. Thesinger’s proposal, notaccepted by thePope(whowantedtohear the motet in hischambersinstead), suggests that thesinging ofmotetsatthe Offertory must al- readyhavebeen aregularpractice in thechapel; seealsothe observations of Helmut Hucke, »DieMusik in derSixtinischen Kapellebis zurZeitLeosX«, in: Zusammenhänge,Einflüsse, Wirkungen (cf. fn.4), pp.154–167and 161–163.Burckard’stestimony is cited, among others, by Sabine Žak,»Cappella – castello – camera. Gesang undInstrumentalmusik an derKurie«, in: Collectanea II: Studienzur Geschichte derpäpstlichen Kapelle. Tagungsbericht Heidelberg 1989,ed. Bernhard Janz,VaticanCity1994, p. 204. On theuse of motets forthe Offertoryorthe Eleva- tion, well-documented in the Diarisistini availablefromthe year 1534onwards,see thedocu- mentaryevidencepublished by Cumming, whichunderlinesthatitwas aregularpractice for motets sung at theOffertory to be settotexts takenfromthe Office forthe feast. SeeAntony M. Cumming,»Toward an Interpretation of theSixteenth-Century Motet«,in: Journal of the AmericanMusicologicalSociety 34 (1981),pp. 43–59. SeealsoJörg Bölling’scontributioninthis volume. 23 Furtheronthis, Pavanello, Il ciclodimottetti (cf. fn.18),p.170.

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then,and is relevantalsotogeneralproblems of thefunctionand contextof motet, andtothe historyofpolyphonicsettingsofthe Proprium missae. ARoman origin forthismotet cyclewould have implications on several levels:onthe onehand, those implications concern theappreciation of his compositionalactivityand itsrelevance to thePapal Chapel altogether;on theother hand,theybearonindividual, concreteworks andthe question of their function,and of thecontext in whichtheyoriginated – forthe motets specifically also the question of their functionalconnectionwiththe liturgy, as suggested by thecycle de Sancto Spirito.And,lastbut notleast, our understanding of the transmission of Weerbeke’sworks. With regardtothislatterpoint,one of the concreteimplications con- cernsthe questionwhetheramong theWeerbekemotetsprintedbyPetrucci, whichare largelywithout concordances in other sources, there mightnot lurkother workscomposedinthe contextofthe activities of the Papal Chapel.For thetwo motets by Weerbeke in the Motetti Libroquarto,thatis, Obeate Sebastiane and Avemater omnium,one couldplausibly suggest a connectionwithRome, andsuspect thattheyeitheroriginatedthere or had reached Petrucci through Romansources.24 Romanoriginactuallyseems quite plausible forthe motet Obeate Sebastiane,despite thefactthatthis work hasalwaysbeenconsidered aproductofWeerbeke’s Milanese years. In itssheer expansivenessthe motetresembles thecomposer’s cantus firmus- based motets in Capp. Sist.15; indeed it mightwellbebased on ahitherto unidentifiedcantusfirmus;25 anditisquite differentfromthe shorter

24 This second possibility wouldseem to applytoAvemater omnium,amotetthatprobably represents an early composition of Weerbeke,but which forits subjectmatter – especially the referencemadetothe Immaculate Conception by theparallelism betweenMaryand Eve – could have foundnumerousoccasions of performance at Rome,consideringthatSixtuspromotedthe worshipofthe Immaculate Conception andinstitutionalized thefeast on 8th December. See Ludwig Pastor, Geschichte derPäpsteseitdem Ausgangdes Mittelalters: Geschichteder Päpste im Zeitalter derRenaissance vonder Thronbesteigung Pius’II. biszum Tode Sixtus’IV.,Freiburg1894, pp.573–575. Curiouslythe incipitofthe motet Avemater omnium,inaddressing Mary as the »MotherofAll«, seemstoalludetoS.Maria delPopolo, thechurchinwhichSixtusregularly attendedthe Saturday Marian Service (in1480onthe dayofthe Immaculate Conception after theMassfor St Peter). SeeJacobusVolterranus, Il diario romano (cf. fn.15),p.29and passim. 25 The cantus firmus hasbeen reconstructedbyCroll, DasMotettenwerk (cf.fn. 1),p.116, and by John G. Brawley, TheMagnificats,Hymns,Motets, andSecular CompositonsofJohannes Martini,PhD.Diss. Yale University, pp.69–70.See also therecentarticle by Remi Chiu »Mu- sic, Pestilence andtwo SettingsofObeateSebastiane«, in: History 31 (2012), pp. 153–188: pp.165–172. On thebasis of analogieswithMartini’s motetonthe same text, Chiu places theoriginofWeerbeke’s setting in Milan, attributingthe commonfeaturestoa meetingofthe twocomposers thatwould presumably have takenplace in Milan(as wasalready

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Marianmotetsinimitative stylethatappeared in Motetti A,aswellasfrom thehomophonicmotetsprinted in MotettiB.26 With regard to theorigin or theoriginal function of this motet, it shouldbenotedthatStSebastian was Rome’s thirdpatronsaintafter Sts Peterand Paul, andthathis feast day, on 20th January,was celebrated with festal Masses in theBasilicaofSan Se- bastiano fuorilemura.27 Thus onecould quiteplausibly associatethismotet

hypothesized by Crollonthe basisofarestrictiveinterpretationofthe text’s meaninginconnec- tion withareferencetoLombardy, in addition to thesimilaritiesbetween thetwo motets). The correlation between thetwo workscan howeverbeexplainedindifferent ways,without the necessity to usethe argument of an encounterbetween thetwo composers,without theneed to surmisethatthe motets wouldhavebeencomposedaroundthe same time,aswellaswithout theassumptionthatthiscontact must have taken placeinMilan – as suggested also by Rifkin, Munich,Milan,and aMarianMotet (cf. fn.1), p. 312,n.155.Itiswellknown that Johannes Martinivisited Rome at leasttwice during the1480’s,opening up thepossibilitythatdirect contactbetween thetwo composers, if indeed we must assume this withregardtothetwo motets,could have takenplace elsewhere. Forthis, seealsothe observations made in Gasparvan Weerbeke, Collected Works IV, TheMotets (Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae, 106/4),ed. Agnese Pavanelloincollaboration withAndrea Lindmayr-Brandl,AmericanInstituteofMusicology 2010, pp.XXVII–XXVIII. 26 All themotetscited here areeditedinWeerbeke, Collected Works,4(cf. fn. 25).For inventories of thetwo collectionsofmotets, seeGeorgeWarrenJ.Drake, TheFirst PrintedBooks of Motets, Petrucci’s »Motetti anumerotrentatre A« (Venice,1502) and»Motetti de passione, de cruce,de sacramento, de beataVirgine et huiusmodi B« (Venice 1503): ACriticalStudy and CompleteEdition, Ph.Diss. University of IllinoisatUrbana-Champain 1972;see also,bythe same author, the editionofthe MotettiB:OttavianoPetrucci,»MotettiBde passione,decruce,desacramento, de beataVirgineethuiusmodi«, Venice 1503 (Monuments of RenaissanceMusic,11),ed. George WarrenJ.Drake,Chicago 2002. In addition seeBoorman,Petrucci (cf. fn.17),pp. 473–477 and496–503. 27 The participation of thePopeisdocumentedin1482whenthe feastfellonaSunday: »Vigesimoianuariidie,qui dominicus fuit et quo Sebastiani et Fabianimartirumsolemnia celebratur,maneprofectus estpontifex ad Sebastiani ecclesiam, extraportaeiusdem nominis, quamveteres …appellabant.Patrespontificemsunt prosequuti et curialiumfrequensadmodum numerus. Ea in edearispro more veneratis, reversusest in Urbempontifex«, cf.Jacobus Volter- ranus,DiariodiRoma, (cf. fn.15),p.86. On thepossibleoriginofthe motetitisperhaps not without significance that thetaskofsacrista of thePapal Chapel wasentrusted,inOctober 1483, to JohannesPauli De Bossis,CistercianAbbotofSan Sebastiano fuori le mura.See Stein- mann, DieSixtinische KapelleI(cf. fn.5), p. 663. We know from Burckhardthatthisprelate, whowas of Milanese origin, wanted to introducecertain customsfrom hisplace of origin in the PapalChapel, such as,for instance,havingspecificcolours forthe dressofthe singers. See BurckardiLiber notarum,I.(cf.fn. 22),pp. 139, 226, 302, passim;cited by Marc Dykmans, L’œuvredePatrizi PiccolominiouLecérémonialpapal delapremièrerenaissance, 2vols. (Studi e Testi, 293),VaticanCity1980,vol. II, p. 190. Interestingtonoteinthisconnectionisthatthe reform bull regardingthe chapel formulated underAlexander VI (see Steinmann, DieSixti- nische KapelleI,fn. 5, p. 655) hasaparagraph»De honestate cantorum« which includes the specification, referringtothe dressofthe singers, »togatus incedat«,which prescribes theuse of

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with the feastofStSebastian,and envisionits performancewithinafestive liturgicalservice – ratherthanjustageneralsetting of aprayer to StSebas- tian against theplague.28 Certainlythere wouldhavebeenplentyofoccasionstoperform this work at atimeinhistory when theplagueregularlybroke out, occasions not just in thecontextofliturgicaland devotional services,but also in amore private ambience – such as, forexample,the Pope’s dining table or hisprivate chambers.Inany case,the compositionbears thehallmarksofanextraordi- nary,evenfestivemusic,composed presumably foraspecialpublicoccasion. If we assume that this motetoriginated in Rome,why wasitnot inclu- dedinthe repertoryofthe PapalChapel? As amatteroffact, whyhas none of the motets in the Petruccicollections Motetti A and Motetti B and Motetti Libroquarto survived in Romansources? Is this merely amatteroffrag- mentary transmission, or didotherfactors play aroleaswell? If we consider Weerbeke’s worksthatdosurvive in thePapal repertoryin thecontext of thecomposer’s transmission as awhole,theyindicatethatthe effortsofpreservationwere focussed,onthe one hand,oncompositions of high stylistic or representative rank,and on theother,onmorefunctional worksthatbelonged to the chapel’s repertory, andwhich hadaplacewithin the festivePapal liturgy(such as, forexample,theMagnificatinCapp. Sist. 15).Takingthisintoaccount, theperformance of Obeate Sebastiane outsidethe liturgical customsand rituals of the Papalceremony in the Vati- canpalacecouldpossibly explain whythe piecenever reached the collected

a distinctivedress,non yetspecifically required during theperiodofSixtus. (The bull also in- cludesareferencetokeepinghairshort andnot long down to theneck – »capillosnon gestet collum tegentes« –.Inafresco at thePalazzo Belvederewhich representsachoirofsingers that canbeidentifiedwiththe PapalChapel, paintedbyPinturicchioorbyhis schoolduringthe pontificate of InnocentVIII – seethe contribution in this volume by Philine Helas – onecan observethatneither thegowns northehaircutswereregulatedasyet.) 28 Hypothesizing that this motetwas destined forthe FestiveMassfor St Sebastian (but also in votive Masses against theplague), onemight entertainthe hypothesis that itsperformance took placeafter theGraduale. Thisconnectionissuggestedbythe text of themotet,which turnsout to be aparaphraseofaverse of theGradual of theMassfor St Sebastian,inthe transmission of themanuscriptParis,BibliothèqueNationale de France,Ars. 620(seeSarah AnnLong, The ChantedMassinParisianEcclesiasticaland CivicCommunities,1480–1540: LocalLiturgicalPrac- tice in Manuscriptsand EarlyPrinted ServiceBooks,PhD Diss.University of IllinoisatUrbana- Champaign2008,pp. 231and 500;the text is printedalsoinWeerbeke, Collected WorksIV,cf. fn.25, p. LVI).However thetextrepresentsavariantofthe prayer Omagne fidei sancte (beate/sanctissime) Sebastiani,circulating,tojudge from afirst survey,inprayerbooksfromthe late fifteenth century, thus leavingample possibility of use in adevotionalcontext(amore detailed enquiry will be presentedinanothercontext).

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repertoryofthe chapel.Thishypothesis mayalso, andindeed more convin- cingly,applytothe motets that have asimpler structure, andare shorterand less ambitious in theirdesign, that were printedinMotetti A and B.29 It wouldbeattractive if this reading of thetransmissioncould explain everything.But sincethe motivesfor the preservationofolderrepertoryare not at alltransparentand easy to interpret (atleast from apresent-day perspective), andsince the survival of sourcesand repertoriesoften appears to have been amatterofchance, it is necessarytoexerciseextreme caution in making general statements.Atthe endofthe day, only twomotetsunder Weerbeke’s name arefound in the survivingrepertoryofthe PapalChapel, andtheir transmissionhere seemsdue to specific circumstances(thatis, to the specific circumstancesleading to thecompilation of thefinal section of Capp. Sist.15). In this connectionitmay be useful to consider thetransmissionofWeer- beke’s Dulcis amicaDei.AsJeremy Noblehas arguedconvincingly,this motetwas composed for S. Mariadella Pace andveryprobablyperformed forthe dedication of itsaltar in 1486.30 Yetthisprompts the question why themotet wasincludedinamanuscriptthatwas copied tenyears later and whichlargely containsmusic foruse by thePapal Chapel.Doesits inclusion there mean that theworkcontinuedtobeperformedinextendedcontexts beyond theimmediateoccasionfor itscomposition? Or wasitincludedfor thesakeofpreservation? Furtheruse of the musicissuggested by thefact that themomentatwhich thePopeisaddressed,his name – originally that of Innocent, as established by Gerhard Croll31 – there is an emptyspace.As aprayerfor peace thismotet couldeasilyhavebeen performedonother occasions;the useofthe antiphon Da pacemDomine as cantus firmus leads one to suspectthatthe motetcould have served the same function as other Dapacem settings.32

29 For adescription of thesemotetssee Croll, DasMotettenwerk (cf. fn.1), pp.155–178. Croll rules out that pieces printedinthe collection MotettiBwouldhavebeencomposedduringhis first Romanstay, but this hypothesis is basedessentially on theabsence of concordancesin Romansources – an argument that is weak by itself,considering thegeneral absence(withone exception) of anyconcordances forpiecesinthe collection(DasMotettenwerk,pp. 245–246). 30 Noble, Weerbeke’s Motet(cf.fn. 14),pp. 227–240. 31 Croll, DasMotettenwerk(cf.fn. 1),pp. 27–28. 32 In Capp. Sist.15, forexample,there arethree anonymous Da pacemDomine-motets includedat theend of thecodex.See Sherr, PapalManuscripts (cf. fn.11),p.131. In the cerimoniale papale of AgostinoPatrizi Piccolominithe chant of theantiphon Da pacemDomine is mentioned among solemn announcements, forthe announcement of peace,withthe indication that it must be performed afterthe readingofthe chapters andafter thechant Te deum laudamus;»da pacem

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In thatcase, certainaspects of thetransmissionofCapp. Sist.15, and especially the French heraldryinits third section, mightofferindications to explain whythe motetwas inserted in the manuscriptalsofromthe pointof view of itsrepresentationalfunction. Richard Sherr hasconnected that section of the manuscripts with thepresenceofKingCharles VIII in Italy, more specifically hisstayinRomeinJanuary 1495.33 Dulcis amicaDei could have been copied there forthe samereasonthathad guided the inclusionof Compère’smotet Quis numerariquaeat,awork whosetextualalterations in Capp. Sist.15Sherr brought in relation with thePeace of Vercelli between theKingofFrance andthe Sforza,concluded in July andOctober 1495.34 Bearing this in mind one couldperhapsalsoexplain whythe earlier mo- tet Vidi speciosam,based on amelodyfromthe Paris Use, andtransmitted anonymously,was copied in themanuscriptaswell.35 Theconcordance in Lucca238 points to an earlier date of origin forthiswork, andindeed arguesfor probable origin in Flanders,oratleast in a locationwhere the liturgicaluse of Paris wasadopted.36 In this connection, it is particularly notable,onthe one hand,thatthe motetiscopiedimmediatelybefore

Domine in diebus nostris«asasection of theResponsory Tuaest potentia,tuum regnumDomine is insteadcited among theResponsories forthe receptionofaking before therecitationofthe Gospel. SeeMarcDykmans, L’œeuvre de PatriziPiccolomini(cf.fn. 27), pp.185 and197. In hiswork on themusic of thepapal chapel at thetimeofJosquin recently published, Jesse Rodin suggestsinstead that the Da pacem–motets could have served for everyday use duringVespers. See Jesse Rodin, Josquin’sRome: hearing and composing in theSistine Chapel (AMS Studiesin Music),New York 2012,p.174. This study became availablejust after redactingthisarticle,so that Icould not take full account of it. Rodin devotesanentirechapter of hisbook to the analysis of someofWeerbeke’s compositions preservedinthe archiveofthe papalchapel at the pp. 134-170, mainly dealingwith aspects related to Weerbeke’s musicalstyle and compositional choices. – On theuse,evidentlyquite flexible in relation to thecontextofinsertion, of antiphons forthe peace(like Da pacemDomine)oragainst epidemic diseases,itisinstructive to reportadeliberation by theSynod of Cologneof1536,signalled by Helmut Hucke, in whichit wasestablished that theseantiphons – sung in someplacesafter theElevation –,shouldbesung insteadatthe endofthe Mass. SeeHucke,Die Musikinder Sixtinischen Kapelle (cf. fn.22), pp.157–158. Seealsothe contributions by Jörg Bölling andThomasSchmidt-Besteinthis volume. 33 Sherr, PapalManuscripts (cf. fn.11),pp. 64-65. 34 Ibid. 35 Capp. Sist.15, fols.199–201. 36 Lucca,Archivio di Stato, MS 238, fol. 54. For thedatingand repertoryofLucca 238,see Reinhard Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges,Oxford1985, pp.120–135 and192–198, and TheLucca Choirbook: Lucca, ArchivioofStato,Ms238; Lucca,Archivio Arcivescovile, Ms 97;Pisa, Archivio Arcivescovile, BibliotecaMaffi,Cartella11/III, ed. ReinhardStrohm (LateMedievaland EarlyRenaissance MusicinFacsimile,2), Chicago2008, pp.1–34.

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Weerbeke’s Avereginacelorum and Dulcis amicaDei (scribe,paper,and codicologicaldetails areidentical forthese motets), and, on theother, that thesamemelodyserves as acantus firmus in Weerbeke’s Stabat mater – a melodywhich is otherwise foundinnoother motetfromthisperiod.37 It is worthentertaining thepossibility thatthisanonymous motetwas also by Weerbeke, perhapsrepresenting one of hisyouthful compositions.38 Sherr’s hypothesisconcerningthe genesis of thethird part of Capp. Sist.15would also provide aplausible explanation forthe inclusionofthisolderpiecein the manuscript. Foritseems unlikely that the Vidi speciosam setting,reflec- ting the UseofParis, couldhavehad apractical function in thePapal ritual beyond thepresence of King CharlesVIII, even if it does appear in a manuscriptthatbrought together repertoryfor useinthe chapel. TheinclusionofVidi speciosam and Dulcis amicaDei in Capp. Sist.15 indicatesthatthese pieces were available to the chapel – even at atimewhen Weerbekewas not in Rome – or that they were possibly in thepossession of one of thesingers of the chapel (incasetheycannot betraced back to the presence of Weerbeke, whichishowever improbableinviewofthe current dating of Capp. Sist.15).Thismeans that the chapel could also make useof music whichdid not have thegood fortune of beingcopiedanothertime, like thesetwo impressivemotets, whichwereevidently included in thenew choirbook forvery special reasons.Sothe chapel must have possessed much more musicthancan be documentedinits codicestoday,and wecan only speculatewhatkindofmusic thismight have been.IfKingCharles VIII had not invadedItaly,and if there hadthus been no motive forcopying those motets in thecodex, the third part of Capp. Sist.15never having been copied at all, we would have hadnoindicationofthe compositionofany motets at Rome by Weerbeke, andone mightconceivablyhaveconsidered Dulcis amicaDei acompositionwrittenfor the Doge of Venice – scratching our headsoverwhatcould have been the occasionfor itscomposition.39

37 Weerbeke,Collected Works, IV (cf. fn.25),pp. LXVIII; Agnese Pavanello, »Stabat mater/Vidi speciosam:SomeConsiderations on theOriginand Dating of Gaspar vanWeerbeke’s Motetin theChigi Codex«, in: Tijdschrift vandeKoninklijkeVerenigingvoorNederlandse Muziek- geschiedenis 60 (2010),p.3–19. 38 The quotation of amelodyinuse in Flanders andinFrancesuggeststhatthe motetwas composedbeforeWeerbeke left forItaly,thatis, before 1471/72. This hypothesis is supported also by theevidenceconcerningthe provenance anddatingofLucca 238, whose principalcor- puswas copied in Flanders in theearly 1470s, withadditionsfromthe early 1480s (see fn.36), as well as thestylistic profileofthe composition. 39 Theonly concordance forthe motetisinfactthe versionprinted by Petrucci in Motettiacinque

241 Agnese Pavanello

With regard to apossible Romanpresence of othermotetsbyWeerbeke it is useful to consider each of themotetsthatappeared in Motetti A and Motetti B by itself.40 Forsomeofthese printedpiecesitiseasy to establish a connectionwiththe Sforza court, andthustoassignthe compositions to Weerbeke’s Milanese periodofactivity.41 Forothers aRoman origin is conceivable,asinthe case of Avedominasancta Maria,which could well be one of the earliest polyphonic settingsofthisprayeroftheImmaculate Conception, whoserecitationSixtus promotedbyawardingindulgences.42 Even if it is difficult, in view of thenumerous formsofMarian veneration in theliturgicaland devotional spheres,tofindcompelling arguments fora more precisecontextualisation andapplication of Weerbeke’sMarian motets,the pieces printedinMotetti B do at leastshowaclear connection with liturgical usage. Aveverum, Verbumcaro, Panisangelicum,and AnimaChristi areEleva- tion motets,and belong to thegroup of settingswhich aresummedup, in thecollection, with thetitle »desacramento«. Thebarehomophonicwriting of these pieces, whichmay go back to improvisatory practices, seems

(Venice 1508) in whichwefindaslight textualmodification. In placeofthe syllablesthatwere left blank, andwhichwerereservedfor thedeclamation of thePope’s name,one reads thename of Leonardo, Doge of Venice.Cf. Croll, DasMotettenwerk (cf. fn.1), p. 27;Weerbeke,Col- lected Works, IV, (cf.fn. 25), pp.LXV–LXVI. 40 It is to be noted that in thecollectionofthe Motetti A of Petrucci,Weerbekeisthe composer representedwiththe most settings; in MotettiBhe shares this positionwithJosquin. 41 This is true of thecycle withthe threemotets Christimater ave, Materdigna dei and Avestella matutina,which aretransmittedalsointhe first Librone of Gaffurio, wherewefindallusions to theDukeofMilan;Weerbeke,Collected Works, IV (cf. fn.25),pp. XLIX–L. Onecould per- haps also trace to Milanthe compositionofVirgoMaria nonest tibi similis,amotetcomposedon aDominicanprocessionalantiphon, consideringthe linksbetween theSforzaand theDomini- canChurch of SantaMaria delleGrazieatMilan (see Macey,GaleazzoMaria Sforza andMusi- calPatronage,cf. fn.1, p. 160),aswellasthe concordances withthe codexSiena,Biblioteca Comunale degliIntronati, MS K. I.2: this manuscript doesinfactinclude VirgoMaria andalso anothermotet by Weerbeke of certainMilaneseprovenance, O virginumpraeclara,partofthe cycle Avemundi Domina.Onthe Sienamanuscriptsee TimothyJ.Dickey,»Rethinking the SienaChoirbook:aNewDateand Implications forits MusicalContents«,in: EarlyMusic His- tory 24 (2005),pp. 1–52:p.40. 42 For thisprayerand forreferencesonthe activities of Sixtus in relation to theImmaculate Conception, seeBonnieJ.Blackburn, »The Virgin in the Sun:Music andImage foraPrayer attributed to Sixtus IV«, in: Journalofthe RoyalMusical Association,124/2(1999),pp. 157– 195;further, Camilla Cavicchi, »Osservazioniinmargine sulla musica perl’immacolato con- cepimentodella Verginealtempo di SistoIV«,in: L’AtelierduCentre de recherches historiques, RevueélectroniqueduCRH 10 (2012), URL: http://acrh.revues.org/4386/DOI:10.4000/ acrh.4386.

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directly to reflect their function.43 Thequestions whether, to what extent, howand when music of this type wouldhaveresounded at thePapal court canonlybebound to speculation. Still, it is – as StanleyBoorman has emphasized – preciselythiscollectionofPetrucci whichshows in itschoice of compositions aclear connection to Rome andthe PapalChapel.44 Briefmention must be made of Weerbeke’sLamentations,which are transmitteduniquelyinPetrucci’s Lamentationum Jeremieprophete liber secundus (1506) together with examples of thesamegenre by Tromboncino andErasmusLapicida.45 We do not,atpresent, have exactcriteriato establish when andwhere theywerecomposed;theyare part of the poly- phonictraditionofsinging Lamentations whoseorigin is difficult to trace, but whichwas cultivatedparticularlyinthe PapalChapelinthe sixteenth century. It cannot be excluded, therefore, thattheywere composed in Rome.46

43 On theconnections between musicalstyleand function it is particularly instructivewhatthe transmission of theMilanesemotet cycles by Weerbeke attests, by includingsectionsfor the Elevationinchordal setting.See Weerbeke,Collected Works, III, p. 11 andp.30; cf.alsothe observations andthe references presentedbyRifkin, Munich,Milan,and aMarianMotet (cf. fn. 1),pp. 258–260. 44 This collection includesmotetsbyDeOrto, Vaqueras, Josquin, De Stappen – allcomposers whowereactiveatthe PapalChapel. SeeBoorman,Petrucci (cf. fn.17),p.273.Thatthistype of motetwas performed also in Papalcontexts is suggested by thetransmission of Josquin’s Tu solus quifacis mirabilia in Capp. Sist.41. See NewJosquin Edition22, Motets on non-biblical texts: De domino Jesu Christo,CriticalCommentary, ed.Bonnie Blackburn,Amsterdam2003, pp.37– 42. We know that themotet wasusedfor theElevation in thesixteenth century,asindicated, forexample,bythe SistineDiaries of 1561,cited by Cumming,TowardanInterpretation (cf. fn.22),p.52. 45 SeeBoorman, Petrucci (cf. fn 17),pp. 626-630; Il libroprimo di lamentazioni printedby PetruccicontainsLamentationsbyTinctoris,Ycart,Agricola, De Orto andDeQuadris.For the Lamentations by Weerbeke,see Croll, DasMotettenwerk(cf.fn. 1),pp. 86–108; foranover- view of theproductionofLamentationsinthisperiod, seeMarkusGrassl,»›Hicincipit lamen- tatio‹: Vertonungen derKlagelieder desProphetenJeremiasimUmkreis desburgundisch- habsburgischen Hofes«, in: TodinMusik undKultur: zum500. Todestag Philipps desSchönen (Wiener Forumfür ältere Musikgeschichte, 2),ed. Stefan Gaschand Birgit Lodes,Tutzing 2007, pp.245–276. 46 We know that Pope LeoXcommissioned Carpentrastocompose theLamentations that subsequently remained in useinthe PapalChapeluntil theend of thesixteenth century.See RichardSherr,»Ceremonies forHolyWeek,Papal Commissions, andMadness(?) inEarly Sixteenth-Century Rome«, in: Music in RenaissanceCitiesand Courts (cf. fn.14),pp. 391–403: pp. 396–398. We possessnoinformation on thechantsfor theLamentations in theperiodof Sixtus andInnocent, norinwhatform it wasperformed (whether in cantus planus,orinim- provised falsobordone), norifthere were priorpolyphonicrealisations already. ForHolyWeek we have not only theLamentationsbyWeerbeke,but also amotet on thetextofthe Matins

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Despitethe many gaps in ourknowledge, Weerbeke’s worksinthe col- lections of thePapal Chapel do pointtointensivecompositionalactivity duringhis first Romanappointmentatthe Papalcourt.His contribution to therepertoryofthe chapel is amply documentedbythe transmissionofhis settingsinthe Cappella Sistina codices. Indeed,among the composers who wereactiveinthe 1480’s before Josquin, he is theone representedwiththe most Masses, comparedtoDeOrtoand Vacqueras(see Table3). The imprintofthe various aspects anddemands of Papallifeispalpable throughout hisentire output. Hisworks,considered as atotality,cover a broadspectrumofcompositionaltechniquesand registers, whichcan be associated with avariety of functions andperformanceconstellations in the Papalcontext.

Table3

Weerbeke De Orto Vacqueras

CS 14 Missa Averegina CS 35 Missa ad fugam CS 51 CredoI CS 51 Missa Ovenus bant CS 35 AveMaria CS 51 CredoIV CS 51 Credo CS 35 Da pacem CS 35 Domine nonsecudum CS 35 Missa Se meiulx CS 35 Domine nonsecundum CS 35 Missa Averegina CS 35 Missa Princesse CS 15 SalveRegis mater CS 49 Missa L’homme armé CS 15 Magnificat CS 15 VersesofLucis crea- CS 49 Missa Du bon cœur tor/Ut queant laxis CS 15 Averegina CS 63 Rexfallaxmiraculum CS 64 Missa L’homme armé CS 15 Dulcis amica CS 15 Vidi speciosam (?) CS 41 Missa El trop penser

Responsory of GoodFriday, Tenebrefacte sunt,onwhose origin thehypothesesmustremain open. Since it is printedinMotetti B,and it showsstylistic affinity withmotetsfor theElevation in thesamecollection, thepossibilityofalink withRomemay be entertained forthiswork as well. (Thiswould suggest cautioninassociatingthe homophonicstyle of motets such as those in MotettiBwithNorthernItaly without adifferentiation andinterpretationthattakes into accountthe fragmentary musicaltransmission – cf. fn.44.)

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In many respects Weerbeke’s compositional activities remaintobeinves- tigatedand evaluated, yetthe study of theoriginsand dating of hiswork allowhis role as Papalcomposertobecomeevermoreprominent.This raises the question whetherhewas also directly involved in the material transmission, or acquisition, of the first Cappella Sistinacodices.Inviewof thedates of transmission, andbearinginmindRoth’s work on theimpor- tanceofSixtus’pontificate forthe creation of thepolyphonicrepertoryof thechapel, it cannot beruled out thatWeerbekewas at leastone of the first singers to be entrustedwiththattask – at leastwithrespecttothe transmis- sion of the first Cappella Sistina codiceswithpolyphony,which took off with Capp. Sist.14and Capp. Sist.51. From thisperspectiveitmay not have been acoincidence that of allcomposers, Weerbeke wasthe one who provided,sotospeak,the connectinglinkbetween Capp. Sist.14and Capp. Sist.51, on the one hand,and the laterCapp. Sist.35, on the other(see Table 4).47 Thosesourcescould thereforebestudied also from this perspective,the first (Capp. Sist. 14 andCapp. Sist. 51) inviting a reconsiderationofthe possibilitythattheywere compiled specifically forthe inaugurationofthe SistineChapel, with repertoire selected ad hoc to representit; andclarifyingfor Capp. Sist.35why,amongst its folios,we find namesofsingers not documented in the PapalChapelyet identifiable with singers whohad worked in MilanalongsideWeerbekein1476.48 As far

47 This observationshouldbeconsidered withcaution,given thenumerous worksthatwere transmittedanonymously.Still,onthe basisofwhatweknow aboutthe manuscript, Weerbeke is indeed theonlycomposerwho is representedinall threecodices. Foradetailed inventoryof themanuscripts,see DigitalImage ArchiveofMedievalMusic, http://www.diamm.ac.uk/.The followingmanuscripts areavailable in amodernedition:for Capp. Sist. 14 cf.fn. 9; forCapp. Sist. 51 see Libermissarum An EditorialTransnotation of theManuscriptCapella Sistina51, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,Città delVaticano: LiberMissarum, vols.1–6: CollectedWorks (InstituteofMediaeval Music, 17), ed.Rex Eakins,Ottawa 1999–2005. Moreover interesting to remark in this contextisthat both in Capp. Sist. 14 and Capp. Sist. 51 andinCapp. Sist. 35, Weerbeke’s massesare those presenting thehighest number of corrections (in Capp. Sist. 14 only Dufay’s Missa Ecce ancilla Domini exceeds Weerbeke’s mass in this respect). Forthis information seeChristopherA.Reynolds, PapalPatronageand theMusic of St.Peter 1380–1513, Berkeley etc. 1995, p. 193. 48 Among thepages of themanuscriptone finds at c. 51 »verte Regnault«(Mass La Martinella by JohannesMartini), at c. 102r and103r »verte Tibault«and »lavante Tibault« respectively (Mass L’homme armé by Tinctoris),atc.78»verteMontauben(?)«(Mass O beatepater Donatione by Jacobus Obrecht). As John Bergsagel hasobserved, Tibaultand Ranault, cited here as thepage turners,can be identified with singerswho were active forsometimeinthe chapelofthe Sforza in Milan. SeeJohnBergsagel, »Tinctorisand theVaticanmanuscripts Cappella Sistina 14,51 and35«,in: Studienzur Geschichte derpäpstlichen Kapelle,VaticanCity1994, pp.497–528:

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Table4: Attributions in theSistine Manuscripts 14, 51 and 35

CS 14 CS 51 CS 35

Busnois Busnois Compère Caron Caron De Orto Domarto De Clibano Gaspar Dufay Fauges Isaac Eloy Heyns Josquin Fauges Gaspar Martini Gaspar Martini Obrecht Ockeghem Obrecht Ockeghem Regis Philippon Philippon Vincenet Vincenet Prioris Wreede Tinctoris Vaqueras

p. 517. In one of thetwo survivinglists of 1476 relative to theSforzachapelwedoinfacten- counterthe names of »Raynaldino« and»Thebaldo«(thefirst is citedalsoinaprevious Mila- nese list). SeeMerkley,Music andPatronage (cf. fn.1), pp. 101–102. Thesereferenceswould be difficult to explaininamanuscript that wascompiledinRome, to judgebothfromthe paper, whereinsomeplacesthe watermarkofalily in acircleisclearly visible, andthe presence of scribalhands also to be foundinother Sistinecodices (for detailsonthe manuscript compo- sition,see Roth,Die Entstehung desältestenChorbuches, cf.fn. 7).The namesdoinfactoccur in theprincipal corpus of themanuscript, which wouldseem to suggestthe presence of the singersataperformance of theMassesinquestion. This possibilitywould seem unrealisticifthe fasciclesofthe codexhad actually been copied in Rome andwereinuse at thePapal Chapel. Howeverthe presence of thesenames callsfor specific anddetailedresearchontheir precise identification,alsoinorder to follow theirrespectivemovements,and on thepossible useofthe codexorofits fasciclesinadifferentcontext – evaluating at thesametimeall theaspects tied to thecompilation of themanuscript. (Ona»Rainaldus cantore«activeatSan Pietro, andonthe presence of this name withreference to this or anothersinger, in otherItalian cities,see Rey- nolds,Papal Patronage, cf.fn. 47,p.117n.)Moreover, thehypothesis should also beconsidered that thenames croppedupinthe exemplarsfor Capp. Sist. 35 andwould thus have been copied,along withthe music, together with otherindicationsinthe manuscriptwhich do not mentionspecificnames (like, forexample,»Tournes il se brule«,inthe Mass Princesse d’amourettes by Weerbeke at c. 164v). Butthishypothesisdoesnot seem convincing: whycopy thenames of singers whowerenot present?

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as the olderSistinecodices are concerned,itshould be underlined that, in thelight of theparadigmaticaspects revealedbythe collectingand selection of the repertorybyrecentstudies,49 andconsideringthe retrospective nature of the repertoryrepresentedthere,the inclusionofMassesbyWeerbeke, especially Avereginacelorum in Capp. Sist.14, could well be explained in directconnectionwithWeerbeke’spresence in Rome,andwiththe inaugurationofthe newPapal Chapel.50 Over andabovethis, the possibilityexiststhatWeerbekehad ahandin therecruitment of newsingers in thechapelduringthe 1480s,since several of hisformercolleaguesfromthe courtofMilan,suchasAntonioBaneston, Petrus de Holi,Egidius,InnocentiusCosse,and Daniel Schach,joinedthe PapalChapelnot long afterhis ownarrival.51 Weerbeke must have main-

49 Sherr, Masses forthe SixtineChapel(cf.fn. 9),pp. 5–7. 50 This argument was invokedbyHaberlinorder to propose adatingofthe manuscript in the early 1480s, afterthe entryofWeerbeke in thechapel. SeeFranz XaverHaberl, WilhelmDuFay (Bausteine fürMusikgeschichte,1), Leipzig1885, pp.73–74;id., Bibliographischerund thematischerMusikkatalog (cf. fn 5),pp. 6–7and 21. This dating hassince been refutedbyRoth, whohas datedthe copyingthe manuscriptsinthe 1470s. SeeRoth, Studienzum frühen Repertoire (cf. fn.9), pp. 328–388: p. 347.Haberl’sdatingturns out, in theend,tobeclose to thedatings around 1480 more recently proposedbyFlynn Warmington, Talamo (cf. fn.9)and Sherr. SeeSherr, Massesfor theSistine Chapel (cf. fn.9), pp.8–10. Paymentrecords kept in thePapal Archives show that variousbookswere prepared specially forthe inauguration of the new cappella magna (Sistine chapel)inAugust1483, which may also have includedbooks of music: for4th June we find,under therubric»Proligaturalibrorumcapelle«, apayment to »reverendodominoepiscopo Castellimagistrocapelle proligaturadiversorumlibrorumad usum dictecapelle«. Document in Archivio SegretoVaticano, Intr.etExod. 508, f. 176, cited by Steinmann, DiesixtinischeKapelle,I(cf. fn. 5),pp. 638–639. 51 If regulationsfor therecruitment of singerswerealready in existence, such as those of the Constitutiones CapellaePontificiaeof1545(capitoli II–IV,see Haberl, DieRömische »Schola Cantorum« und diepäpstlichen Kapellsängerbis zurMitte des16. Jahrhunderts,Leipzig 1888,pp. 96–97),thenofcourseWeerbeke wouldhavehad at leastthe righttovotefor theadmission. Thesituation at thetimeofSixtusorInnocentisnot documented,but that hisrolemay have been significant is suggested also by thelistofNovember1483, where,among theninenew singersofthe cappella,the singerswho hadpreviouslybeenhis colleagues,are citedatthe beginning of thelistasagroup,including Petrus de Holi,Egidius,Innocentius Cosseand Daniel Schach.TheyjoinedAntonioBaneston, whomwefindalready in thelistfor Aprilofthe same year (ibid.,p.54).For staffinthe ducalchapelofMilan seeMerkley,Music and Patronage (cf. fn.1), pp.242–243and passim. InnocentiusCossedoesnot appear in thelists of ducalsingers, but hisnameisfound in aMilanesedocumentof1480attesting to hispresencein Milan alongwithEgidius whomusthavebeen arelativeofhis (ibid., p. 249);Baneston, Schach andCossewereactiveatthe courtofFerrara between 1477 and1481, followingthe size reductionofthe Milanese chapelafter thedeath of Giangaleazzo Maria(1476).See Lora Matthews, »Reconstructionofthe Personnelofthe DucalChoir in Milan1480–1499«, p. 299. In connection withthe Constitutionesof1545ithas been establishedthattheymustbebased

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tained closeand trustedconnections with some of them,given that their namesfeature, reciprocally,inactsconcerning beneficesand various finan- cial transactions in the Milanese period.52 Andespecially taking into account themovements in those years of singers previously active in Milan, one mightalsoreconsider theproblemsurrounding the origin of the earliest polyphonic CappellaSistina-codices(14 and51),aswellasthe separate issues of Capp.Sist. 35, in themaincorpusofwhich anumberoffolios show signs of folding, suggesting that they mighthavetravelled indepen- dently before beingincorporatedinthe manuscript (suchasthe finaladded fascicle with the ObrechtMassinCapp. Sist.51). Afew months afterWeerbeke’s arrival at Rome,inOctober 1482,Sixtus issued abullgranting himacanonryand prebendinthe Church of St Géry at .53 Furtherbullssecured hisright to winotherprovisions,in 1484 concerning benefices in the Church of St.Sauveur in Arlon, St Michiel in Ghentinthe dioceseofTournai, andthe BenedictineAbbeyofAfflighem in thediocese of Cambrai.InnocentVIII addednew provisions,inabullof May1487:anannualpensionderivingfromacanonryand prebendinthe diocese of Utrecht, and, in asubsequent bull of April 1488, from acanonry andprebendinthe Church of St Omer in the diocese of Thérouanne.These acts,which document the granting or promise(expectative) of benefices, provideaclear indication of the consolidationofhis positionatthe Papal court, andcan be viewed as theconcreterecognitionofhis musical services in thoseyears. Perhaps Weerbekehad brought to Rome much more from hisMilan experience thanithas been possible to recognize so far. Amoredetailed reconstruction ofhis biography,inconjunction with the analysis andthe

on olderstatutesofwhich todayonlyfragments remain.Inone of these, however, Weerbeke is cited,along with Matheo de Alzate, as asingerwho, thoughill,still enjoyedthe righttoreceive adutyfor theadmission of anew singer.SeeRafael Köhler, DieCappellaSistinaunter den Medici-Päpsten1513-1534,Kiel2001, p. 25. 52 Merkley, Musicand Patronage (cf. fn.1)pp. 238, 250, 291, 293–5and passim. 53 This canbededuced from documentswhich Ihavefound in theArchivioSegretoVaticano, respectively: Registri Vaticani 623, fols.175r–177v (4th October1482), 647, fols.264v–266r (17th July 1484), 721, fols.157v–159v (1st May1487),732, fols.181r–183v (1st April1488). TheRV721 hasalreadybeencited by Noble, butthe references to thepapersand thedates are not correct.See Noble, Weerbeke’s Motet(cf.fn. 14), p. 230. Among thesupplications, Ihave been able to find theact of resignation of thecanonry of St.Omerwiththe request for permutationwithabenefice in thechurch of S. GertrudisNivellensis in thediocese of Liège (R.S.898, f. 65v). Concerning beneficesWeerbeke wasawarded withduringhis Milanese stay andthe permutations of some of them,see Matthews, Weerbeke in Milan (cf. fn.8), pp. 190–230.

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contextualisationofhis works, couldhelpdefine more concretely hisroleas asingerand papalfamiliar,and contribute newelementstothe global evaluation of hiscompositionalactivityinthe musical chapel at the time of Sixtus IV andInnocentVIII. Thestudy of hismusic promises newperspec- tives also in the contextofother studies of thelastfew decades, not least the newbiographicalpicture thathas emerged forthe figure of Josquindes Prez. From themusical transmission, hiskey role in theconception and realisationofmotet cycles does howeverseem to emerge clearly, limitednot solely to his Milanese service,but extendingalsointohis activity in Papal Rome. If musical compositions from hisfirst Romanstayare stillextantthat invite furtherpaths of enquiry,the last twenty yearsofWeerbeke, whichsaw uninterrupted serviceinthe PapalChapel, areveiledinnear-totalobscurity. Thereremains much to be understood abouthis laterlifeasacantor cappellanus,bythenprobablynolonger involvingcompositional ambitions or responsibilities,but stillwitnessing hisdailyparticipationinthe papal ritual andthe privilegetosit at histable.Asinger who, it is worthnoting, enjoyedthe distinctionnot justofoutliving five successivepopes, and perhapsevensix,but also of witnessing, duringhis best years, theactivities of Botticelli,Perugino andPinturicchio,and,inthe newcentury, of Raphael andMichelangelo.

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Appendix

Document 1: Bull of Sistus IV (6 November 1481) forGaspareWeerbeke

[c.271v]Sixtusetc.54,dilecto filioGaspari Weerbekecle(ri)co |Tornacen(sis) di- oec(esis) familiarin(ost)ro, salut(em)etc.55. Grata|familiaritat(is) obsequia, que nobishactenusim|pendisti et adhucsolicitis studiis impendere non|desistis necnon vite ac mor(um)honestasaliaq(ue) lau|dabilia probitat(is) et virtutum merita,qui- bus per|sonam tua(m) tamfamiliari experientia qua(m) etia(m) |fidedignor(um) testimoniis iuvari percepimus,nos |inducuntuttespecialibus favoribus et gratiis | prosequamur.Dudum siquidem tecum56 cum|quo ut asserebassuperdefectu nata- lium,quem|paterisdesolutogenitus et soluta,uteo non|obstante ad minores promoveri etc.57, unum |sinecuraobtinerevaleres ordinariafuerat|auct(oritat)e dispensatumetpostq(uam), vigore dispensationis, |h(uius)mo(d)i te feceras cl(er)icalicaractere rite insigniri, |utadomnesetiam sacros ordines58 pro|moveri,et quecumq(ue), quotcumq(ue) et qualiacumq(u)e |beneficiaeccl(es)iastica cumcura velsinecura, |seinvicem com|patientia, etiamsicanoni|catus et prebende,dignita- tes, personatus, || [c.272r]administrationes, velofficiaincathedralibus etiam| metropolitanis velcollegiat(is) eccl(es)iis, et dignitates ip(s)e |ineisdemcathedrali- bus etiammetropolitan(is)post|pontificales maiores, aut in collegiatis eccl(es)iis | h(uius)mo(d)iprincipales essent et ad dignitates,personat(u)s, |administrationesvel officiah(uis)mo(d)iconsuevissent,|qui perelectionemassumi, eisq(ue) cura i(m)mineret|animar(um),sitibialias59 canonice conferentur,aut |p(rese)ntareris, eligereris velassumererisadilla recipere |etretinereillaq(ue) simulvel successive, simpliciter|velexcausa permutationis, quotienstibipla|ceret dimittereetloco dimissi veldimissore,aliud |vel alia,similevel dissimile autsimilia veldissi|milia, beneficium seubeneficia,eccl(es)iasticum |vel eccl(es)iastica, recipere et quoadiuve- resreti|nere valeresper aliasn(ost)ras li(tte)ras gratiose|dispensavimusprout in illis pleniuscontine|tur. Nosnu(n)c60 volentestequi etiamco(n)tinu(us) co(m)men|salis n(oste)r et in capella n(ost)ra cantor capellanus |existis premissor(um), obsequior(um) et meritor(um)tuor(um)|intuitufavoreprosequi gratiepotioris. Teq(ue) |aquibusvisexco(m)municationis, suspensionis|et interdicti,aliisq(ue)eccl(es)iasticis sententiis,censuris|et penisaiure velab homi(n)e quavis occasio|ne velcausa latis, si quibus quomodolibet |innodatus existis, ad effectum p(rese)ntium |dumtaxatconsequendumhar(um) serieabsol- ventes et |absolutum fore censentes, motu proprio, no(n) |adtuamvel alterius pro te nobis superhoc |oblatepetitionisinstantiam, seddeno(st)ramera|liberalitate tibi q(uo)d in quibusvisl(itte)risetimpetra|tionibusgratiam veliustitiam concer-

54 etc. is for servus servorum Dei. 55 etc. is for et apostolicambenedictionem. 56 tecumunclear reading. 57 etc. is for et beneficium ecclesiasticumobtinere. 58 ordinesinthe original is erroneously repeated. 59 alia beneficia is implied. 60 nunc in interline.

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nentibus||[c. 272v]aSedeAp(osto)licavel aliasquomodolibetper te61 et no(m)i(n)e |tuo obtinendis seutibipro temporefaciendis |provisionibus nullam de defectuetdispensa|tionibus predictismentionem facere tenearis |nec propterea littere,impetrationesetprovi|sionesip(s)edesurreptionisvitio notari seu|alias invalide reputari possint et debeant, |sed perinde valeantacalias roborisfirmitate(m) |obtineant acsiineis de defectuetdispensa|tionibus h(uius)mo(d)iplena et expressa mentiofacta |foret defectupredictoacconstitutionibus |etordinationibus ap(osto)licis ceterisq(ue) contrariis,qui |nequaqua(m)obstantibus auct(oritat)e ap(osto)lica|tenorep(rese)ntiumdespecialis dono gratiecon|cedimus pariteret indulgemus. Nulli ergo etc.62 n(ost)re absolutionis,concessioniset|indulti infringere etc.63.Siquisautem etc.64 |Dat(um) Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, anno |incarnationisdominicemillesimo quadrin|gentesimooctuagesimo primo, sexto id(us) |novembr(is), pontificatus n(ost)ri announdecimo.

Grat(is) de man(da)tos(anctissimi)d(omini)n(ostri)p(a)p(e) P. de Valle P. Bertrandi

61 pertein interline. 62 etc. is for hominum liceat hanc paginam. 63 etc. is for veleiausutemerario contraire. 64 etc. is for hoc attemptare presumpserit indignationemOmnipotentis Deiacbeatorum Petriet Pauliapostolorumeiussenoverit incursurum.

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