MASARYK UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF ART HISTORY

Bc. Klára Doležalová

Lateral Naves in the Mediterranean Space and Their Functions in Late Antiquity The Case Studies of the Museum in & the Basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna

Master’s Diploma Thesis

Supervisor: doc. Ivan Foletti, MA, Docteur ès Lettres

2019

I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this master thesis and that I have not used any sources other than those listed in the bibliography and identified as references.

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At this point, I would like to express my sincere and heartful gratitude to those who helped on my way towards accomplishing this task. First and foremost, I would like to thank to my supervisor, Ivan Foletti, for all his precious comments and remarks and the ongoing support throughout the whole process. I also owe many thanks to the head of the Department of the History of Art in Brno, Radka Miltová, for her helpfulness, tolerance and notably for her patience, and to Elisabetta Scirocco and the whole department of Bibliotheca Hertziana for the great experience and the opportunity to spend several weeks in the stimulating atmosphere of the institute. Special thanks go also to Adrien Palladino for his kindness, support and critical revisions of the text; all remaining errors are mine. Last but not least, I would like to thank to my family and friends, particularly to Katarína, Klára, Kateřina and Anna, for all the words of comfort and encouragement. Thank you.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION ...... 5 STATE OF RESEARCH ...... 7 A. Solely Physical Barriers ...... 8 B. Visual Barriers ...... 12 C. Other Types of Separation ...... 15 Final Observations ...... 16 CASE STUDY A: THE BASILICA AT THE MUSEUM IN PHILIPPI ...... 21 Remarks on the Site-Specific Situation ...... 22 The Separated Aisles of the Museum Basilica ...... 28 Partial Conclusion ...... 33 CASE STUDY B: THE BASILICA OF SANT’APOLLINARE NUOVO IN RAVENNA .... 35 Remarks on the Site-Specific Situation ...... 35 Architecture and Internal Arrangements ...... 36 The Christological Cycle of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo ...... 42 Mystagogical Catechesis and Bishop as the “Interpreter” ...... 45 The Side Aisles of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo Reconsidered ...... 49 Partial Conclusion ...... 51 CONCLUSION ...... 53 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 55 Abbreviations ...... 55 Primary Sources Editions ...... 55 Secondary Sources ...... 56 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ...... 71

INTRODUCTION

The Late Antique basilica can be considered as an architectural “topos”, which penetrated into all diverse areas of the Mediterranean space, and as an architectural solution which dominated in the construction of cultic buildings across the Christian world. Being an architectural, liturgical, and public space at the same time, it has been vastly explored by the different fields of study, from art history to liturgical studies. Within the fields of archaeology and liturgical studies, crossing the discipline of art history, the inner space of churches also became a subject of a scholarly interest. Within this frame, of course, the and presbytery as the most holy areas and presumably the focal points of the liturgical practice were often given the highest consideration. Lateral naves, at least based on the written sources of the discussed period, bore no particular function in the sacred space, and yet, we find several types of their separation from the main nave, which segmented the interior and constructed different zones of accessibility and visibility. As a consequence, these might have been also reflected in the social stratification of the space. The research on the sociological aspect of the architectural and liturgical planning of the Late Antique and early medieval churches has been extensively taken into consideration only recently. Ute Verstegen refers in this regard to the concept of Raumsoziologie1. In a simplified way, this concept wishes to explore how humans and space interact, and how the latter can be shaped by the social and religious experience of the liturgy and its practical needs. From this point of view, the interactions between spaces, decorations and communities are absolutely relevant and fundamental for the proper reconstruction of the liturgical space. Moreover, defining the potential observer and occasion might also help to resolve some of the interpretational questions of the internal decorations, when preserved. In this sense, the question of the spatial divisions is calling for an “interdisciplinary” methodology, in which archaeology, art history, social studies and liturgy are intertwined. In this context, even the side aisles, and especially the various means of their separation, are worth a deeper examination.

1 Consider seeing VERSTEGEN 2009; YASIN 2009, sp. pp. 26–45; CZOCK 2012, sp. pp. 27–86; CASEAU 2013, pp. 59–77; DAY et al. 2016. 5

The title of this thesis could imply an attempt for deriving general conclusions on this topic, which would be possible to apply for the Mediterranean space during Late Antique period. This is, however, not the case. As will be demonstrated especially throughout the first chapter of this thesis, which tries to reflect on the specific use of lateral naves in the existing scientific literature, the ecclesiastical, liturgical, and architectural diversity across the Mediterranean space, along with specific archaeological situations and peculiarities of a local character allow to analyze the function of lateral naves only in form of case studies. Following this assertion, two examples of Late Antique churches are subsequently discussed in detail. The first of them is the Basilica at the Museum in the ancient city of Philippi, built and remodeled during the first half of the sixth century and now surviving only in ruins, which offers a particular archaeological situation and enough tangible material which supposes the northern aisle being separated from the rest of the church by a secondary-built barrier. In all likelihood, this barrier had been endowed with curtain sets which enabled one of the sides to be screened off during certain occasions. As the second case study was chosen the basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna, constructed similarly at the beginning of the sixth century, although in completely different circumstances. In this case, the basilica itself presents no archaeological traces of the separation, but the main indicator for a specific function of the lateral naves lies in its rich decoration of the clerestory walls. The most upper parts which represent twenty-six scenes of a Christological cycle, are fully visible and intelligible, as will be further argued, only for the viewers standing in lateral naves2. Both case studies thus present different starting points for the research and presume slightly different approach to the available material. Before proceeding, one brief, although important notice must be made. After concisely summarizing and specifying what this thesis aims to be, it feels necessary to emphasize what it is not. This is in no way an archaeological guide for the individual sites discussed below. The archaeological reports are used as important sources of information but with little effort to reinterpret or question their content ex situ.

2 The church of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo was already the topic of my bachelor thesis, cf. DOLEŽALOVÁ 2017. However, the case study must be considered and understood as complementary, since it discusses different aspects of the topic. While the bachelor thesis was mainly searching for the interpretation of the mosaic cycle, this case study aims to reconstruct its liturgical and social reality. As such, it represents a further step in my research. 6

STATE OF RESEARCH

While considering the current state of research on the various functions of the side aisles within the Late Antique , we are naturally facing several difficulties. In most cases of the general overviews of Early Christian architecture, no specific attention was paid to the side aisles. Therefore, it must be emphasized at the very beginning that no state of research actually exists. Together with the nave, side aisles were usually restricted to the use of lay members of the Christian community. However, in the words of the authors, they were also spatially separated from the nave by arcades. As was hinted in the introduction, it is the various types of internal structuring and means of separation, which leads us to question of the specific function of the lateral naves and force us to their deeper examination. Thus, it is exactly this phenomenon which will be traced throughout this chapter. In this regard, a fundamental study dealing with the spatial divisions between the nave and side aisles was published in 2006 by Urs Peschlow, claiming to be the first to examine these spaces in a systematic way3. For the first time indeed Peschlow extensively gathered and examined in detail the archaeological evidence from a number of archaeological sites of the fifth and sixth centuries and pointed out how little scholarly attention has been paid to them so far. He suggested to analyze these monuments as a group and part of a widespread practice, which followed fairly standardized plans of construction. Based on this, Peschlow had outlined three major groups of spatial dividers, which also form the core and structure of this chapter. These are solely physical barriers, which limited the access and free movement between side aisles and the nave; visual barriers, which, apart from the physical separation, must have also prevented view from or to the nave; and the other types of separation which did not involve a construction of barriers, but suggest an internal spatial hierarchy nonetheless, such as floor decorations or differentiation of the floor levels. Peschlow’s approach was shortly after adopted by Diego Peirano, who in a series of articles on one hand developed and specified Peschlow’s conclusions, but on the other drew attention to the aspect of internal settings, which needs to be taken into consideration in the process of understanding these architectural solutions4. Peirano

3 PESCHLOW 2006. 4 PEIRANO 2012; PEIRANO 2016; PEIRANO 2018. 7 puts this directly into practice in his on-going project of the ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ database5. This database should also include the records about liturgical furnishings and internal arrangements, but unfortunately, it is limited only to the archaeological sites of Aegean area and Asia Minor, where Peirano worked himself. Nevertheless, he states that out of nearly five hundred examined churches, seventy-one provide evidence of some kind of separation6. For a better clarity of the different issues, the current state of research will be summarized and discussed in detail for each type of separation individually, aiming at giving a rather general overview on the topic. However, it cannot be fully exhaustive, since for the various reasons discussed below the most comprehensive sources of information are to be found within case studies and archaeological reports. In attempting this overview, primary importance will be given to the studies assessing the complex relationship between liturgical and social requirements and liturgical furnishings7.

A. SOLELY PHYSICAL BARRIERS The first type of barrier which will be discussed more in detail presents a form of cancelli or transennae, that is, low marble slabs which usually delimited the most sacred areas of the church reserved only to clergy; the , or the so-called solea. These slabs could occasionally appear in various forms also in the lateral naves and separate them, or at least some of their parts, from the rest of the church. According to Thomas Mathews, in the lower basilica of San Clemente, but also other Roman churches of San Marco, Santa Maria Antiqua, or San Stefano in Via Latina, these stone slabs were prolonged to the very eastern ends of the side aisles and separated them transversely from the rest of the church space8. In accordance with the general beliefs, Mathews considered the aisles mainly as the “places of the congregation”; however, having been engaged with the reconstruction of the Roman stational liturgy in early Middle Ages, he assumed that these eastern ends of the side aisles must have served for receiving the offerings from the common believers by the pope and members of the clergy9. Moreover, he refers to these

5 PEIRANO 2018, p. 162; PEIRANO 2012, p. 65. 6 Ibidem. 7 Cf. the remarks of BRANDT 2014. 8 MATHEWS 1962; DOIG 2008, sp. pp. 91–94. 9 MATHEWS 1962, pp. 93–95. 8 eastern ends as sanatorium and matroneum and assumes a gender segregation among the believers within the church space, although not materially delimited [Fig. 1]10. However, a number of churches mainly from the fifth and sixth centuries give evidence of installing the aforementioned marble slabs in the arcade intercolumniations. These slabs thus constituted a continuous marble fence, which separated side aisles from the nave longitudinally. However, it must be also noted that the communication between side aisles and the nave seems to be limited, though almost always guaranteed; most frequently by passageways at the eastern or western ends of the colonnades11. As Peschlow states, unfortunately none of these dividers are preserved in their intact form directly in situ12, but their presence can be usually reconstructed from the archaeological traces left on stylobates, or more often on column bases. In essence, Peschlow distinguishes two possible ways of their installation. In the first case, the marble rectangular blocks were inserted into specially carved grooves in the column bases [Fig. 2], while the second type of installation involved adjusting the bottom corners of the slabs to the shape of a column base, which subsequently left a raw stripe on its moulding. In both cases, the upper cornice was attached to the surrounding for a better stability of the whole construction13. In terms of execution, Urs Peschlow assumes that the bases were rather prefabricated and thus, the spatial division must have been planned from the beginning of the construction14. It is not entirely sure, whether these types are chosen according to the preferences of artistic workshops, or rather point to a different chronology, but based on the collected material from the mid sixth-century Beyazit Basilica A in or the church of Acheiropoietos in , dated to the third quarter of the fifth century, both types of the installation naturally appear in one place15. From the surviving fragments, given photographs and hypothetical reconstructions it seems that these slabs could take the form of massive stone blocks as well as permeable and carefully carved pieces16. Presumably they were decorated rather simply, using various geometrical or vegetable motives and occasionally also crosses [Figs 3–4]. Naturally, the artistic design of these slabs, engaging mostly an ornamental

10 MATHEWS 1962, pp. 93–95. 11 This is possible to see on most of the groundplans of the specific churches and is confirmed also by PEIRANO 2012, p. 70. 12 PESCHLOW 2006, p. 54. 13 Ibidem, p. 54, fig. 1. 14 Ibidem, p. 54. 15 Ibidem, pp. 54, 56. 16 Ibidem, pp. 55, 59, 61, 64, figs 3, 12, 13, 16, 22; PEIRANO 2018, pp. 165–167. 9 decoration, cannot be considered as a reliable indicator of the use and as such, it has not been given too much of attention. Due to extensive material evidence, Thomas Mathews considered this arrangement as a phenomenon limited only to the area of today’s Greece17. Urs Peschlow however believed that this type of spatial organization must have been more widespread across the Aegean region. With two case studies of the basilica of St John Stoudios (mid- fifth c.) and the aforementioned Beyazit Basilica A, his research demonstrated its presence also in Constantinople, which as a capital city could have set the architectural trends even far beyond18. The so far known examples of these arrangements include the churches and archaeological sites in Greece19, Aegean Islands20, Asia Minor21, Cyprus22, and ancient Macedonia23. Besides, in other monuments of the same period, another particular type of physical separation is attested. It was demonstrated by Peschlow on the example of the Hagios Demetrios basilica in Thessaloniki24, but is again described as a “typical feature” of the basilicas in and in the Aegean Islands25. In these cases, the columns of the colonnades are placed on stone blocks of various sizes which originally formed built-

17 In this sense, Mathews referred to a catalogue of Greek Early Christian churches compiled by Geōrgios Sōtēriou. SŌTĒRIOU 1931; MATHEWS 1971, sp. pp. 120–121, n. 13. 18 PESCHLOW 2006, pp. 54–56. 19 Traces of dividers are possible to find in (basilicas in Parthenon, Erechtheum, Olympeion, Ascleipieion), Alimos, Brauron, Gliphada, Eleusis (St Zacharias), Corinth (St Codratos, Lechaion), Sycione, Argo (Apsis basilica), Nemea, Epidauros, Hermione, Demetrias (Basilica A), Nea Anchialos (Basilica A, Basilica G), Tigani, Olympia: PEIRANO 2012, p. 67, n. 9. 20 Peirano mentions sites at Spetses (Vrousti), (St Kyriakos), Crete (Kookythia, Olous- Spinalonga, Eleutherna), Lesbos (Mesa, Skala Eressos, Ypselometopes), Kos (Zipari, Mastichari) and Paros (Ekatontapyliani, Tris Ekklesies). For details see ibidem, p. 67, n. 10. 21 In Asia Minor, the traces of separation occur in Constantinople (St John of Stoudios, Beyazit basilica A), Ephesus (St John of Ephesus), , Laodicea (basilica behind A), Hierapolis (Bishop’s church), Andriake (Basilica B), Xanthos (basilica behind Agora), Alakilise, Perge, Aphrodisia, Iasos (Agora basilica), Bargylia (Basilica A; Basilica B), Knidos (basilica on the temple of Dionysos; Basilica A), , and Labraunda. Ibidem, p. 67, n. 11. 22 Cyprus brings probably only two examples from Kourion and Marathovouno. See ibidem, p. 68, n. 12. 23 Such arrangements we can find in Thessaloniki (Acheiropoietos), Philippi (Basilica A; Basilica C), Edessa (Longos basilica), Aliki (north and south basilicas), Thassos island, Stobi (Episcopal basilica), Bargala and perhaps also Kamenica and Konjuh (Rotunda). For details see ibidem, pp. 74–75. 24 PESCHLOW 2006, pp. 60–61. 25 Ibidem. According to Peirano’s entries, the high built-up stylobates are possible to be found within the basilicas of the following archaeological sites: Elis, Olympia, basilicas at Crete or Lesbos, Aphentelli, Skala Eressos, Halidanos, Ypselometopes, Vyzari, Mastichari at Kos, or in Caria at Knidos (Basilica D); in Greece in Nea Anchialos (Basilica C; Basilica D), Athens (Erechtheum), Kainepolis-Kyparissos (Ayos Petros), Corinth (Kodratos basilica); in Asia Minor in Carian Aphrodisia. For details including the heights of the stylobates cf. PEIRANO 2012, p. 72. 10 up stylobates, usually reaching the height between 0,20–0,40 m. These stylobates therefore might have separated the lateral naves in a similar manner. Although in some exceptional cases these stylobates reached the heights of almost 1,00 m26, it is not entirely sure that they performed the very same function as the closure slabs. In the Basilica A in Philippi, at the Episcopal basilica in Stobi, at the Basilica Gamma in Nea Anchialos and probably also at the basilica of Saint Erasme in , a separated barrier was built along the stylobates, which standardly featured the marble fence27. The attempts at explaining the function of these types of church organization are rather scarce, but usually followed the concept of Raumsoziologie and reserved the lateral naves to particular groups of the Christian congregation. In his general overview on Early Christian architecture, Richard Krautheimer supposes that Greek liturgy must have been partially performed in the nave, which was consequently reserved mainly for the needs of clergy, and the lateral naves would then accommodate the assembly of lay believers, to whom the liturgy as well as church architecture were supposed to be partially hidden28. Another hypothesis was introduced by Paul Lemerle, who for the case of Basilica A in Philippi referred to the texts of Hippolytus’ Apostolic Tradition, Didascalia and Testamentum Domini, and restricted the nave rather to the classes of believers with a higher rank of spiritual stage, namely widows, virgins, teachers and ascetics29. According to Diego Peirano, who worked specifically on the example of the Basilica of Bargala, the lateral naves must have accommodated either women30, or catechumens, who could therefore leave the church before the Eucharistic liturgy without mingling with the rest of the community31. He points out at the same time that apart from the liturgical service, the separated side aisles might have created natural passageways between various structures adjacent to the basilica32. Going in a similar direction, Urs Peschlow called the attention to the crowds of pilgrims, who could have been led to the space of the

26 These high built-up stylobates can be found for example in the byzantine basilica church in Knossos (FREND/JOHNSTON 1962, p. 192) or Agios Kyrikos of Delos (ORLANDOS 1936, pp. 73– 74). See also PESCHLOW 2006, pp. 60–61. 27 See KORKOUTIDOU/NIKOLAIDOU p. 956. Similarly, also a secondary insertion of the stylobate barrier is attested. Free passageways between arcade columns were, for example, walled off around the half of the sixth century in the Basilica extra muros in Philippi (PESCHLOW 2006, p. 68; PEIRANO 2012, p. 68 referring to PALLAS 1977, p. 110) or the Church 3 in north African Sabratha (WARD- PERKINS/GOODCHILD 1953, pp. 17–18; quoted in FREND/JOHNSTON 1962, p. 192, n. 15). 28 KRAUTHEIMER 1986, p. 217. 29 LEMERLE 1945, pp. 355–357; MATHEWS 1971, p. 119. 30 In this regard, Peirano adopts the hypothesis of Cyril Mango and Blaga Aleksova: ALEKSOVA/MANGO 1971, p. 268; PEIRANO 2012, p. 79. 31 PEIRANO 2012, p. 79. 32 PEIRANO 2018, p. 165. For specific cases see ns 17–24. 11 or to the eventual crypt areas by passing through the lateral naves without disturbing the on-going liturgical service33. As structuring elements of circulation within the ecclesiastical space, side naves would as such have required at least this partial closure to ensure the fluency of these movements.

B. VISUAL BARRIERS The aforementioned raised stylobates could have been occasionally paired with closure slabs or wooden grilles which might have left grooves or L-shaped holes on the column shafts. For the substantial amounts of evidence, we must once again turn to the fifth- and sixth-century archaeological sites of the Aegean area. Peschlow states that this type of combined barriers was common mainly in ancient , but rare examples of the temple-church of Aphrodisias in Caria, the Bishop’s Church in Priene, or the Basilica B in Latrun in Cyrenaica prove that this praxis must have existed also elsewhere, but cannot be always traced due to the poor state of preservation34. These combined structures usually measured from 1,60 to 1,80 m in total, but the example of the Eleutherna basilica in Crete indicates a barrier reaching even the height of column capitals35. Apart from the physical separation, these structures must have at least partially prevented also view from or to the nave. In contrast with the fixed marble barriers, the use of a lattice made of lighter materials, such as wood or metal, of course questions the actual efficiency of this structure as a visual barrier but might be also result of a rational choice. In a suitable arrangement, they could have been easily modified and thus, subdivide the church interior only during some particular occasions. In fact, as a supportive argument for this assertion can be recalled the research of Cyril Mango, who extensively studied the internal arrangements of the church of St in Constantinople36. In this regard, Mango analyzed the hagiographic text of the Miracles of St Artemios, compiled by an anonymous author in the seventh century, and based on its narratives, he presumes the existence of high movable barriers installed between columns, most likely wooden or metal grilles, which limited the access to the nave at least during the religious practice of incubation, that is, during the nighttime37.

33 PESCHLOW 2006, p. 69. 34 Ibidem, p. 60. 35 THEMELIS 2005, p. 347; PEIRANO 2018, p. 167. 36 PESCHLOW 2006, p. 62. 37 MANGO 1979, p. 42. For an English critical edition of the Miracles see CRISAFULLI/NESBITT 1997. 12

A notable situation occurs in the churches of Pella in Greece, the basilica of St John in Ephesus [Fig. 5], the Museum Basilica in Philippi, probably also in the basilica of Hierapolis as well as in the Agora basilica in Iasos, where it is possible to discern small holes in the column shafts38. These most probably served for anchoring wooden or iron rods and thus, for hanging curtain sets39. These holes are usually not preserved along the entire intercolumniation of the nave, which might be caused by material condition of the particular sites, but of course leaves some doubts about a continual separation. However, similarly as in the case of wooden grilles, also the choice of textiles as mobile enclosures of intercolumniations may have emerged from their inherent qualities and particular manner of their use – their potential to create a temporary and adjustable visual barrier. Besides the many examples of Eastern basilicas, the question of curtains within church spaces has been recently put into discussion also for the Late Antique and early medieval churches of . In the fifth-century church of , despite some heavy restorations and later interventions40, the same holes are present above each capital and may have served for similar purposes. However, it is a rare example of the archaeological evidence for the Western part of the Empire, which of course might be caused by the liturgical differences between East and West, but also by the extensive remodeling of the internal arrangements in the majority of monuments from the Late Antique period. At the present moment, the most tangible sources for the presence of intercolumnar curtains appear to be either the records of papal donations in Roman Liber Pontificalis or contemporary artistic depictions41. In both cases, the evidence is unfortunately quite inconsistent for any definitive conclusions42.

38 Existence of these holes for the Basilica of Hierapolis is nowhere explicitly documented and is rather presumed. It was involved to this list after a private communication with Dr. Diego Peirano to whom I would like to express many gratitude for his help. 39 No systematical archaeological repertory of these separations exists up to this point; however, based on the discussion with Dr. Peirano, it seems that this division is for the Aegean area fairly common. For further reading on this topic see PESCHLOW 2006; or more recently PEIRANO 2012, sp. pp. 65–75. 40 See for example MUÑOZ 1938. 41 PETRIAGGI 1984, pp. 37–46; MARTINIANI-REBER 1999, pp. 289–305. The most recent analyses of Liber Pontificalis will be soon published by Carola Jäggi and Sible de Blaauw: JÄGGI (forthcoming); DE BLAAUW, (forthcoming). For terminology consider seeing BALLARDINI 2016, eventually also GASPA/MICHEL/NOSCH 2017. 42 The curtains “for the arches” appear in the Liber Pontificalis explicitly and systematically only from the pontificate of Hadrian I, that is, from the eighth century onwards. From the further entries we know that they hung “between the great columns on right and left”, were commissioned “for all the arches of the basilica” or “for the great arches of the church”. However, given numbers of the curtain sets usually do not fully correspond to the number of intercolumniations of the mentioned basilicas 13

Despite this lack of evidence, it appears clear that curtains were part of Late Antique domestic settings, where they were used as efficient and aesthetically engaging devices of spatial division43. Besides, from the evidence that we possess about the Roman imperial basilicas and palaces, curtains were probably also present in staging, revealing, or framing the figure of the Emperor and his court44. Considering the predominance of reuse of forms and devices from both the domestic and imperial practice by the Christian elites between the fourth and sixth centuries, the presence of curtains in church interiors is highly plausible. Their stylization, functioning, as well as their purpose remain however unclear. Pietro Crostarosa assumed that arcade curtains must have served for hiding the liturgical mysteries, which therefore would have been visually inaccessible to lay people standing in the side aisles, and even applied this theory on the Late Antique churches in global45. The same opinion was later followed by Heinrich Selhorst; however, just as Crostarosa, not even Selhorst brings any additional arguments for this hypothesis except for the Liber Pontificalis entries46. On the contrary, since most of the artistic representations depict curtains rather as decorative elements – either tied up or encircling the surrounding columns – and no physical manipulation with these curtains is explicitly documented, it was rather proposed they were objects of prestigious donations and served mainly for staging the liturgy without its direct concealment47. In fact, Gisela Ripoll also points out that it was precisely the nave arches which were often chosen for installing oil lamps, and therefore doubts the actual occurrence of textile installations at these places48. In general, she rather believes in more practical reasons of their use within church interiors and presumes that they might have been used for modifying the temperature, air flow or light conditions49. Another hypothesis was introduced by Leslie Preston-Day and Robert Houston Smith, who for the case of the church in Greek Pella presumed that the arcade

and therefore it is rather believed that they were determined by their status. Cf. DE BLAAUW (forthcoming) and especially DE BLAAUW/DOLEŽALOVÁ (forthcoming). 43 On curtains and their use within domestic settings see for example: STEPHENSON 2014; DE MOOR/FLUCK 2009; THÉBERT 1992. 44 Cf. EBERLEIN 1982, sp. pp. 15–30; eventually PARANI 2018. 45 CROSTAROSA 1892, pp. 63–73; MATHEWS 1971, p. 118. 46 SELHORST 1931, pp. 45–49; quoted MATHEWS 1971, p. 118. For the particular issues with Liber Pontificalis see ns 41, 42 above. 47 See for example DE BLAAUW (forthcoming). 48 RIPOLL 2005, p. 47. 49 Ibidem, p. 47. 14 curtains might have served for separating female believers from the liturgical practice50. Urs Peschlow in this regard speculated rather about the separation of catechumens, that is, believers in preparation for the baptismal rite, through which they became full and legitimate members of the Christian community51. It was a common practice of the Early Christian churches, that the catechumens could not fully participate on the liturgical ceremony and at the end of the Liturgy of the Word, they were dismissed from the church52. As such, they are the only group of believers from those suggested above, which is truly believed to be visually excluded from the liturgical service. However, if the catechumens had been restricted to the screened- off aisles instead of leaving the church entirely, it would mean that they could have – at least acoustically – participated on the Eucharistic liturgy, which Peschlow considered as highly improbable due to the absence of written sources.

C. OTHER TYPES OF SEPARATION Last but not least, there are also other types of rather indirect division of the church interiors which do not include any physical partitions but may imply a certain staging of a sacred space and specific use of the side aisles within. First of these examples could be the arrangement of the mosaic pavements, which have been lately studied as the indicators of “sacred zones”53. Unfortunately, in most cases the decoration of lateral naves does not offer a clear interpretation and is not enough conclusive for ascribing these zones to some particular groups of believers or liturgical rites, at least not for the lateral naves. However, what could be helpful to a certain extent, is the hierarchical use of different materials in flooring and revetments. According to John Mitchell, who dedicated a study to the decoration of the Christian basilica on the Vrina plain, the side aisles give evidence of a limestone flooring, carried out rather with large stone blocks, while the nave is paved with a mosaic composition featuring octagons with animals, sea creatures, fruits and vegetation54. Having constituted a hierarchy of materials used for the paving of secular as well as religious buildings, Mitchell supposed that luxuriously decorated naves were reserved for the needs of the clergy and the

50 HOUSTON SMITH/PRESTON DAY 1989, p. 45; cited in CASEAU 2013, p. 69. 51 PESCHLOW 2006, p. 70. 52 For a general discussion cf. MATHEWS 1971, pp. 125–130. This topic is discussed more in detail within the first case study of this thesis, see below pp. 21–34. 53 See especially WATTA 2013; WATTA 2018 with bibliography; MITCHELL 2019. For the pavement of Late Antique Greece see SPIRO 1978; ASĒMAKOPULU-ATZAKA 1984. 54 MITCHELL 2019. 15 enactment of the liturgy and the side aisles, once again, must have been restricted to the faithful congregation55. Along the same lines, a certain kind of staging of the church interiors might also be the intended differentiations in the floor levels. Raising or lowering of the side aisles usually supported and emphasized the physical boundaries inserted between the columns56; however, Peschlow brings also the example of the basilica of Sant’Apollinare in Classe, where the original level of southern side aisle was about 0,40 m below the rest of the church flooring, and which does not give any clear evidence of further separation57.

FINAL OBSERVATIONS For a more complete picture of the spatial dividers within Late Antique basilicas a few final observations must be noted. What might not be clear so far is that apart from the typological differentiation, there are no solid criteria for the systemization of the internal arrangements and especially, for the installation of the intercolumnar barriers. Partitions of certain areas by means of marble slabs or barriers in general do not appear to be linked only to the churches with a traditional basilica plan. We can also find them in churches with transepts in their dispositions58, perhaps a central-plan church of Rotunda at Konjuh59, and occasionally also baptisteries60. It also seems that neither the status of the church and the type of the liturgical service can speak about the internal divisions in a very consistent way, since as already Peschlow observes, it

55 Mitchell’s scale goes from the marble opus sectile as the most luxurious type of flooring to irregular pieces of marble, local types of stones or clay tiles: MITCHELL 2019. 56 Peirano claims that out of 71 churches of his database certainly 15 have differentiations in floor levels. PEIRANO 2012, p. 73, sp. n. 47. 57 PESCHLOW 2006, pp. 65–66. 58 See the examples of St John at Ephesus, Basilica A in Perge, and Basilica A in Philippi: PEIRANO 2012, p. 69, n. 19. 59 The barriers are mentioned only by one source, cf. “Makedonien”, in RbK, vol. 5, pp. 1069– 1071. Later publications do not mention this type of arrangement: PEIRANO 2012, p. 69, sp. n. 20. 60 In this regard Peirano mentions only two examples of the baptistery in Kos (today’s church of St George) and the pool of Episcopal basilica in Kourion: ibidem, p. 69, sp. n. 21. Gisela Ripoll, however, believes in the use of curtains within these spaces: RIPOLL 2005, p. 50. 16 is not possible to trace the use of the barriers in episcopal, pilgrimage, or cemetery churches exclusively61. Not even a symmetrical separation of both aisles seems to be always the rule. In the basilica of Hagios Demetrios in Thessaloniki only the northern nave was separated by a stylobate wall and the southern one was freely open to the nave and allowed the free movement between these two compartments62. Similar solution of a one-sided barrier is possible to find in the aforementioned Museum Basilica in Philippi discussed below, where only the northern nave was screened off by a templon-like barrier during the sixth-century reconstructions63. In the Bishop’s church in Hierapolis, for a change, the southern lateral nave was separated; in this case, only by means of marble slabs64. The asymmetrical treatment can be furthermore applied also for the decorative programs. If the lateral naves were decorated, Peschlow remarks that northern aisles were usually given more attention, presumably in terms of precious materials and floor levels65. It is not even possible to recognize any local preferences in the types of the interior arrangement, since several types of barriers occur even at a single archaeological site. This was already demonstrated in the city of Philippi, in the region of Macedonia Prima, where around the half of the sixth century, the local basilicas present almost all types of internal disposition and use all different kinds of barriers [Fig. 6]66. In addition, the side aisles of the local Basilica B do not show any traces of enclosure for the same time period, only the stylobate of circa 0,50 m67. What also must be taken into consideration is that the need of the strict internal organization might have appeared and become necessary only at a certain point and thus, reflect the new building trends or some substantial changes in the liturgical practice. This would become relevant mainly for those monuments, whose archaeological surveys demonstrate that the separations were not a part of the original church planning but were only a later addition, which is certainly documented for the Basilica at the Museum in Philippi. More interestingly, in this case, the additional separation was probably of a short duration and was later removed68.

61 PESCHLOW 2006, pp. 68–69. 62 Ibidem, p. 60, n. 14. 63 See the archaeological report of KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU/MARKI 1995. 64 PEIRANO 2012, p. 70. The case study of Hierapolis basilica discussed in detail in PEIRANO 2018. 65 PESCHLOW 2006, p. 66. 66 Ibidem, p. 68 with references, event. also Table A on the same page. 67 LEMERLE 1945, p. 433; PESCHLOW 2006, p. 68. 68 More interestingly, in this case, the additional separation was probably of a short duration. Cf. KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU/MARKI 1995. 17

Considering the fact that the lateral naves may have been subjected to the use of certain groups of believers, we must also pose the question of their actual experience and perception of the whole space. In other words, what were these groups supposed to see and visually interact with? For the different groups of audience the overall experience of the space must have been, in the words of Diego Peirano, “as if there were different churches within the same basilica”69. Unfortunately, due to their poor state of condition, most of the sites do not present a compact decoration of the side aisles apart from the pavement mosaics. According to Peirano, the archaeological sites of Hermione, Mastichari, Priene, Kaunos, Iasos, Knidos, and Hierapolis show remains of a plaster decoration, but they are not enough recognizable for the iconographic analyses70. It is plausible nonetheless, that the iconographic programs might have featured the painted imitations of a marble paneling, just as in the case of the Basilica of Bargala71. Exceptional in terms of the preserved material heritage might be the Episcopal basilica in Stobi, where a series of fresco paintings with a more complex decorative program featuring also two lambs flanking a baptismal spring or the Old Testament scene of Daniel in the lion’s den, has been discovered72. Another aspect, which has to be taken into consideration is the kind of church embellishment, which was not directly placed in the side aisles, but intended them as the ideal viewpoint. In this regard, the basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna with its twenty-six scenes of the Christological cycle, placed in the most upper zone of its nave mosaic decoration, could serve as an example73. The cycle is nowadays visible only from the aisles and considering the view angle from the original level of the floor, which compared to today’s situation was about 1,50 m lower, it might have been directed to the audience occupying the lateral naves74. Of course, a certain kind of decoration might have borne also the barriers themselves, especially the textiles, which would give an opportunity for a rich and lavish compositions and moreover would be easily adjustable in the course of liturgical year. As such, the divider could also become a way of framing and sublimating images.

69 PEIRANO 2012, p. 69. 70 Ibidem, sp. n. 18. 71 Ibidem, p. 78. 72 Cf. DIMITROVA/BLAŽEVSKA/TUTKOVSKI 2012; HEMANS 1987; WISEMAN/GEORGIEVSKY 1975, sp. pp. 180–182. 73 On the architecture and decoration of this basilica see the works of RIZZARDI 2011; VERHOEVEN 2011; DELIYANNIS 2010; PENNI IACCO 2004 and especially DEICHMANN 1974. 74 This premise was also one of the starting points of my bachelor thesis dedicated to this mosaic cycle. See DOLEŽALOVÁ 2017; DOLEŽALOVÁ 2018. 18

However, the surviving material evidence is rather inconclusive. Most of the textile fragments is of uncertain origin and dating and even if they are sufficiently classified as “hangings”, it is not sure whether they were placed within a religious or secular context75. Thus, they cannot serve as the main source of information and the attention must be turned towards the written sources. There is also another interesting point, which was mentioned rather unwittingly, but which certainly deserves a particular attention within the framework of this thesis. Apart from the architectural layout of the church of St John the Baptist, the hagiographic text of the Miracles of St Artemios gives also a glimpse of some paraliturgical activities taking place within. It brings several narratives about the religious practice of incubation, in other words, about common believers sleeping probably in the enclosed northern aisle in order to be cured by the saint76. At the same time, Diego Peirano points out that separated aisles might have also found their use for example during the baptismal rite, as he later demonstrates on the example of the basilica in Phrygian Hierapolis77. Therefore it might be worth exploring to which extent the side aisles were used besides the common liturgical service; possibly as subsidiary spaces with a “lower” level of sacredness, a practice which, as sources tell, would become common in the later Middle Ages, notably within pilgrimage churches but not only. Last but not least, it is naturally difficult to establish, whether the spatial dividers between the nave and side aisles are purely an “Eastern” phenomenon, employed due to specific liturgical traditions, or whether the same spatial solutions, maybe with other types of barriers, were also a common practice of the Late Antique West. Since the side aisles were part of the sacred, and more specifically liturgical space, the discipline of art history has to be crossed while studying this particular question, and the methods from the fields of philology, liturgical studies and archaeology must be applied. In conclusion, at least for now, Peschlow’s ideas about standardized plans of the Early Christian basilicas are hard to apply, because neither the type of community nor the liturgical practice seems to be the decisive criteria for installing the various types of barriers between the arcade columns. The most suitable way of approaching to this topic, which could possibly bring any conclusions, would be indeed examining the

75 Cf. DE MOOR/FLUCK 2007, esp. the contribution of John Peter Wild, pp. 18–24. On Late Antique textiles in general see SCHRENK 2004 or STAUFFER et al. 1996. 76 PESCHLOW 2006. The various practices of incubation within ecclesiastical spaces were recently discussed by CANETTI 2010. 77 PEIRANO 2018, p. 165; PEIRANO 2012, pp. 78–79. 19 monuments individually in the form of case studies. In the general absence of the liturgical sources we must, in the words of Peschlow, “ask several questions the buildings themselves”78 and deal with the archaeological evidence or site-specific situations with relevant literary sources, artistic depictions, and particular ecclesiastical traditions in mind.

78 PESCHLOW 2006, p. 68. 20

CASE STUDY A THE BASILICA AT THE MUSEUM IN PHILIPPI

The history of the city of Philippi, located in the region of Macedonia Prima, goes way back into the fourth century BC, when the Macedonian king Philip II captured the ancient colony of Krenides, and named it after himself79. Within its rich history, which we are able to follow up to the seventh century CE, the city witnessed a transition from a Roman colony to a Christian pilgrimage site, encouraged by the fact that the city was, following the biblical text (Acts 16,12), visited by Apostle Paul in 49–50 CE during his second missionary journey. Crossed by the Via Egnatia, the city then stood directly on the borders of the Western and Eastern Roman Empire [Fig. 7]80. Although it took almost four centuries since the city was “officially” and fully Christianized, it represents an urban settlement with a long Christian tradition worthy of particular attention. From all the periods of Philippi’s political and religious history, a series of monuments was found and preserved, out of which stand out mainly six Christian churches in total, namely the Basilica A (ca 500 CE), the Basilica B (ca 550 CE), the Basilica at the Museum (after 500 CE), the so-called Octogon church (fifth–sixth c. CE), the cemetery Basilica extra muros (ca fourth–fifth c. CE), and the recently discovered Basilica D, which is still the subject of on-going surveys81. Within the group of these monuments, the Basilica at the Museum, also known from the archaeological records as the Basilica C or the Basilica Γ, is quite exceptional for

79 On the brief historical overview on the city of Philippi cf. for example quite recent VERHOEF 2013; SÈVE 2000 or the general works of LEMERLE 1945 and COLLART 1937, event. ĆURČIĆ 2010, pp. 114–119. 80 On the process of Christianization consider seeing for example OGEREAU 2018; VERHOEF 2013; BAKIRTZIS/KOESTER 1998; PILHOFER 1995. 81 The archaeological site of Philippi has been the subject of a scholarly interest already from the second half of the nineteenth century, when Léon Heuzey and Honoré Daumet started with the first excavations (HEUZEY/DAUMET 1876). The first truly systematic surveys were launched shortly after by the École française d'Athènes in 1914 and have continued to this day with the collaboration of Greek Archaeological Service, Archaeological Society of Athens and the University of Thessaloniki. The most complete bibliography on Philippi monuments published before the year 2000 was gathered in PILHOFER 2000. On the Basilica A: GOUNARIS/GOUNARI 2004, pp. 39–44; LEMERLE 1945, pp. 283–412; COLLART 1937, pp. 381–412; the Basilica B: GOUNARIS/GOUNARI 2004, pp. 51–56; LEMERLE 1945, pp. 415–513; COLLART 1937, pp. 413–513; the Basilica extra muros: GOUNARIS/GOUNARI 2004, pp. 101–104; the Octogon church: GOUNARIS/GOUNARI 2004, pp. 66–80; PILHOFER 1995, pp. 16– 23. 21 its internal arrangements and although it is distinctly less studied, it certainly deserves to be examined in detail within the scope of this thesis. As was discussed above, in the second phase of its construction, the northern aisle was indeed separated from the rest of the church by a templon-like barrier on a stylobate base built behind the colonnade and also featuring an architrave which probably served for hanging curtain sets. Thus, with most probability, this architectural solution might have emerged from significant changes in liturgical practice or the introduction of specific rites, which were supposed to be screened off from the believers’ sight.

REMARKS ON THE SITE-SPECIFIC SITUATION Within the architectural landscape of Philippi, the Museum Basilica was built in the proximity of the Basilica A, in the area of today’s Archaeological Museum, which due to the further excavation had to be later relocated towards the west [Fig. 8]82. The basilica was found rather by chance during the museum’s reconstructions in 1963, but the systematic surveys started only in 197783. Therefore, it is not mentioned and discussed in all the significant publications on Philippi or the Early Christian architecture of Macedonia published before this date, especially the fundamental works of Paul Collart, Paul Lemerle, Ralph Hoddinott or Dēmētrios Pallas84. Unfortunately, almost nothing is known about the details of the commission or the early stages of its construction. Unlike the other Philippian monuments, the Museum Basilica presents no fragmentary mosaics or sculpted inscriptions linked to the building itself, which would provide us a name of the patron, his social status or at least a certain support for the dating85. However, based on the so far available evidence and archaeological reports, it was erected more or less at the same time as the neighboring Basilica A, that is, around the year 500 CE. The archaeological surveys then also revealed and documented substantial architectural renovations from the Justinianic age86. What is striking at first sight and caught the attention of many scholars is the large number and quite extensive spatial dimensions of the existing as well as newly constructed churches in Philippi in the first half of the sixth century. In only fifty

82 PILHOFER 1995, p. 25. 83 See the final and fundamental archaeological report of KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU 1995 with references. 84 COLLART 1937; LEMERLE 1945; HODDINOTT 1963; PALLAS 1977. 85 The inscriptions found in the archaeological site of Philippi are collected in PILHOFER 2000. Consider seeing also ASĒMAKOPULU-ATZAKA 2009; HATTERSLEY-SMITH 1995. 86 Cf. KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU 1995. 22 years, at least three new churches were erected in total, namely the Basilica A, the Basilica C, and the Basilica B, and radical alterations had been made also in the Octogon church from the turn of the fourth and fifth centuries and to the Basilica extra muros87. Together with the Basilica D, which still has not been dated with certainty, that might indicate that six church buildings were in use within the city of Philippi, which compared to Thessaloniki or other episcopal seats in the Aegean area was considered rather small. Eduard Verhoef sought for the explanation in competitive heretical groups of , who desired to possess their own places of worship, but in the end rather concludes that building activities of such an extent might be linked to the inflow of funds from private donors who sponsored these projects as votive offerings, that is as an expression of gratitude88. However, by reason of the lack of evidence, these theses cannot be neither confirmed nor excluded. More likely, this building boom might be connected to the phenomenon of the early medieval pilgrimage. Quite recently, Aristotelis Mentzos argued that the Basilica A, the Octogon church and later also the Basilica B, which were built in a close proximity to the old , were in fact part of a pilgrimage route, each of them marking the loca sancta related to the visit of Apostle Paul in the 1st century CE89. Considering Philippi’s position on the Via Egnatia, which connected the western coast of the Balkans and Constantinople and crossed all the important local centers, it would be an easily reachable destination and, moreover, a constant flow of pilgrims would also bring vast financial sources and explain the rise of the construction activities in a relatively small city. However, for the purpose of this case study, nothing suggests that the Basilica C was likewise integrated into this pilgrimage route and most likely it performed a different role in the local church network. Although smaller in size compared to the other Philippian monuments, in all likelihood, the Museum Basilica was not a minor church within the city walls. As was noted already during the excavations, this assumption can be supported by the use of fine materials and the unified concept of a high-quality sculptural decoration, although preserved only in fragments [Fig. 9], and also by the fact that it was a subject of continual architectural alterations in the following periods. This together might point to a commission of rather great importance. In fact, according to Eutychia

87 For the alterations in Octogon church cf. PELEKANIDIS 1980, pp. 114–116. For the modifications of Basilica extra muros see ibidem, pp. 117, 120. 88 VERHOEF 2005, pp. 584–588. 89 Cf. MENTZOS 2005. Part of the Octogon church complex were also numerous facilities for accommodating pilgrims, namely the courtyard, bathhouse and the so-called xenodocheion. See BAKIRTZIS 2008. 23

Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou and recently also Aristotelis Mentzos, out of all Philippian churches, the Museum Basilica has the highest chances to be primarily built and intended as an episcopal seat90. Unfortunately, only little is known about its original layout. In the first phase of the construction, the Museum Basilica was probably a standard, three-aisled basilica with a semicircular apse, galleries, narthex, and atrium on the western side [Fig. 10]91. Besides, the original plan also included a series of smaller annexes on the northern side, which communicated with the narthex through a small staircase and a narrow corridor. These structures were identified as a baptistery, an adjacent diakonikon and a tower with a spiral staircase, which probably led to the church galleries92. Although this part later underwent a series of modifications in form as well as in use, it is the only part of the church which survived the destructive earthquakes of the seventh century and remained in use at least for the next five centuries93. As hinted previously, towards the half of the sixth century, the church underwent a series of vast architectural modifications, especially in its eastern part94. These involved a transverse partition of both lateral naves by means of dibelons placed on high stylobates, which subsequently formed an inscribed transept in the eastern area. The very eastern columns were then replaced by T-shaped pillars, which probably supported arches. These newly formed lateral compartments were paved with opus sectile and communicated freely with both the sanctuary area and through narrow corridors between the colonnades and the barrier also with the main nave. Moreover, the southern compartment was also connected to an elongated vestibule attached to the eastern façade of the basilica. The northern compartment also originally had an entrance on the eastern side, but it was walled up and transformed into a rectangular conch. Following Eutychia Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou and Euterpi Marki, these compartments partially substituted the western diakonikon adjacent to

90 Cf. KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU 1997; KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU 2013, p. 101; MENTZOS 2005, pp. 141–142. 91 In general cf. KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU 1995. which might have been connected to the bishop’s palace through a private entrance in its northern portico. The area of the atrium was examined only later, see KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU 1997; KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU 2013. 92 On the detailed archaeological report for the northern annexes cf. KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU 1989. 93 KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU/MARKI 1995, p. 950. Cf. also KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU 1989. The idea of earthquakes being the main cause of the destruction of the Philippian monuments has been recetly put into question by Aristotelis Mentzos, cf. MENTZOS 2016. 94 Cf. KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU/MARKI 1995, sp. pp. 954–957, event. figs 1, 5. 24 the narthex and served for receiving the Eucharistic offerings and the associated rituals of commemoration, but these conclusions have been lately questioned and revised95. According to the local custom, there was a low Π-shaped synthronon inscribed in the semicircular apse, accompanied by rectangular benches along the sides of the sanctuary area, most likely serving for the clergy of lower ranks96. Besides, it was also probably in the second phase of the construction, when colored glass windowpanes were installed in the apse97. Also, according to the characteristics of Illyricum churches, the sanctuary area of the Museum Basilica also did not incorporate a standard long solea but opened to the nave only in its shorter form98. One more component had contributed to a peculiar liturgical planning of the Museum Basilica. In addition to a standard ambo in the main nave, which compared to the east-west axis was placed a bit towards the south, a second, smaller ambo was placed right behind the sanctuary fence and was accessible only from the presbytery area99. The installation of two pulpits, which at the same time also occurs in the Octogon church, is an interesting liturgical phenomenon, which up to this date does not have a clear explanation. Pallas has suggested that the installation of the second ambo could have stemmed from the commissioner’s desire to honor and unite two different approaches towards the right position of the pulpit known from the fourth- century Constitutiones Apostolorum and the fifth-century Testamentum Domini100. However, their different forms and positions might also imply their use for different purposes. Naturally, also the acoustic effect of the preaching might have been slightly different101.

95 KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU/MARKI 1995, pp. 953–954. 96 CARAHER 2003, pp. 110–114.For a comprehensive comparative study on liturgical dispositions of the churches in Greece and in the Balkans see for example SODINI 1984. 97 ANTŌNARAS 2007; event. KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU 1984a, esp. p. 277. 98 SODINI 1984a, pp. 448–451. 99 KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU 1983; KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU 1984b, p. 267. The installation of the ambo out of the axis is a common feature in the churches of Aegean area. As Jean- Pierre Sodini points out, the shift towards south is typical for the northern Illyricum, while the placing in the proximity of the northern aisle was more common in the South. This differentiantions Sodini explained by jurisdical disputes between the bishops of Corinth and Thessaloniki: SODINI 1975, sp. pp. 585–587; SODINI 1984a, pp. 452–453. For further reading consider seeing SODINI 1984b; JAKOBS 1987; FARIOLI CAMPANATI 1989. 100 PALLAS 1977, p. 115. 101 For recent attempts of acoustic measurements on the examples of the Acheiropoietos basilica and the church of cf. GERSTEL et al. 2018. On the “soundscape” of Byzantine churches in general see for example the works of Bissera Pentcheva or Alexander Ligas. 25

At the same time, as already outlined, several elements which might further contribute to the hierarchization of the sacred space were also added. Firstly, the chancel screen which delimited the presbytery area was probably raised, when its original structure was complemented by set of columns with capitals and a continual epistyle, which might have served for anchoring textiles102. The presence of curtains in the presbytery area naturally raises the question of concealment of the mysteries or other rites, which were meant to be hidden from the believers’ sight103. However, no specific use or manipulation with the curtains during the liturgical service is explicitly documented, except for the churches of Syriac and Egyptian liturgical tradition104. It is therefore rather plausible that they served for staging the liturgy without its direct concealment and hid the presbytery area on other occasions105. Secondly, and more importantly, both side aisles were longitudinally separated from the nave area. Originally, the columns of the arcades rested on single high stone bases which were spoliated from the older Roman buildings of the site106. The openings between columns then allowed free movement between the side aisles and the nave. However, during the second phase, the passages between the columns were walled up to a form of continual high stylobate, which finally received marble revetments. Approximately in the middle of the nave, two of these stylobates were, furthermore, arranged for sitting. It is difficult to determine whether and where the continual stylobates were interrupted, mainly because of the poor state of preservation of the western part of the nave. However, if the aisles did not become entirely enclosed spaces, which were accessible only from the narthex, the access from the nave to the side aisles was in any case notably limited. Moreover, along the stylobate of the northern aisle, a secondary stylobate was built, which served as a support for a continual templon-like barrier107. According to the available archaeological surveys, the marble screens were quite subtle and were decorated with carved crosses from both sides108. The upper part of the barrier was then formed by slender columns and an architrave which, similarly as the sanctuary barrier, might have carried sets of curtains [Fig. 11]. However, Kourkoutidou-

102 KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU 2013, p. 101; event. KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU 1983. 103 This hypothesis is presented for example in KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU 2013, p. 101. Consider seeing also MATHEWS 1971, pp. 162–171. 104 The use of curtains is attested only for the liturgical praxis of Syriac and Egyptian churches, see MATHEWS 1971, pp. 162–171; BOLMAN 2006. 105 The same was proposed for the Roman churches of the same period. Cf. DE BLAAUW (forthcoming); event. DE BLAAUW/DOLEŽALOVÁ (forthcoming). 106 KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU/MARKI 1995, p. 954. 107 Ibidem, sp. p. 956. 108 Ibidem. 26

Nikolaidou and Marki claim that this separation was of a short duration, since shortly after, a small staircase was built at the eastern ends of both stylobates and thus, the communication between aisles and the nave was again restored109. Unfortunately, no further interior decoration has been preserved in its intact form, but archaeological finds of glass tesserae suggest that the walls were decorated with mosaics110. A timeframe for these alterations is provided by a Justinianic coin, which was found during the excavations under a marble cladding of the southern, newly constructed pillar111. In order to put the reconstruction in the broader historical context of Philippi, it is usually being associated with the building activities of Bishop Demetrios, who occupied a leading position in Philippi in the thirties of the sixth century112. As far as we know, Demetrios was a quite significant historical figure, which was involved in religious as well as political affairs of his time while being in a close relation to the Byzantine Emperor . Together with Bishop Hypatius of Ephesus, Demetrios was sent as an envoy to Pope John II in 533, and also as a negotiator to the Ostrogothic king Theodahad in order to help Justinian in his attempts to restore the unity of the Church as well as the Empire, which were, in the end, unsuccessful113. However, with his connections to Rome and Constantinople, Demetrios was undoubtedly a figure of more than a local influence. If it was truly Demetrios who took the initiatives in the alterations of the Museum Basilica, although this cannot be proved in any tangible way, they would be possible to date before the year 536. From then on, his name stops appearing in the written records114. The monumental project of the Basilica B, which is usually dated around the year 550 CE however demonstrates a persistent importance, ambitions and access to funding of the Philippian bishopric. Nevertheless, at least the installation of the second pulpit in the presbytery area is proposed to be ascribed to Demetrios himself, who might have intended it for his exclusive use115.

109 KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU/MARKI 1995, p. 957. 110 ANTŌNARAS 2007, sp. pp. 54–55. 111 KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU/MARKI 1995 112 Cf. MENTZOS 1989; also VERHOEF 2013, pp. 112–117; VERHOEF 2005, pp. 580–584. 113 VERHOEF 2013, pp. 116–117; VERHOEF 2005, pp. 582–583. 114 MENTZOS 1989, p. 201; VERHOEF 2005, p. 584. 115 MENTZOS 1989, pp. 201–202. Consider seeing also KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU 2000. 27

THE SEPARATED AISLES OF THE MUSEUM BASILICA Unfortunately, no written sources provide us with enough information for reconstructing the liturgical practice in the churches of the Aegean area. The most important works of Pallas, Orlandos or Lemerle reconstructed the Early Christian liturgy in Greece with reference to the texts of the Apostolic Constitutions or the Testamentum Domini, whose relevance has been lately rather put into question116. While being in a close relation with the Greek-speaking East and the great centers of Thessaloniki and Constantinople, the province of Illyricum was at the same time under Roman Papal jurisdiction, which, from the methodological point of view, makes the choice of applicable sources at least problematic117. Moreover, for the case of Philippi must be also stressed the activities of the Bishop Demetrios, who himself was a figure deeply embedded between East and West. This in the words of Caraher “obscures many of the traditional routes of liturgical influence common to the families of Eastern and Western liturgy”118. However, as he points out, there is no evidence that the Greek liturgical practice was substantially different from the rest of the Mediterranean119. Also some of the elements, specifically the intercolumnar barriers, which were earlier considered as a purely Greek phenomenon, were according to the recent archaeological surveys present also in the Byzantine capital120. Therefore, it appears legitimate to derive the general aspects of the Greek liturgy with the help of the Italian and preferably Constantinopolitan liturgical sources as the two most influential traditions of the surrounding areas, which should be subsequently analyzed with respect to the local architectural arrangements. These elements show us that of course, the Greek liturgy of this period is known to us only in a broad outline and the function of many of the elements, such as double ambos or eastern lateral compartments, pose further problems for our knowledge of the celebrated liturgy and are still under debate. However, what is generally agreed on – following to a certain extent the hypotheses of Richard Krautheimer and Paul Lemerle – is that the separated side aisles probably accommodated the laity during the liturgical service and kept them behind the high stylobates when the nave,

116 CARAHER 2003, pp. 85–94. Certain doubts were raised already by MATHEWS 1971, pp. 120– 121. 117 Cf. PIETRI 1984. 118 CARAHER 2003, p. 85. 119 Ibidem, p. 91. 120 PESCHLOW 2006, sp. pp. 54–56; cf. also the state of research within this volume, pp. 7–20. 28 which might have been primarily intended as a processional space, was occupied by the clergy121. The intercolumnar barriers thus served, in a sense, as a substitute for the solea fence of the Constantinopolitan churches which guaranteed the clergy a clear path between the and the ambo and which are the Greek churches generally missing122. The laity might have stood for the major part of the liturgy in the aisles but not only, since the interruptions in the stylobates would make the movement possible, though probably not very frequent. Thus, while dealing with the installation of the secondary and visual barrier, we must assume that a subsidiary group of believers was meant to be during certain occasions visually separated. As a consequence, the visual participation on the liturgy forms the decisive criteria for the following part. The first examined group of common believers, which could stand apart would be women, whose private spaces were commonly also separated in Late Antique domestic settings123. For the churches of the Aegean area in general, it has been assumed that women and men stood in the aisles separately124. Moreover, for the case study of the Bargala Basilica, women were proposed to stand in the northern aisle125. However, there are no indications that women would be visually excluded from the Christian liturgical service. Traces of their visual segregation are possible to be found only in two later Byzantine sources from the tenth and fourteenth centuries, which mention noble women standing in the galleries of Hagia Sophia and not being excluded, but rather hidden from the men’s gaze by means of translucent curtains126. Moreover, this praxis must have been rather exceptional, as argued by Robert Taft, since a lot of earlier sources mention men being distracted by women’s appearance, not to mention that these particular sources usually relate to the aristocratic circles127. Still, this hypothesis was raised for example for the church of Greek Pella128. According to David Hunter, or more recently Vladimir Ivanovici, there is rather a special group of women, which could be possibly physically separated from the congregation of common believers, and those are consecrated virgins129. This hypothesis is mostly based on a quote of an anonymous author, dated back to the

121 See the recent synthesis in CARAHER 2003, pp. 104–110. 122 MATHEWS 1971, sp. pp. 172–173. 123 See STEPHENSON 2014, pp. 21–25. 124 Cf. ORLANDOS 1952, p. 265; KRAUTHEIMER 1986, p. 159; PALLAS 1984, pp. 517–520; CARAHER 2003, pp. 108–109. 125 ALEKSOVA/MANGO 1971, p. 268. 126 See MATHEWS 1971, p. 164; TAFT 1998, p. 62. 127 TAFT 1998, pp. 58–63, sp. p. 63. 128 HOUSTON SMITH/PRESTON DAY 1989, p. 45; CASEAU 2013, pp. 68–69. 129 HUNTER 2016; IVANOVICI/UNDHEIM (forthcoming). 29 fourth century, which explicitly refers to a place in the church “separated by boards”130. As Ivanovici pointed out, the area designed to consecrated virgins could have consisted of a prominent place, situated in the proximity to the altar and occasionally decorated with a suitable iconography of which, unfortunately, we have no precise idea. Despite this seducing hypothesis, once again, at least for now, there are no indications that consecrated virgins were supposed to be either visually excluded or hidden. The only groups of believers which are proved to be at a certain moment both visually excluded from the liturgy and separated from the congregation of believers are catechumens and penitents. According to the current state of research, the catechumens and penitents were allowed to enter the church space together with the rest of the congregation but were instructed to leave before the Eucharistic liturgy131. The catechumens, however, did not leave the church complex entirely and probably, at least in certain situations, stayed for the rest of the service in the narthexes132. Where the catechumes stood before their dismissal is not entirely clear, but among the proposed are usually those places, which allowed them to leave the church without disturbing the rest of the community during the liturgy – so for example the separated aisles or the church galleries133. In fact, the spiral stairs in the northern annexes of the Museum Basilica, which connected the galleries both with the atrium and the narthex might imply a frequent movement between these three compartments. Catechumens would then access the galleries directly from the atrium and after the Liturgy of the Word, instead of leaving the church complex entirely, they could have descended to the narthex. It must be noted, however, that no source restricts the church galleries exclusively to catechumens134. Such a functional approach to the space was also suggested for the case of the Museum Basilica. Eutychia Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou and Euterpi Marki proposed that the

130 Nonne vel illum locum tabulis separatum, in quo in Ecclesia stabas, recordari debuisti, ad quem religiosae matronae et nobiles certatim currebant, tua oscula petentes, quae sanctiores et digniores te erant?; De Lapsu Virginis Consecrate 6.24 (PL 16.374). English translation in HUNTER 2016, p. 96. 131 The separation and dismissal of catechumens are mentioned in the Hippolytus’ Apostolic Tradition (La tradition apostolique, 19, pp. 46–47); Apostolic Constitutions (Les constitutiones apostoliques, II, 57, 14, pp. 316–317); canons of Laodicea Council (Canon 19; MANSI 1901); or the texts of John Chrysostom (Homiliae in 2 Corinthios 2, 5; PG 61.400; cf. CHAMBERS 1995). See FOLETTI/GIANANDREA 2015, pp. 34–38; MATHEWS 1971, pp. 125–130. 132 On the narthexes as the “liminal zone” cf. FOLETTI/GIANANDREA 2015, sp. pp. 33–39, 86–93; event. in a broader sense DE BLAAUW 2011. 133 The galleries are proposed by CARAHER 2003, pp. 102–103; MATHEWS 1971, p. 129. The northern side aisle as a place for catechumens was proposed also for the case of the Basilica of Bargala by PEIRANO 2012, p. 79. 134 Cf. esp. TAFT 1998, pp. 57–63. 30 newly created zone in the northern aisle accommodated either catechumens or penitents, therefore substituting the narthex which must have rather served as a passageway due to its dispositions135. The idea of catechumens and penitents staying within the church interior and being separated by a visual barrier from the sacred mysteries was already discussed before; however, always with certain doubts about their acoustic participation on the Eucharistic liturgy136. However, this assertion should be once again reconsidered, since it was quite recently demonstrated by Ivan Foletti, at least for the Roman environs of the fifth century, that catechumens despite being dismissed from the church were in fact allowed to “participate” visually through the scenes on the doors of Santa Sabina, but also acoustically – at least during the final preparations for baptism in the Lenten season137. Therefore, it seems that the catechumens’ dismissal might be primarily a matter of a visual restriction. However, it would seem strange and rather unlikely if, all of a sudden, the narthex of the Basilica at the Museum would become unsuitable for accommodating the catechumens and penitents. The archaeological reports indicate no substantial modifications of the narthex area in the course of the construction, nor any internal visual barriers before the Justinianic remodelings. Thus, such an abrupt change in the spatial and hence the social organization of the Museum Basilica points rather to a shift in attitude towards these groups of believers, which could have occurred especially with the expand of infant catechumens, who, apart from the adult converts, formed the majority of the baptismal candidates in the course of the sixth century138. The written sources are in this regard rather inconclusive, and once again, none of them can be linked to the Greek tradition directly. Regarding the infant catechumens, many studies were dedicated to the adaptation of the baptismal rite and the role of godparents in the religious life of Christian newborns, but the practical aspects of their liturgical experience were rather overlooked139. It seems, however, that catechumenate was still an on-going practice in the sixth century, although it was rather an institution of a brief duration, which from a life-transforming experience

135 KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU/MARKI 1995, sp. p. 956. 136 VERSTEGEN 2009, p. 590; PESCHLOW 2006, p. 70; MATHEWS 1971, pp. 127–130. Stephenson on the other hand suggests this hypothesis for arcade curtains directly, but with no supportive arguments, nor reference: STEPHENSON 2014, p. 8. 137 The doors in the narthex of Santa Sabina were, in fact, amplifying the sound from the church interior. Cf. FOLETTI (forthcoming). 138 For a general overview on the sixth-century situation in different liturgical traditions cf. SAXER 1988; JOHNSON 2007. 139 More about the infant baptism in DIDIER 1965; JEREMIAS 1961; WRIGHT 2007; FERGUSSON 2009, sp. pp. 362–379. 31 became a series of rites with no significant delays140. Also the baptismal rite itself probably lost on its opulence and was held on a more regular basis. More importantly, according to the available sixth-century sources for the eastern as well as western parts of the Mediterranean, the dismissal of unbaptized Christians still seems to be a preserved practice141. In this regard, most details are provided by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, a Syrian monk, whose De ecclesiastica hierarchia provides one of the most extensive sources for reconstructing the eastern baptismal practice in the sixth century142. In his text, Pseudo-Dionysios mentions dismissing catechumens, possessed, and penitents from the “nave” or the “sacred precincts” before the Eucharistic liturgy143. For Constantinople, the dismissal of catechumens is documented even in a long-term perspective. In the first half of the seventh century, Maximus Confessor mentions the separation of catechumens in two chapters of his Mystagogia as a regular act144, but later calls it a “dead letter”145. In the end, for the texts of Germanus I, dated between 715 and 730 CE, it has been argued that the dismissal formulas worked only as an inherited rhetorical device, but in its nature, the dismissal was only fictitious146. Thus, the correlations within the Christian community and the approach towards the catechumens had been slowly nuanced over time, on which the infant catechumenate certainly had its share. Although it might be assumed that unbaptized infants with their mothers joined the community of adult catechumens in church spaces, it is precisely the bonding with a legitimate member of Christian community, which could in the end form the substantial difference between these two groups of baptismal candidates147. As Robert Taft has pointed out, from the second half of the sixth century onwards, the galleries of Byzantine churches began to be commonly, but not exclusively, referred to as

140 However, the local traditions might have still differed. Cf. “Katechumenat”, in RfAC, vol. 20, pp. 497–574; DUJARIER 1979; event. TAFT 2009. 141 For and Palestine we have the testimonies of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite (see n. 142 below) and John of Scythopolis (PG 4.168ff.); for Constantinople, the dismissal of catechumens is mentioned in a letter of an anti-chalcedonian bishop (RAHMANI 1909, p. 46; French transl. NAU 1909, p. 47); for Rome.cf. BORELLA 1939. 142 Pseudo-Dionysios the Areopagite, The Ecclesiastical Hierarchy; further SAXER 1988, pp. 451–464; FERGUSON 2009, pp. 720–713; event. ROREM 1993. 143 Per ministros exinde consequenter sacrarum Scripturarum lectio recitatur; qua finita, sacro ambitu arcentur catechumeni, et cum iis energumeni ac poenitentes, illis qui divinorum aspectu et communione digni sunt remanentibus; Pseudo-Dionysios the Areopagite, The Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, 3, 2. BOUDIGNON 2018 translates as “nave” or “sacred precincts”, p. 93; SAXER 1988 as “saint lieu”, p. 453. 144 Maximus Confessor, “The Church’s Mystagogy”, 14–15. Cf. TAFT 2009, pp. 288–289; MATHEWS 1971, pp. 128, 152. 145 Maximus Confessor, Scholia in librum de ecclesiastica hierarchia, PG 4.141C; TAFT 2009, p. 289. 146 Cf. BOUDIGNON 2018, sp. pp. 101–107. 147 This assumption of common spaces is mentioned for example by CASEAU 2013, p. 61. 32 catechumena, although they are never directly connected to catechumens themselves148. Taft therefore offers a simple explanation: since the presence of women in these galleries is still attested for this period, the church galleries may have been reserved for women with unbaptized children149. In fact, textiles as mobile and ephemeral barriers between the nave and aisles would be, in fact, a convenient solution for creating a kind of in between zone for both the infants and also their mothers, who had no reason to leave the church space and be excluded from the ritual practice. One brief point must be raised at this point, even though it carries along many problematic and probably unsolvable questions in our already fragmentary knowledge of the Greek liturgical space in Late Antiquity. We do not know whether mothers with their unbaptized children occupied completely distinctive areas in the church spaces, nor whether the laity witnessed the Eucharistic liturgy from the side aisles or the nave; however, the inherent qualities of textiles, which have the potential to create a temporary and adjustable visual barrier, might imply that women with infant catechumens may not occupy the aisle alone and could be, in fact, mixed with the rest of the congregation. The numbers of the drawn curtains would then adapt to the current needs of the community. Finally, the archaeological report informs about a construction of staircases at the eastern ends of the stylobates, which cut and permeated also the secondary barrier. Although it is not entirely clear if the barrier was torn down at this point, a slow decline of catechumenate and a progressive shortening of the interval between birth and baptism towards the end of the sixth century would explain these actions150.

PARTIAL CONCLUSION The first case study of the Basilica at the Museum in Philippi in the ancient region of Macedonia Prima revealed the archaeological residues of a continuous secondary barrier, installed between the columns of the northern colonnade in the first half of the sixth century. The barrier had a form of low marble slabs with architraves which enabled the openings to be enclosed, most likely with curtains as argued by the archaeologists. Since in the basilicas of the Aegean area, the side aisles are usually

148 TAFT 1998, sp. p. 58, ns 143, 144. 149 Ibidem, p. 62. 150 KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU/MARKI 1995, p. 956–957. According to the hagiography of St Theodore of Sykeon, the baptizing of infants a few days after their birth was already a custom in the early seventh century, at least in the area of Galatia, which was under the ecclesiastical patriarchate of Constantinople. Cf. DAWES/BAYNES 1948, chapt. 5. 33 believed to be restricted to the laity, at least while the main nave was occupied by clergy, the case study focused on those groups of believers which might have been visually excluded from the liturgical practice or hidden from the unwanted gaze. Finally, it was proposed that the northern aisle might have accommodated catechumens, possibly infants with their mothers, which at the same time implies a slow change in the attitude towards the baptismal candidates, which is possible to also trace in the written sources of the later periods. Catechumens thus would not have to leave the church space entirely before the Eucharistic liturgy but might have stayed behind the closed curtains. Last but not least, although the details of the practical manipulation still remain an unsolved question, the visual restriction discussed above should not bear primarily negative connotations. We must not forget that adorned curtains, just as wall or panel paintings, are artistic media and “bearers of iconography”, which could have completed the overall iconographic program of the decorations. Moreover, a well- developed iconography might have also transformed the curtains to “passages” allowing a different type of experience and participation rather than denying it in its essence151.

151 This aspect has been recently studied for example by ĆIRIĆ 2018. 34

CASE STUDY B THE BASILICA OF SANT’APOLLINARE NUOVO IN RAVENNA

The second case study of this thesis is dedicated to the Ravennate basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo. Although Ravenna finds itself in the region of the northern , it has successively had the particular status of the seat of the Western Roman emperors between 400–489 CE, of capital of the Ostrogothic kingdom, and finally of capital of the Byzantine Exarchate between 600 and 850 CE. It was thus, similarly as in the case of Philippi, a destination which was both geographically and politically deeply embedded between “East” and “West”152. The period of the greatest glory of Ravenna was relatively short; however, it is up to this day well-known for its high concentration of the Early Christian monuments with rich mosaic decorations, out of which the basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo excels for its decorations of the main nave and clerestory walls. Although Sant’Apollinare Nuovo belongs to a group of Late Antique churches which on the first sight do not present any evidence of physical as well as visual barriers in the interior, it is its mosaic decoration which prods to a closer examination of the internal arrangements. In the uppermost zone of the nave decoration, are located the twenty-six scenes from the life of Christ, which, as will be further argued, are possible to observe correctly only from the side aisles [Fig. 12]. The modalities of visually accessing to the cycle thus provides an indirect division between the observers – a group necessarily occupying the side aisles – and the rest of the congregation, mainly using the main nave. While many elements remain, of course, hypothetical, this hypothesis also allows, unlike in the case of Philippi where no figural decorations have been preserved, to reflect on the potentiality of a dialogue between decorations, cyclic narration, and spatial divisions of church spaces.

REMARKS ON THE SITE-SPECIFIC SITUATION The first written records about the basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo come only from the biographies of Ravennate bishops, the so-called Liber Pontificalis Ecclesiae Ravennatis, compiled in the middle of the ninth century by the Ravennate historian

152 Consider seeing DELIYANNIS 2010; JÄGGI 2013; HERRIN/NELSON 2016; FRANTOVÁ 2019. 35

Andreas Agnellus153. According to these testimonies, the basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo was founded on the initiative of the Ostrogothic king Theoderic the Great from the Amal dynasty, who took over the power in Ravenna in 493 and remained at its head until 526 CE154. It is believed that Theoderic intended the church, which was originally dedicated to Christ the Savior, to be his palace chapel and therefore, it was built in the “Gothic zone” in the north-eastern part of Ravenna, probably in the proximity of his own palace155. Theoderic is said to have been professing the Arian form of , which was condemned by the Nicaean council in 325 as heretical. As a consequence of the religious disputes between Arians and the Orthodox Christians, the basilica was later reconciled to the Orthodox Christianity after the Byzantine seizure of Ravenna in 540 and rededicated to Saint Martin of Tours156. As a result, Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, just as the Basilica at the Museum discussed above, was subjected to alterations from the Justinianic times, probably in the sixties of the sixth century, which effected mainly the extensive mosaic decorations of the main nave157. Its current name, literally “the new Saint Apollinaris”, has been given to the church only in the course of the ninth century after the of Saint Apollinaris had been transferred there from the church of Sant’Apollinare in Classe158.

Architecture and Internal Arrangements In the initial stage of its construction, the Sant’Apollinare Nuovo was supposedly a standard three-aisled basilica, which was oriented to the east with an apsidal ending and, most likely, was on the western side preceded by a portico or an atrium [Fig. 13]. Friedrich Wilhelm Deichmann, in his vast compendium on the monuments of Ravenna, denies the presence of such a structure or at least finds no archaeological evidence of its grounding, but later scholarship agrees on the existence of a quadriportico, which was slightly lowered compared to the original level of the church,

153 Agnellus of Ravenna, LPR; for a critical edition in English cf. DELIYANNIS 2004. 154 DELIYANNIS 2010, pp. 108–114. 155 Ibidem, p. 116. 156 Agnellus of Ravenna, LPR 86; DELIYANNIS 2004, p. 200. 157 Cf. URBANO 2005; JÄGGI 2013, pp. 169–170. 158 The translation has been documented in Historia translationis beati Apollinaris, written in the early twelfth century, which dates the translation between 850 and 878 CE. Cf. MURATORI 1725, pp. 533–536; DELIYANNIS 2010, p. 146, n. 46. 36 and which provided an access to the nave and the side aisles by three separate entrances [Figs 13–14]159. The interior of the basilica is up to this day articulated by two rows of twelve columns on each side, which were probably manufactured by Constantinopolitan workshops and, for the first time in the Ravennate milieu, also commissioned and exported as a unified set160. Their capitals are variations on the so-called “a lira” type with flat acanthus leaves and are complemented by rather simple impost blocks, which towards the nave present small carved crosses161. Both capitals and the impost blocks, as well as all column bases, are made of Proconnesian marble and are dated to the early sixth century162. The opulence of the sculpted decoration again proves not only the rich business and artistic contacts with the East, but also indicate the importance of the royal commission. Only the capitals of the pilasters on the extreme western and eastern ends of the colonnades are considered to be local spoliae163. As was already mentioned before, the original level of the Theoderican floors was approximately 1,50 m below the present state164. The floors had been raised in several steps as a result of the unstable subsoil of the city which has been slowly “absorbing” most of the Ravennate monuments, until at the beginning of the sixteenth century, relatively radical and technically demanding adjustments of the interior were made and the column arcades were elevated along with the flooring165. As a consequence, the bottom register of the decoration must have been removed [Fig. 15]. The iconographic program of these lost parts is not documented, but the media of mosaic, opus sectile, or polychrome stucco are considered for the original design166. The remaining parts of the church embellishment make the basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo quite a unique example of the preserved decoration of the main nave. Up to

159 DEICHMANN 1974, p. 130. For the reconstruction of the quadriportico cf. NOVARA 1999, pp. 32– 33, 35; PENNI IACCO 2004, pp. 27–29. 160 Cf. DEICHMANN 1974, pp. 131–136; event. FARIOLI CAMPANATI 2005. 161 The catalogue of the capitals including the analyses of their stone marks in Greek letters, which probably refer to the Constantinopolitan workshops in DEICHMANN 1974, pp. 131–136, 273–276. 162 Ibidem; event. DELIYANNIS 2010, p. 148. 163 JÄGGI 2013, p. 71. 164 Cf. NOVARA 1999, pp. 31–32; PENNI IACCO 2004, pp. 34, 36. 165 For the synthesis of the individual interventions cf. VERHOEVEN 2011, p. 267. In order to prevent the collapse of the church or the destruction of its rich adornments, the walls of the clerestory were supported by wooden beams. This construction allowed to remove the columns, which were by that time already partially embedded in the ground. PENNI IACCO 2004, pp. 97, 102–103. 166 While recalling the Roman example of the basilica of Santa Sabina, Georges Rouhault de Fleury suggested the opus sectile decoration (ROUHAULT DE FLEURY 1898). Corrado Ricci thought about a mosaic decoration (RICCI 1933, p. 36) and Giuseppe Bovini believed in the stucco treatment (BOVINI 1970, p. 69). 37 this day, it has been preserved in three horizontal registers in total. The present bottom registers now represent, above all, two processions of male and female martyrs. On the southern side, there are twenty-six male martyrs dressed in white tunics, who are marching from the city of Ravenna (or more precisely Ravenna’s Palatium) towards the enthroned Christ with four angels by his side. On the opposite wall, there is a procession of virgin saints in golden robes, who, led from the city of Classe by the Three Wise Men, approach the enthroned Virgin Mary with infant in her lap, similarly guided by angels. This part of decoration was significantly altered during the damnatio memoriae after 561 and unfortunately, no written or pictorial records mention the original iconographic program. However, based on the fact that the decoration did not survive the political and religious reconsecration of the church, the representations of Theoderic himself, his family, the members of the court or the representatives of the Arian Church are among the proposed167. The middle registers, separated from the martyrs’ processions by decorative stripes, feature sixteen panels on each side, interspersed by the clerestory window openings, which portray male figures in full length, dressed in white mantles and holding either richly decorated codices or scrolls. These figures are not accompanied by any inscriptions, neither is it possible to identify them based on the fixed iconographic types: they are most often interpreted as apostles, prophets, or patriarchs168. Finally, the uppermost register of the nave decoration embraces twenty-six scenes from the life and activity of Christ, which are altered by decorative panels with shells, doves and little crosses, forming simultaneously also baldachins for the figures of prophets below. These two latter registers were altered only occasionally during modern restorations, but overall, they are considered as part of the original concept of the decoration169. The last fragment of the decoration is nowadays placed on the western wall of the church, and allegedly, it portrays the Byzantine emperor Justinian I. In his Liber Pontificalis, Andreas Agnellus truly informs about the presence of the emperor’s portrait “on the façade from the inside”, which was in his times also accompanied by the portrait of Archbishop Agnellus (557–570)170.The preserved fragment of the bust is indeed labeled by the inscription IVSTINIAN, but it has been rather ascribed to the

167 Cf. VON SIMSON 1948, p. 81; URBANO 2005, p. 93; DELIYANNIS 2010, p. 171. 168 Cf. a synthesis of the proposals in DEICHMANN 1974, s. 152–153; event. DELIYANNIS 2010, p. 361, n. 96. Otto von Simson identifies them as four patriarchs, sixteen prophets, twelve apostles and two other evangelists (VON SIMSON 1948, p. 81). Giovanni Lucchesi proposed them to be the Old Testament authors (LUCCHESI 1971, p. 62, n. 2). 169 Cf. formal and chemical analyses in RICCI 1933. 170 Angnellus of Ravenna, LPR 86; DELIYANNIS 2004, p. 200. 38 often reinterpretative restorations of Felice Kibel from the thirties of the nineteenth century171. Due to the physiognomic dissimilarities with the Justinian’s portrait in the presbytery of the church of San Vitale, it has been assumed that originally, this must have been a portrait of the king Theoderic, which was after the rededication of the church relabeled and remodeled according to the imperial fashion172. On the contrary, Isabella Baldini Lippolis claims that a double portrait of Justinian and Agnellus could have fitted well into the orthodox program of the adaptations, and thus, the panel may have represented Justinian from the very beginning173. Regarding the eastern part of the basilica, the present layout of the apsidal zone is a result of extensive baroque alterations from the first half of the sixteenth century, which, however, did not even replace the original arrangement from the Theoderic’s age174. Following the Ravennate architectural standards of that time, the apse of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo was originally semicircular from the inside, had a polygonal shape on the exterior and was vaulted using tubi fittili175. However, as Andreas Agnellus informs in his Liber Pontificalis, it had collapsed during the earthquakes between 726–744176. At the same time, Agnellus also recorded an inscription made in “stone letters” above the apse windows, saying:

THEODERICVS REX HANC ECCLESIAM A FVNDAMENTIS IN NOMINE DOMINI NOSTRI IESV CHRISTI FECIT [King Theoderic made this church from its foundations in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ]177

It is not entirely sure whether this inscription indeed belongs to the original phase of the construction; Gianfranco Fiaccadori argues that such an inscription would not survive the act of damnatio memoriae and therefore, it must have been rather executed some time later, probably as a mark of respect for Theoderic’s reign by the Lombard

171 Cf. DELIYANNIS 2010, p. 173. More on the Kibel’s interventions in the mosaic decorations in ANTONELLINI 2003; BOVINI 1966. 172 Cf. DEICHMANN 1974, pp. 151–152; ANDALORO 1993; FOLETTI/MEINECKE 2020. 173 BALDINI LIPPOLIS 2000. 174 On the sixteenth-century remodelings cf. PENNI IACCO 2004, pp. 107–111; AGOSTINELLI 1997; PENNI IACCO 1995–1996 and BOVINI 1951. 175 DELIYANNIS 2010, p. 148. The “original” layout following the example of Santo Spirito was given to the apse during the restorations in 1950. The reconstruction was removed between 1990 and 1996 and the baroque form of the apse was revealed once again. Cf. ibidem. 176 Agnellus of Ravenna, LPR 89; DELIYANNIS 2004, p. 202. 177 Agnellus of Ravenna, LPR 86; ibidem, p. 200. 39 king Aistulf (d. 756) in the first half of the eighth century178. Similarly as to the other lost parts of the interior decoration, much of the scholarly debate was dedicated to the reconstruction of the iconographic program in the apse. With regard to the alleged original dedication to Christ the Savior, it was argued by Corrado Ricci and Arthur Urbano that the apse might depict the figure of Christ, possibly flanked by apostles179. However, two monumental representations of Christ, once in the apse and once in the bottom register of the main nave, would be at least striking.

In a similar way as in the case of the Basilica at the Museum of Philippi discussed above, a special attention must be paid to the liturgical furnishings of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, which further contributed to the internal arrangements of the sacred space. The presbytery area reached to the third column of the arcades and compared to the level of the main nave it was probably raised by a step180. Up to this day, pieces of marble transennae, a pluteum and the central part of a marble ambo were preserved. Just as the column sets, the liturgical furnishings from Sant’Apollinare Nuovo were also prefabricated pieces, probably of Constantinopolitan provenance, which can be dated to the sixth century based on the stylistic analyses181. It must be noted, however, that it cannot be established with certainty if they were already part of the original project or if they should be dated only to the period of the Orthodox reconciliation. The marble ambo, which is today placed between two columns of the southern colonnade, had originally also two opposing staircases with balustrades [Fig. 16] and it is formally similar to preserved pieces from Constantinople, the basilica of San Tito in Gortyna or the Basilica A and Basilica B in Philippi182. Regarding its original position within the church space, many hypotheses were raised, but with most probability, it was placed directly in the middle of the main nave. Emmanuela Penni Iacco furthermore argues that the ambo might have stood off the axis of the main nave on the right side, which would then strongly resemble the liturgical arrangements of the churches of the Aegean area183. Unlike the Greek examples, however, the basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo presents no evident traces of the separation between side aisles and the nave, neither solely

178 FIACCADORI 1977, pp. 169–79. 179 Cf. RICCI 1933, p. 4, n. 2; URBANO 2005, pp. 87–88, sp. n. 41. 180 PENNI IACCO 2004, p. 32; DELIYANNIS 2010, p. 150. 181 For the dating and formal analysis of the individual pieces cf. DEICHMANN 1974, pp. 136–139; PENNI IACCO 2004, pp. 65–71; FARIOLI CAMPANATI 2005; and esp. VERNIA 2005. 182 VERNIA 2005, pp. 366–368; PENNI IACCO 2004, p. 66; JAKOBS 1987, pp. 298–299. 183 Cf. PENNI IACCO 2004, p. 67–68. For the liturgical arrangements of the Aegean area see SODINI 1975; SODINI 1984a. 40 physical, nor visual. Neither the column bases, nor the column shafts present any traces of grooves or raw stripes which would be possible to consider as remnants of the stone partitions in the intercolumniations. However, it must be noted at the same time, that many of the possible indicators for the internal hierarchization might have got lost during the later interventions and remodelings. First of all, the sources reveal only a limited idea about the original layout of the pavements. In the half of the ninth century, Andreas Agnellus reports about a miraculous crush of the marble pavements, which should prevent a Vandal king from stealing the material184. Based on his use of the term lastra, usually translated as a “slab”, it has been assumed that Sant’Apollinare Nuovo must have been paved with opus sectile or opus tessellatum185. This was later confirmed also by the archaeological surveys which were undertaken on a limited section of the paving in the southwestern part of the southern aisle, where small fragments of Greek marble slabs were excavated186. Similar fragments were found also during later local surveys in northwestern corner of the northern aisle and in the center of the main nave and it is therefore plausible that the whole surface received a marble treatment187. It must be noted that the fragments were found in different depths of the underlay compared to today’s state: in the southern aisle, the fragments were found ca 1,25 m below the present floor; for the northern aisle and main nave, the values were approximately 1,50 and 1,40 m188. This is difficult to be clearly interpreted as an intended differentiation in the floor levels, especially due to the numerous later interventions and the moving underlay; however, it cannot be fully excluded since the same solution is attested for the basilica of Sant’Apollinare in the nearby city of Classe, erected probably in 530s189. In sum, although the archaeological evidence might provide a certain idea about the internal layout of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, so far, it is not possible to determine if, or during which parts of the liturgy, might have laypeople occupied the side aisles. One of the further indications could however be the Christological cycle.

184 Agnellus of Ravenna, LPR 87; DELIYANNIS 2004, p. 200. 185 PENNI IACCO 2004, pp. 35–36; CORTESI 1975, p. 31. 186 GEROLA 1916; summarized by PENNI IACCO 1993–1994. 187 PENNI IACCO 1993–1994, sp. pp. 50–51. 188 Ibidem. 189 PESCHLOW, pp. 65–66. For Sant’Apollinare in Classe in general cf. DEICHMANN 1976, pp. 233– 280; DELIYANNIS 2010, pp. 259–274; event. JÄGGI 2013, pp. 259–282. 41

THE CHRISTOLOGICAL CYCLE OF SANT’APOLLINARE NUOVO As hinted before, the core of this case study forms the most upper register with the twenty-six scenes from the life of Christ. On the southern clerestory wall, thirteen scenes of the Christ’s passion are placed, namely the Last Supper (Mt 26, 20–25; Mk 14, 17–26; Lk 22, 14–23; Jn 13, 21–26), Jesus in the Gethsemane Garden (Mt 26, 36–45; Mk 14, 32–42; Lk 22, 40–46), the Betrayal of Judas (Mt 26, 47–57; Mk 14, 43–50; Lk 22, 47–53; Jn 18, 1–12), Jesus taken prisoner (Lk 22, 66), Jesus before Caiaphas (Mt 26, 57–66; Mk 14, 53–65; Lk 22, 66–71), Jesus predicting Peter’s denial (Mt 26, 31–35; Mk 14, 27–31; Lk 22, 31–41), the Peter’s denial (Mt 26, 69; Jn 18, 15–17), the Judas’ repentance (Mt 27, 35–39), Jesus before Pilate (Mt 27, 11–24; Mk 15, 2–5; Lk 23, 2–3; Jn 18, 29–38), Jesus led to the crucifixion (Mt 27, 32; Mk 15, 20–21; Lk 23, 26–33), the Women at the tomb (Mt 28, 1–8; Mk 16, 1–8; Lk 24, 1–11; Jn 20, 1–17), the Road to Emmaus (Lk 24, 13–29) and Jesus appearing to Thomas and apostles (Jn 20, 26–29)190. The opposite wall then depicts thirteen scenes of Christ’s miracles and parables: Jesus healing the paralytic of Bethesda (Jn 5, 1–9), Jesus sending demons into swine (Mt 8, 28–34; Mk 5, 1–13; Lk 8, 26–34), Jesus healing the paralytic of Capernaum (Mt 9, 1–8; Mk 2, 1–12; Lk 5, 17–26), the Parable of the sheep and goats (Mt 25, 31–46), the Parable of the poor widow’s mite (Mk 12, 41–44; Lk 21, 1–4), the Parable of the Pharisee and Publican (Lk 18, 9–14), Jesus raising Lazarus (Jn 11, 1–46), Jesus and the Samaritan woman (Jn 4, 5–24), Jesus with the hemorrhaging (or Canaanite) woman (Mt 9, 19–22; Mk 5, 25–34; Lk 8, 43–48; event. Mt 15, 22–28), Jesus healing two blind men (Mt 9, 27–31; Mt 20, 29–34), Jesus calling Peter and Andrew (Mt 4, 18–20; Mk 1, 16–20), the Multiplication of bread and fish (Mt 14, 13–24; Mk 6, 41–44; Lk 9, 10–17; Jn 6, 1–15) and the Wedding of Cana (Jn 2, 1–12)191. Unlike the passion cycle, the arrangement of the scenes chosen here obviously does not follow the chronological order of the events in the Gospels and besides the episodes of the miraculous healings, it also contains three episodes of Christ’s parables. This makes the cycle entirely unique and beyond comparison in the selection and grouping of the individual scenes.

190 For the detailed analysis of the individual scenes cf. DEICHMANN 1974, pp. 173–180, 185–188. 191 Cf. ibidem, pp. 163–173, 183–185. Based on the today’s state, the last scene of the Wedding of Cana should be interpreted as the Multiplication of bread and fish; however, a drawing from Ciampini’s Vetera monimenta, published in 1699, shows clearly a composition of the Wedding of Cana (CIAMPINI 1699, cap. XII, tab. XXVII). Despite that, Ciampini interprets the scene as the Multiplication of bread and fish, which might have misled Felice Kibel during the later restorations (see n. 171 above). 42

Although the context of the decorations cannot be fully reconstructed, as shown in the previous section, the cycle was always considered and studied as an autonomous part of the decoration. There have been many questions raised and discussed regarding mainly the origin of the artistic workshop(s), the artistic prototypes for the individual scenes or the interpretation of their selection192. Carl Otto Nordström tried to compare the scenes with the manuscripts of the Roman and Milanese lectionaries and he found a text parallel to every depicted gospel scene in an Ambrosian missal, but the order of the scenes never fully corresponded to the sequence of the liturgical readings193. Giuseppe Bovini rather believed that the scenes simply illustrate the life of Christ without the necessity to embrace it comprehensively and in a chronological order194. The most recent hypothesis was then introduced by Emmanuela Penni Iacco and Clementina Rizzardi who claimed the cycle to work as an exhibition of the Arian dogmas, especially the subordination of the Son to God the Father195. It must be noted, however, that none of the proposed theses fully explains either the unique order of the scenes, or its position within the nave decoration. Only little attention was paid to the actual visibility of the images. The twenty-six panels of the Christological cycle measure around 1,37 × 1,10 m and compared to the two lower registers, they are almost three times smaller. As a consequence, they are today almost invisible and incomprehensible for a viewer standing in the main nave and the only place for their comfortable observation are the side aisles. Moreover, the same, and even to a greater extent, must have been valid for a contemporary viewer at the beginning of the sixth century, who gazed upon the mosaics from the original, thus significantly lowered level of the floors. The question of visibility and invisibility of Early Christian images was recently reflected upon by Beat Brenk, arguing that the “visibility [of the Early Christian image] is not due to mere coincidence; it is a result of the focus on the viewer’s reception of the image”196. On a series of monuments – including also the cycle of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo – Brenk demonstrates different visual strategies employed within the Early Christian decoration programs, which through visibility and its limits expressed the

192 For a comprehensive synthesis cf. DEICHMANN 1974, pp. 159–161, 181–183, 188–189. All these aspects were discussed also in the state of research within the frame of my bachelor thesis, see DOLEŽALOVÁ 2017, pp. 3–13. 193 NORDSTRÖM 1953, pp. 63–79. 194 BOVINI 1958. 195 PENNI IACCO 2011; RIZZARDI 2011. 196 BRENK 2005, p. 139. 43 ambitions and rhetoric of the patrons. For Brenk, in Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, the message communicated towards the public lies primarily in the imperial rhetoric of abundantia, that is, in the displaying wealth and power of the commissioner, who put more emphasis on the overall effect of the decorations rather than on its individual details197. Thus, since from all the distance, the scenes of the Christological cycle cannot be appreciated beyond their general elements, they must have been intended as “a glimpse of a sacred universe”198. The audience then received a general idea about the depicted scenes, that is, the episodes of Christ’s ministry, but did not pursue to examine them in detail. Brenk’s points are certainly legitimate and may form one of the interpretational aspects of many of the monuments discussed throughout his article. However, I believe that for the case of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, they simplify too much the elaborate concept of the decorations. Just as the visibility and its lack is not coincidental, so must have been the arrangement of the scenes. Thus, we must ask what lies behind such a seemingly random order of the panels and, perhaps more interestingly, in their positioning? Clearly, rather than in the individual iconography of the panels, the interpretational ambiguities lie in their unique overall arrangement. As already believed by Deichmann, the key to understanding the cycle must lie in the deeper sense of the representations199. While examining the individual Gospel episodes in relation to the texts of Church fathers, it turned out that all scenes of the Christological cycle find its interpretation in connection to the baptismal rite and at the same time, many of them belong to the standard imagery of the Early Christian baptisteries200. The scenes of parables, on the other hand, put strong emphasis on the moral principles of Christian community201. As Brenk points out for the rich nave mosaic decorations of the Early Christian basilicas, the message encrypted in their difficult visibility, would have to be for the average churchgoer of the early sixth century dispersed with an aid of a theologian or a well-educated guide, whose existence is only hypothetical202. However, as will be further argued, the same could be in a transferred sense applied to the cycle of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo. In the connection to the baptismal rite, we know about at least one genuinely pedagogical and consciously instructional event, which put the

197 BRENK 2005, sp. pp. 147–154. 198 Ibidem, p. 153. 199 Cf. DEICHMANN 1974, pp. 155–157. 200 Cf. DOLEŽALOVÁ 2017, pp. 28–44; event. JENSEN 2012. 201 DOLEŽALOVÁ 2017, pp. 37–38. 202 BRENK 2005, sp. pp. 149–151. 44 bishop to the role of the teacher and “interpreter” – the so-called mystagogical catechesis.

Mystagogical Catechesis and Bishop as the “Interpreter” By mystagogy as a catechetical activity is commonly understood a series of lectures on baptism and Eucharist provided to the neophytes, i.e. the newly baptized members of the Christian community, which were usually delivered ex post within the Easter Octave203. From the available evidence, the lectures were delivered by bishops themselves and were intended to explain to the listeners the ontological significance of the liturgical rites which they had witnessed and experienced during the process of their initiation. The known written examples of these lectures are preserved in the works of Ambrose of Milan, Cyril of Jerusalem, Theodore of Mopsuestia and John Chrysostom204. These tractates represent in their present form a distinctive literary genre of oral preaching accounts, which, as argued by Juliette Day, required for their instructive purpose the engagement of various pedagogical methods205. The aim of the mystagogical lectures lay on one hand in explaining the ritual experience, but on the other also in emphasizing the transformative effect of the baptism which made itself felt mainly in terms of the community life. Thus, its goal was “the formation of Christians rather than providing religious information”206. As such, the education of the neophytes required rather direct and “lively” kind of instruction, which could have been achieved on one side through frequent allusions to the relevant narratives from the Scripture, and on the other by recalling the candidate’s memories of the event207. Saint Ambrose, for example, frequently and explicitly urges the candidates to relive their experience: “We have come to the font; you have entered; you have been anointed. Consider whom you have seen, what you have said; consider; repeat carefully”208.

203 Cf. the works of MAZZA 1989; SATTERLEE 2002; event. JACKSON 1989; RILEY 1974. 204 Ambrose of Milan, “The Mysteries”; idem, “The ”; Cyril of Jerusalem, Cathéchèses mystagogiques (for the attribution to his successor John cf. DAY 2011); Theodore of Mopsuestia, Catechetical Homilies; John Chrysostom, Baptismal Instructions. 205 A comprehensive summary of the pedagogical aspects of the mystagogical catechesis and the role of bishop as a teacher has been recently published by Juliette Day. Day focused her attention primarily on the catecheses of Ambrose and Cyril (John) of Jerusalem: DAY 2018. 206 SATTERLEE 2002, p. 2; DAY 2018, p. 60. 207 DAY 2018, p. 59; MAZZA 1989, p. 2. 208 Venimus ad fontem, ingressus es, unctus es. Considera, quos videris, quid locutus sis, considera, repete diligenter; Ambrose of Milan, “The Sacraments”, I, 2, 4. 45

At least for Milan and Jerusalem, all the lectures were preceded by a reading from the Scripture209. The chosen passage did not have to fully match the liturgical rites which were subsequently discussed but should have rather created a typological connection between the candidates’ experience and biblical events, and often directly Christ himself210. Although certain similarities can be traced in the choice of these passages among the Early Christian authors, it must be noted and stressed with a quote of Pamela Jackson, that each author “had his own distinctive techniques of using Scriptural material in mystagogy which were shaped both by his homiletic gifts and what he found most pastorally effective in his community”211. However, as Day observes, within the body of the preaching, the selected passages were explicitly recalled only rarely212. Instead, bishops often used further allegories in order to put forward effective links through which the neophytes should have better understood their new identity. Saint Paul’s theology which expounds the baptism as the participation on the death of Christ appeared in this sense extremely fitting213. The mystagogical lectures provided not only recalling and clarification of the experience, but also further practical details about the responsibilities of congregational and religious life which neophytes accepted with their newly acquired Christian identity214. These details primarily concerned with the liturgy of Eucharist, which was formerly forbidden for them to attend215. During the catechetical lectures of Cyril of Jerusalem, the candidates commonly received instructions on the eucharistic prayer, the right timing of intercession or directives for proper receiving of the communion216.

It seems that the mystagogical lectures were quite vigorous events, which at least in the flourishing era of baptism at the end of the fourth century had a pompous character and engaged the bishop as a central figure of the performance. Based on the testimonies of Egeria’s travels, at least in Jerusalem, it was common for the mystagogical lectures to be attended not only by the neophytes themselves,

209 Cf. DAY 2018, pp. 65–68. 210 Ibidem, p. 65. 211 JACKSON 1989, p. 84; DAY 2018, p. 57. 212 DAY 2018, p. 66. 213 Cyril of Jerusalem, Cathéchèses mystagogiques, 2, 2–5; ibidem, sp. p. 67. 214 Ibidem, sp. pp. 71–72. 215 On this topic, see above p. 30, sp. ns 130, 131. 216 Cyril of Jerusalem, Cathéchèses mystagogiques, 5, 4, 10–11; 21–22; DAY 2018, p. 72. 46 but basically anyone who desired to refresh and relive the experience217. With most probability, the church space was the most suitable “stage” for these sessions: “The newly baptized come into the Anastasis, and any of the faithful who wish to hear the Mysteries; but, while bishop is teaching, no catechumen comes in, and the doors are kept shut in case any try to enter”218. Egeria later continues: “The bishop relates what has been done, and interprets it, and, as he does so, the applause is so loud that it can be heard outside the church. Indeed the way he expounds the mysteries and interprets them cannot fail to move his hearers”219.

It is difficult to establish, to which extent (and in what form) remained the mystagogical catechesis in existence for the following centuries. However, the pre- and postbaptismal instructions are certainly not a phenomenon of fourth and fifth centuries, although it must be noted that no texts of similar instructional character have been preserved for example for the sixth century. The texts of Pseudo-Dionysios or Maximus Confessor were similarly referred to as mystagogical, the latter even being entitled Mystagogia, but in these cases, the term is rather misleading since they lack the “instructional” character and are rather commentaries on the liturgical practice220. In any case, it can be only assumed that, just as the baptismal rite itself, even the instructions must have been adapted to the contemporary baptismal applicants. As stated previously, at the beginning of the sixth century, the major group of the baptismal candidates formed children of Christian parents221. However, the Ostrogoth conquest and the religious tendencies of the new rulers made the social and religious situation of Ravenna at the turn of the fifth and sixth centuries quite specific. Goths were not a religiously unified group, some of them followed moderate

217 DAY 2018, p. 71. 218 Illa enim hora cathecuminus nullus accedet ad Anastase; tantum neofiti et fideles, qui uolunt audire misteria, in Anastase intrant. Clauduntur autem ostia, ne qui cathecuminus se dirigat; Egeria’s Travels, 47, 2. 219 Disputante autem episcopo singula et narrante, tante uoces sunt collaudantium, ut porro foras ecclesia audiantur uoces eorum. Vere enim ita misteria omnia absoluet, ut nullus non possit commoueri ad ea quae audit sic exponi; ibidem. 220 On the term of “mystagogy” and its problematic use in historiography cf. DAY 2018, pp. 57–61. 221 Cf. pp. 31–33, sp. n. 138 above. 47 forms of Arianism, others adhered to the Orthodoxy and some remained even non- Christian222. Similarly heterodox seems to have been also the situation in Ravenna. Part of the Ravennate society was certainly Arian already during the reign of the king Odoacer (d. 493), mainly probably the members of his court and army, but the Arian form of Christianity must have actively spread with the reign of the king Theoderic, when Ravenna witnessed construction of several monuments under the patronage of Arian elites223. Theoderic himself was probably quite tolerant towards groups of different professions; however, despite the displeasure of Orthodox Christians, the Arians were known for their mild attitude towards rebaptizing those who were already baptized in different traditions224. In fact, the process of rebaptizing could explain also the on-going construction of monumental baptisteries in Ravenna after the year 500 CE, which still testifies to a great number of baptismal candidates225. The motivations for the rebaptism might have been diverse, but one can imagine that converting to Arianism could have been under the Arian supremacy simply beneficial. Thus, with high probability, besides the infant catechumens, the Ravennate clergy might have still dealt with a significant number of adults. None of the sources mention significant distinctions in the baptismal rite for the infants and adult converts. Those parts of the rite in which the infant candidates could not participate themselves were taken over by their godparents who already had a deep Christian formation. The godparents offered the infant for the baptism, they made promises on its behalf and even received the child from the baptismal font226. However, the role of the godparents was not only a one-time affair. They were responsible for their ward also in a long perspective, mainly for his or her future

222 DELIYANNIS 2010, pp. 140–146, sp. p. 142. 223 Ibidem. Besides the basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, the church of Santo Spirito which was intended as the Arian cathedral and the Arian baptistery were built (DEICHMANN 1974, pp. 241– 258; DELIYANNIS 2010, pp. 174–187; event. RANZI 2017). Further Arian churches are documented by Andrea Agnellus as reconciled under the Byzantine rule, namely the church of St George and St Eusebius (Agnellus of Ravenna, LPR 86–89; DELIYANNIS 2004, pp. 199–203; JÄGGI 2013, pp. 169– 170). 224 DELIYANNIS 2010, p. 178; further also WHELAN 2018, pp. 109–138; FOURNIER 2012. 225 According to the Agnellus’ records, there was also a baptistery adjoint to the basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo (Agnellus of Ravenna, LPR 89; DELIYANNIS 2004, p. 202). Apart from the Arian baptistery (cf. n. 223 above), a third newly built baptistery dated to the beginning of the sixth century was found within the church complex of Ca’ Bianca near the city of Classe, which is in its dimensions very similar to Sant’Apollinare Nuovo. However, so far, it cannot be assigned with certainty to any of the Agnellus’ records and the Arian patronage is therefore purely speculative (JÄGGI 2013, pp. 201–202; DAVID/CASADEI PARLANTI 2009). 226 LYNCH 1986, pp. 117–142, sp. pp. 124–125; VAN MOLLE 1964. 48 spiritual, religious and moral development227. Even the adult candidates had their patrons, the so-called sponsors, which guaranteed their worthiness and the sincerity of their actions, but unlike the godparents of the infant catechumens, their role during and after the baptism itself was only minimal228. Nevertheless, concerning the catechesis, it seems that also these accompanying parts of the prebaptismal preparations or postbaptismal enrolling to the Christian community remained in practice as long as the adults figured amongst the baptismal candidates, although in modified or reduced form229.

The Side Aisles of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo Reconsidered As hinted above, the mystagogical catechesis, at least in the course of the fourth and fifth centuries, seems to have a character of impressive performance. Given the presumably high number of baptismal candidates of that time, joined also by the regular members of the Christian community, a relatively large assembly could have participated on the mystagogical lectures, which must have certainly required an appropriate organization. If the bishop preached from the ambo placed in central nave during these occasions, it is possible that the congregation of neophytes at least partially occupied the lateral compartments and thus, the cycle could have been comprehensible enough for them to create certain visual parallels to the mystagogical lectures. It does not seem very plausible that the lectures would take place directly in the subsidiary places of the basilicas, for example in the more intimate character of the side aisles, purely for the practical aspects. I believe that such a solution could come into consideration only with a more frequent and less monumental seances, which might have appeared and developed with decreasing number of the catechumens. What, however, was the purpose of the cycle during these events? Of course, although the didactic purpose of the church decorations has been a long- established stereotype, describing the cycle as a purely didactic tool raises several difficulties, too. For a big congregation of believers, the monumental decorative programs would have been certainly more suitable than media of a small size, for example scrolls or codices230. Moreover, since a certain liberty in the allegories is

227 LYNCH 1986, sp. pp 124–125. 228 Cf. LYNCH 1986, pp. 83–116. 229 Cf. SAXER 1988, pp. 628–634, 647–649. 230 As an example of a codex intended for didactic purposes can be brought forward the Ashburnham Pentateuch, dated from the mid-fifth to the beginning of the seventh century: NARKISS 2007; VERKERK 2004. 49 admitted, the choice of the scenes from the life of Christ would have in the case of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo not only emphasized the symbolical joining the Christ, but, with a certain respect to Penni Iacco and Rizzardi, may have carried a special significance for the Arian audience in highlighting particularly those narratives which pinpoint the principles of Arian doctrine231. It must be noted that also the scenes of Christ’s parables, which could be understood as representations of the Christian moral principles would appear in this context more than appropriate. However, if the cycle should have served for a systematic and repeated instructions, why would it be placed in the uppermost zone of the nave? On one side, the explanation, in my point of view, might lie in the multi-layered interpretation of the scenes. The cycle thus did not have to be a didactic tool per se, but a set of contemplative images which could have been individually interpreted in many ways and which as a whole were deeply understood only during the postbaptismal catechetical instructions. After this experience, the cycle gained a new interpretational dimension, while becoming an eternal memento above the heads of believers, reminding them of the true source of their salvation and the new identity which they had obtained. In this sense, a single function of the program is not necessary, but the interpretation of the images changes and expands according to the “status” or the spiritual level of the believer. At the same time, what still has to be taken into account is the question of hangings and curtains in the intercolumniations, which, as we have seen on the example of the Basilica at the Museum, belong to the most eloquent, but also the most precariously preserved artifacts of church interiors. In Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, there are no traces of the iron or wooden rods, which would have served for attaching these textiles, although coincidentally, the Palatium mosaic mentioned above represents a rare example of artistic depiction which captures the curtain arrangements between the arcade columns [Fig. 17]232. The main source for the presence of the curtains and hangings in medieval churches are the papal donations of the Roman Liber Pontificalis, which unfortunately, as discussed in the state of research, do not provide any clues about their role within the church interiors233. These must be subsequently derived from other sources, such as the contemporary artistic depictions, and in many cases could have responded to the specific needs of the community.

231 See above n. 195. 232 The tied-up curtains with ornamental embroideries replaced the figures of the Arian court during the act of damnatio memoriae: URBANO 2005; DELIYANNIS 2010, pp. 160–164. 233 Cf. above pp. 12–15, sp. ns 41–42. 50

It must be pointed out that the curtain arrangements certainly might have shaped the church decorations and their perception, which would in the case of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo result in very particular visual strategy. With iron or wooden rods placed approximately in the height of the column capitals as shown on the mosaic depiction, the curtains would almost entirely enclose the intercolumnar spaces except for their upper “lunettes” in the arches. As a result, the Christological cycle would be the only actually visible part of the nave decorations for those standing in the side aisles [Fig. 18]. Considering the baptismal aspect of the interpretation which has a particular significance for the catechumens, one can imagine that this visual strategy might have been even intentional and, in fact, directed to this particular group of believers, although its deeper sense was revealed to them only retrospectively. It is noteworthy that metaphorical visual embodiment of the threshold which separates the catechumens from the full participation on the liturgical practice until their proper initiation would not be a unique concept; similar role has been ascribed to the carved doors of the , which enhance this purpose by being the literal thresholds themselves234. Thus, although still not explicitly, the cycle could have been for its observers also a sort of “mirror” which reflected the principles embraced and followed by the community of the full members of the Christian church, which would then most likely occupy the main nave. Together with the depictions of prophets and later also martyrs, the nave would become a place of private heavenly assembly.

PARTIAL CONCLUSION The second case study was dedicated to the basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna. Although lacking the traces of strictly hierarchical internal arrangements, which, however, due to extensive later remodelings and alterations might have simply disappeared, the basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo presents a mosaic decoration of the main nave whose upper part can be, unlike the rest of the decoration, observed only from the side aisles due to its high positioning. The starting point of the study was then rather indirect division of the congregation, implied by positioning of the twenty-six scenes of Christ’s passion and ministry which were consequently fully comprehensible only from the aisles. The case study then aimed to explore the dialogue and potential connection between the decoration and its observers.

234 Cf. in particular FOLETTI/GIANANDREA 2015. The idea of closed doors working as an “image” was recently developed by Ivan Foletti and Katarína Kravčíková, see FOLETTI/KRAVČÍKOVÁ (forthcoming). 51

One of the interpretation levels of the cycle, which lies based on the previous research in close connection to the baptismal rite, pointed towards the neophytes, that is, the newly baptized as the potential observers who were able to fully understand the cycle only with the help of an “interpreter”, represented by bishop himself during the mystagogical lectures on the ontological meaning of the baptism and the principles of life inside the Christian community. The cycle is, however, due its high positioning difficult to interpret it as a purely didactic tool. The purpose of the scenes may have been simply contemplative and working on several levels of interpretation, which were developing with the spiritual progress of the believers and, finally, reminded them about their commitment. However, in the light of the recent debate on the installation of textile hangings in Early Christian churches, it must be taken into consideration that the cycle might have been also the only intentionally visible part of the decoration during certain occasions – for example for the catechumens standing behind the intercolumnar barriers.

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CONCLUSION

To conclude, the main points which have been outlined in the course of this work need to be briefly recapitulated. Since no proper state of research on functions of the lateral naves in Late Antique basilicas exists up to this point, the first chapter attempted to summarize some of the so far given hypotheses, which were put forward by scholars in the process of dealing with specific archaeological situations. The main indicator for the particular functions of the lateral naves inside the church spaces have always been the various typologies of their different partitions from the main nave. These were classified throughout the chapter as solely physical or visual and were enriched by those types of architectural solutions or decorative programs which suggested the hierarchization of the sacred space rather indirectly, such as the intended differentiation in the floor levels or segmented treatment of the pavements. These partitions have always been considered as a phenomenon linked exclusively to the churches of the Aegean area, which after a deeper examination of the archaeological data from different sites of the Mediterranean turned out to be a rather fragile premise. The various means of the internal hierarchization, be it marble enclosures inserted between the columns of the colonnades or a hierarchical use of different materials, are possible to find across the whole Mediterranean space of the Late Antique period. However, since no systematic use of these separations can be traced, it must be concluded that lateral naves might have had many variable purposes which responded to the actual needs and settings of particular communities. As the most reliable approach towards this topic are then case studies, which consider and examine all the individual factors. Following this idea, as was also stated in the introductory part, two case studies were chosen for detailed examination in the frame of this thesis, the Basilica at the Museum in Philippi and the basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna. The date of construction for both of them is set to the beginning of the sixth century, although they differed in their location, ecclesiastical tradition, as well as the available material and methodological approach applied to it. Together the case studies have shown that the internal arrangements and partitions may have helped to constitute not only the spatial hierarchy inside the church but reflected also social boundaries between different groups of Christian congregations based on their status or their initiation stage. In the words of Yasin and Smith, “the gradations of sacrality of the spatial zones are preserved by the restrictions placed on individuals’ access to each”, which, as I 53 believe can be further applied even to the church interiors along with the aspect of visibility235. In this sense, the side aisles would be possible to consider as subsidiary spatial zones, which could have stood apart from the main nave and the presbytery area, but on the other hand were suitable for a wider range of (paraliturgical) activities. It must be also emphasized that most of our knowledge of spatial segregation by means of marble slabs or textile hangings actually comes from the churches in archaeological sites and, at least to my knowledge, these arrangements are hardly considered for the still standing basilicas of Late Antiquity, which were in later periods subjected to extensive remodelings. The question of spatial as well as social hierarchy, which may be applied far beyond the distinction between clergy and laity, would be certainly worth raising even more while working on Early Christian churches both as liturgical and public spaces. As such, these fractions of the liturgical and architectural space are especially challenging for the field of visual studies. This is especially true in the way they extend the question of architecture and image to the social life of buildings, and to different groups proper to the Late Antique society. Amongst these groups, the question of spaces used for liminal, initiatory, or pedagogical purposes through images, material and architectural division strikes as especially fertile.

235 YASIN 2009, p. 27. 54

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 1 Chancel arrangements of the Roman Early Christian churches after Thomas Mathews (MATHEWS 1962, p. 94).

Fig. 2 Methods of joining the column bases and marble slabs (PESCHLOW 2006, p. 54).

Fig. 3 Slabs of the northern colonnade, Basilica B, Latrun (WIDRIG 1978, pl. XI). Fig. 4 Examples of stone slabs found during the excavations in the Basilica of Hierapolis, sixth century (PEIRANO 2018, p. 166). Fig. 5 Columns of the southern transept, church of St John, Ephesus, sixth century (PESCHLOW 2006, p.63). Fig. 6 Different kinds of separation in Philippi churches, fifth–sixth centuries (PESCHLOW 2006, p. 68). Fig. 7 Scheme of Via Egnatia (www.cs.wikipedia.org). Fig. 8 Archaeological site of Philippi and its monuments after Peter Pilhofer (www.philippoi.de/suche_fundort_philippi.php). Fig. 9 State of preservation of the Basilica at the Museum, archaeological site of Philippi (www.vici.org/vici/17804/). Fig. 10 Ground plan, Basilica at the Museum, Philippi, first half of the sixth century (KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU/MARKI 1995, p. 951). Fig. 11 Reconstruction of the templon-like barrier, Basilica at the Museum, Philippi, first half of the sixth century (KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU/MARKI 1995, p. 955). Fig. 12 View of the interior and mosaic decorations of the nave, Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna (www.it.wikipedia.org) Fig. 13 Ground plan, Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna, beginning of the sixth century (NOVARA 1999, p. 33). Fig. 14 Scheme of the floor levels in Sant’Apollinare Nuovo through centuries (NOVARA 1999, p. 33). Fig. 15 Hypothetical reconstruction of the sixteenth-century alterations and the lost register, Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna (PENNI IACCO 2004, p. 35). 71

Fig. 16 Reconstruction of the ambo after Emmanuela Penni Iacco, Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna, sixth century (PENNI IACCO 2004, p. 67). Fig. 17 Mosaic of Palatium, bottom register of the southern wall, Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, sixth century (www.commons.wikimedia.org). Fig. 18 View on the Christological cycle from the southern aisle (Photo: Author).

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