What Does the Demise of Ryukyu Mean for the Sino-Japanese Diaoyu/ Senkaku Islands Dispute?1

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What Does the Demise of Ryukyu Mean for the Sino-Japanese Diaoyu/ Senkaku Islands Dispute?1 History as a Mirror: What Does the Demise of Ryukyu Mean for the Sino-Japanese Diaoyu/ Senkaku Islands Dispute?1 Ching-Chang CHEN* Abstract The on-going dispute over the ownership of move from calls for putting aside sovereignty the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands between China differences towards a more inclusive, post- and Japan has often been ridiculed by observers Westphalian bordering practice in East Asia. as an unwise struggle for rocks. One must question, however, why so much significance has been attached to those “trivial specks” in Key Words the first place. This paper maintains that the seed of contemporary Sino-Japanese rivalry Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands, international cannot be separated from the “expansion” society, non-Western international relations, of European international society, after Ryukyu, Sino-Japanese relations, territorial which China and Japan came to be obsessed dispute. with sovereign independence and territorial integrity. Following the demise of the Ryukyu Kingdom, Qing Chinese officials realised that Introduction Meiji Japan was no longer within the borders of a once-shared civilisation, which prepared the A clutch of eight tiny, uninhabited ground for a series of violent conflicts between islets in the Western Pacific, named them, unusual in their millennium-old, largely the Senkaku Islands by Japan and the peaceful interactions. A sustainable resolution of the Diaoyu/Senkaku issue, then, should Diaoyu Islands by the People’s Republic of China (PRC), recently became one of * Ching-Chang Chen (Ph.D. Aberystwyth) the most headline-making flashpoints in is Associate Professor of International East Asia. Administrated by Japan but Politics at the College of Asia Pacific Studies, Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University, Japan. also claimed by China, the ownership He is currently working on a book manuscript dispute further involves competition for that analyses the relationship between threat perception and national identity construction fishery resources, potential oil deposits in post-Cold War Taiwan. His research also and, indeed, a “reputation for resolve”.2 focuses on the theories and practices of “non- Western” international relations in Asia. Dr. In September 2010, a Chinese trawler Chen’s recent journal articles appeared in Issues collided with a Japan Coast Guard patrol & Studies, Journal of Chinese Political Science, International Relations of the Asia-Pacificand boat in waters near the contested islands; Asian Perspective. to press for the release of the detained 87 PERCEPTIONS, Spring 2014, Volume XIX, Number 1, pp. 87-105. Ching-Chang Chen captain, Beijing allegedly delayed the Sea.4 The Chinese foreign ministry in export of rare earth metals to Japan.3 April referred to the Diaoyus as a part of Tensions continued to build up during China’s “core interests”, a term normally 2012, which, ironically, marked the 40th associated with Xinjiang, Tibet and anniversary of the normalisation of the Taiwan, for the first time.5 diplomatic relationship between these The on-going standoff between two nations. Following Tokyo’s naming the world’s second and third largest of some islets early that year, Beijing economies has been a cause of great countered with its own naming amid concern for stakeholders of the region’s then-Tokyo Governor Ishihara Shintaro’s peace and prosperity.6 The United States, statement indicating his intention in particular, is caught in an unwanted to purchase the three larger islets. To situation where it is obliged by treaty prevent the Senkakus from entering to defend territory under Japanese the hands of conservative nationalists administration (which includes the such as Ishihara, the Senkakus, despite Japanese government The on-going standoff between Washington’s proceeded to buy the the world’s second and third avoidance of taking islands from their a stand on their largest economies has been private landlord in sovereignty), while September. Thisa cause of great concern for needing China’s move, in turn, stakeholders of the region’s cooperation on a set in motion a peace and prosperity. wide range of issues series of large- from cyber security scale anti-Japanese to North Korea’s demonstrations in major Chinese cities, nuclear programmes. On the other hand, a slump in Japanese exports to China and many wonder why Beijing and Tokyo in Chinese tourists to Japan, and frequent have been so obsessed with those “trivial appearance of Chinese petrol vessels and specks”, which are of limited strategic and aircraft in the surrounding waters and economic values. After all, any occupied airspace. With the increasing number islet is easy to invade and virtually of aerial and maritime near-misses, and impossible to defend in war. Moreover, without hotline-like conflict-prevention possession of the Diaoyus/Senkakus mechanisms between them, in January does not represent a key to controlling 2013, Chinese warships were said to the sea; the strategic advantage is at have pointed their fire-control radar at best marginal and can be easily offset a Japanese helicopter and a destroyer by increasing military capabilities and/ in close proximity in the East China or building closer alliances. Likewise, 88 History as a Mirror the size of the Diaoyus/Senkakus means to illuminate why the present Senkaku/ that, even though the islands are used as Diaoyu issue has often been handled by legitimate baselines, they are deemed too hotter heads. small to have any significant impact on To make sense of China’s underactive the Sino-Japanese maritime delimitation response to Japan’s gradual incorporation under the existing international law.7 of Ryukyu in the 1870s, one cannot Since there will be few real interests overlook the absence of compellence to gain but a lot to lose in solving the in Chinese strategic behaviour. In dispute by force, calls for “cooler heads International Relations (IR) jargon, to prevail” in Asia so as not to go to war compellence refers to a specific type “over a rock” have abounded.8 of coercion that threatens to use force But why has so much significance been to make another actor do (or undo) attached to the supposedly negligible some action. The Qing dynasty did Diaoyus/Senkakus in the first place? not resort to any military threat to get Beijing’s apparent belligerence over the Meiji government to change course the islands is puzzling, because China at several junctures when the Ryukyu did not resort to coercive diplomacy Kingdom was first reduced to a clan in to prevent the Ryukyu Kingdom from 1872, then prohibited from sending falling under Japan’s full control during tribute embassies to the Qing in 1875, the 1870s. In a retrospective thought and eventually abolished in 1879. Three experiment, a more proactive Chinese possible explanations stand out. First, intervention at that particular juncture from the perspective of the coercion might have altered the island kingdom’s literature,9 compellence was simply not a fate as well as prevented the Senkaku/ credible policy for the declining Qing to Diaoyu issue from becoming an issue adopt in its dealings with a modernising today. To be sure, Ryukyu had been Japan. This materialist view and the under the strict control of the Satsuma mainstream scholarly works on Chinese clan since 1609, but it maintained an strategic culture are complementary, for ambiguous status as a “double tributary both maintain that the pacifist rhetoric state” (ryozoku no kuni) to both Japan and the principle of minimal use of force and China in East Asian international was no more than a temporary measure society; it was not until the kingdom to compensate for China’s material being formally annexed and turned into inferiority.10 Third, in contemporary Okinawa Prefecture in the late 1870s Chinese nationalist discourse, the “failure that the first border dispute between to act” is attributable to the corruption China and Japan broke out. Systematic and incompetence of late Qing leaders inquiries into this old dispute will help who were unable to comprehend the 89 Ching-Chang Chen perils China was facing in the age of with Confucian norms, values and imperialism.11 While China’s lack of hard practices, not by their relative power power at that time did limit the Qing (including territorial possessions). As court’s ability to effectively respond to such, the legitimacy of this hierarchy the fait accompli in Okinawa, material entailed a credible commitment on the constraints (military capabilities) part of the dominant state not to exploit or strategic ignorance (having no the secondary states.12 Employing knowledge of “realism”) alone are not compellence against Japan over Ryukyu strong explanations and together do not or dividing up the islands with Japan, make the puzzle more intelligible to us. however, would violate this key aspect Careful inquiry into Sino-Japanese of status hierarchy and call into question diplomatic history suggests that top China’s position as the centre within Chinese officials such as Li Hongzhang Confucian cosmology and the assumed (1823-1901) were not unaware of the moral superiority of its leadership. consequences of their passive approach China’s difficulty in establishing clearly to the dispute, which included not defined, exclusive borders enshrined in exploiting Japan’s weakness during the international legal treaties (instead of the Satsuma Rebellion (1877) and not Confucian influence of ritual protocol) acquiring the southern parts of Okinawa at the expense of the secondary states, as offered by Japanese negotiators then,
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