CHAPTER 8 Political Parties
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Picking the Vice President
Picking the Vice President Elaine C. Kamarck Brookings Institution Press Washington, D.C. Contents Introduction 4 1 The Balancing Model 6 The Vice Presidency as an “Arranged Marriage” 2 Breaking the Mold 14 From Arranged Marriages to Love Matches 3 The Partnership Model in Action 20 Al Gore Dick Cheney Joe Biden 4 Conclusion 33 Copyright 36 Introduction Throughout history, the vice president has been a pretty forlorn character, not unlike the fictional vice president Julia Louis-Dreyfus plays in the HBO seriesVEEP . In the first episode, Vice President Selina Meyer keeps asking her secretary whether the president has called. He hasn’t. She then walks into a U.S. senator’s office and asks of her old colleague, “What have I been missing here?” Without looking up from her computer, the senator responds, “Power.” Until recently, vice presidents were not very interesting nor was the relationship between presidents and their vice presidents very consequential—and for good reason. Historically, vice presidents have been understudies, have often been disliked or even despised by the president they served, and have been used by political parties, derided by journalists, and ridiculed by the public. The job of vice president has been so peripheral that VPs themselves have even made fun of the office. That’s because from the beginning of the nineteenth century until the last decade of the twentieth century, most vice presidents were chosen to “balance” the ticket. The balance in question could be geographic—a northern presidential candidate like John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts picked a southerner like Lyndon B. -
Supreme Court of the United States
No. 17-1200 ================================================================ In The Supreme Court of the United States --------------------------------- --------------------------------- INDEPENDENT PARTY, ET AL., Petitioners, v. ALEX PADILLA, CALIFORNIA SECRETARY OF STATE, Respondent. --------------------------------- --------------------------------- On Petition For Writ Of Certiorari To The United States Court Of Appeals For The Ninth Circuit --------------------------------- --------------------------------- BRIEF OF CITIZENS IN CHARGE AS AMICUS CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONERS --------------------------------- --------------------------------- PAUL A. ROSSI Counsel of Record 316 Hill Street Mountville, PA 17554 (717) 961-8978 [email protected] Counsel for Amicus Curiae ================================================================ COCKLE LEGAL BRIEFS (800) 225-6964 WWW.COCKLELEGALBRIEFS.COM i QUESTION PRESENTED Whether the party names INDEPENDENT PARTY and AMERICAN INDEPENDENT PARTY are so sim- ilar to each other that voters will be misled if both of them appeared on the same California ballot. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page QUESTION PRESENTED................................... i TABLE OF CONTENTS ...................................... ii TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ................................. ii STATEMENT OF INTEREST ............................. 1 INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT ..................................................... 2 ARGUMENT ........................................................ 3 CONCLUSION .................................................... -
The Decline of Collective Responsibility in American Politics
MORRIS P. FIORINA The Decline of Collective Responsibility inAmerican Politics the founding fathers a Though believed in the necessity of establishing gen to one uinely national government, they took great pains design that could not to lightly do things its citizens; what government might do for its citizens was to be limited to the functions of what we know now as the "watchman state." Thus the Founders composed the constitutional litany familiar to every schoolchild: a they created federal system, they distributed and blended powers within and across the federal levels, and they encouraged the occupants of the various posi tions to check and balance each other by structuring incentives so that one of to ficeholder's ambitions would be likely conflict with others'. The resulting system of institutional arrangements predictably hampers efforts to undertake initiatives and favors maintenance of the status major quo. Given the historical record faced by the Founders, their emphasis on con we a straining government is understandable. But face later historical record, one two that shows hundred years of increasing demands for government to act positively. Moreover, developments unforeseen by the Founders increasingly raise the likelihood that the uncoordinated actions of individuals and groups will inflict serious on the nation as a whole. The of the damage by-products industri not on on al and technological revolutions impose physical risks only us, but future as well. Resource and international cartels raise the generations shortages spectre of economic ruin. And the simple proliferation of special interests with their intense, particularistic demands threatens to render us politically in capable of taking actions that might either advance the state of society or pre vent foreseeable deteriorations in that state. -
Medical Management of Biologic Casualties Handbook
USAMRIID’s MEDICAL MANAGEMENT OF BIOLOGICAL CASUALTIES HANDBOOK Fourth Edition February 2001 U.S. ARMY MEDICAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF INFECTIOUS DISEASES ¨ FORT DETRICK FREDERICK, MARYLAND 1 Sources of information: National Response Center 1-800-424-8802 or (for chem/bio hazards & terrorist events) 1-202-267-2675 National Domestic Preparedness Office: 1-202-324-9025 (for civilian use) Domestic Preparedness Chem/Bio Help line: 1-410-436-4484 or (Edgewood Ops Center - for military use) DSN 584-4484 USAMRIID Emergency Response Line: 1-888-872-7443 CDC'S Bioterrorism Preparedness and Response Center: 1-770-488-7100 John's Hopkins Center for Civilian Biodefense: 1-410-223-1667 (Civilian Biodefense Studies) An Adobe Acrobat Reader (pdf file) version and a Palm OS Electronic version of this Handbook can both be downloaded from the Internet at: http://www.usamriid.army.mil/education/bluebook.html 2 USAMRIID’s MEDICAL MANAGEMENT OF BIOLOGICAL CASUALTIES HANDBOOK Fourth Edition February 2001 Editors: LTC Mark Kortepeter LTC George Christopher COL Ted Cieslak CDR Randall Culpepper CDR Robert Darling MAJ Julie Pavlin LTC John Rowe COL Kelly McKee, Jr. COL Edward Eitzen, Jr. Comments and suggestions are appreciated and should be addressed to: Operational Medicine Department Attn: MCMR-UIM-O U.S. Army Medical Research Institute of Infectious Diseases (USAMRIID) Fort Detrick, Maryland 21702-5011 3 PREFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION The Medical Management of Biological Casualties Handbook, which has become affectionately known as the "Blue Book," has been enormously successful - far beyond our expectations. Since the first edition in 1993, the awareness of biological weapons in the United States has increased dramatically. -
Active Political Parties in Village Elections
YEAR ACTIVE POLITICAL PARTIES IN VILLAGE ELECTIONS 1894 1895 1896 1897 Workingman’s Party People’s Party 1898 Workingman’s Party Citizen’s Party 1899 Workingman’s Party Citizen’s Party 1900 Workingman’s Party Citizen’s Party 1901 Workingman’s Party Citizen’s Party 1902 Citizen’s Party Reform Party Independent Party 1903 Citizen’s Party Independent Party 1904 Citizen’s Party No Opposition 1905 Citizen’s Party Union Party 1906 Citizen’s Party Union Party 1907 Citizen’s Party Union Party 1908 Citizen’s Party Union Party 1909 Citizen’s Party Union Party 1910 Citizen’s Party No Opposition 1911 Citizen’s Party People’s Party 1912 Citizen’s Party People’s Party 1913 Citizen’s Party No Opposition 1914 Citizen’s Party People’s Party 1915 Citizen’s Party People’s Party 1916 Citizen’s Party Independent Party American Party 1917 Citizen’s Party American Party 1918 Citizen’s Party American Party 1919 Citizen’s Party American Party 1920 Citizen’s Party American Party 1921 Citizen’s Party American Party 1922 Citizen’s Party American Party 1923 Citizen’s Party American Party 1924 Citizen’s Party American Party Independent Party 1925 Citizen’s Party American party 1926 Citizen’s party American Party 1927 Citizen’s Party No Opposition 1928 Citizen’s Party American Party 1929 Citizen’s Party American Party 1930 Citizen’s Party American Party 1931 Citizen’s Party American Party 1932 Citizen’s Party American Party 1933 Citizen’s Party American Party 1934 Citizen’s Party American Party 1935 Citizen’s Party American Party 1936 Citizen’s Party Old Citizen’s -
Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980
Bonikowski, Bart, and Paul DiMaggio. 2016. “Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980. Publisher’s version: http://asr.sagepub.com/content/81/5/949 Varieties of American Popular Nationalism Bart Bonikowski Harvard University Paul DiMaggio New York University Abstract Despite the relevance of nationalism for politics and intergroup relations, sociologists have devoted surprisingly little attention to the phenomenon in the United States, and historians and political psychologists who do study the United States have limited their focus to specific forms of nationalist sentiment: ethnocultural or civic nationalism, patriotism, or national pride. This article innovates, first, by examining an unusually broad set of measures (from the 2004 GSS) tapping national identification, ethnocultural and civic criteria for national membership, domain- specific national pride, and invidious comparisons to other nations, thus providing a fuller depiction of Americans’ national self-understanding. Second, we use latent class analysis to explore heterogeneity, partitioning the sample into classes characterized by distinctive patterns of attitudes. Conventional distinctions between ethnocultural and civic nationalism describe just about half of the U.S. population and do not account for the unexpectedly low levels of national pride found among respondents who hold restrictive definitions of American nationhood. A subset of primarily younger and well-educated Americans lacks any strong form of patriotic sentiment; a larger class, primarily older and less well educated, embraces every form of nationalist sentiment. Controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and partisan identification, these classes vary significantly in attitudes toward ethnic minorities, immigration, and national sovereignty. Finally, using comparable data from 1996 and 2012, we find structural continuity and distributional change in national sentiments over a period marked by terrorist attacks, war, economic crisis, and political contention. -
Americans and Russians Are Mostly Disinterested and Disengaged with Each Other
Americans and Russians Are Mostly Disinterested and Disengaged with Each Other Brendan Helm, Research Assistant, Public Opinion, Chicago Council on Global Affairs Arik Burakovsky, Assistant Director, Russia and Eurasia Program, The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University Lily Wojtowicz, Research Associate, Public Opinion, Chicago Council on Global Affairs August 2019 The last few years have seen a substantial deterioration in relations between the United States and Russia. The international crisis over Ukraine, Russia’s interference in the 2016 US presidential election, and US sanctions against Russia have all contributed to the growing acrimony. Recent surveys conducted by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs and the Levada Analytical Center reveal that large majorities of both Russians and Americans now view their countries as rivals. But in the midst of heightened tensions between Moscow and Washington, how do regular citizens of each country view one another? A joint project conducted by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, the Levada Analytical Center, and The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University shows that despite the perception of rivalry between their countries, Russians’ and Americans’ views on the people of the other country are more favorable. However, the survey results also show that Russians and Americans are not particularly curious about each other, they rarely follow news about one another, and the majority of each group has never met someone from the other. Nonetheless, self-reported interests from each side in arts and sciences suggest that there are non-political paths toward warmer relations. Key Findings • 68 percent of Americans view Russians either very or fairly positively, while 48 percent of Russians have those views of Americans. -
Parental Socialization and Rational Party Identification
Political Behavior, Vol. 24, No. 2, June 2002 ( 2002) PARENTAL SOCIALIZATION AND RATIONAL PARTY IDENTIFICATION Christopher H. Achen This article constructs a rational choice model of the intergenerational transmission of party identification. At a given time, identification with a party is the estimate of average future benefits from candidates of that party. Experienced voters constantly update this expectation using political events since the last realignment to predict the future in accordance with Bayes Rule. New voters, however, have no experience of their own. In Bayesian terms, they need prior beliefs. It turns out that under certain specified conditions, these young voters should rationally choose to employ parental experience to help orient themselves to politics. The resulting model predicts several well–known features of political socialization, including the strong correlation be- tween parents’ and children’s partisanship, the greater partisan independence of young voters, and the tendency of partisan alignments to decay. Key words: socialization; party identification; political parties; party systems; Bayesian; retrospective voting. All I know is we’re not Republicans. My father isn’t.—Judith, age 10 (Greenstein, 1969, p. 23) INTRODUCTION The predictive power of “party identification” in American elections is well- nigh overwhelming, and, after some initial setbacks, evidence has accumulated that, properly measured, it does well elsewhere, too (Converse and Pierce, 1985, 1986; Green, Palmquist, and Schickler, 2002; Johnston, 1988; Miller and Shanks, 1996; Shively, 1980). Partisanship remains the central factor in explaining not just how people vote, but also how they see the political world, just as Campbell, Converse, Miller, and Stokes (1960/1980) asserted 40 years ago and as sophisticated recent investigations have confirmed (Bartels, 2001b). -
John Lewis' 'Good Trouble' Handbook
“THE RIGHT TO VOTE IS THE MOST POWERFUL NONVIOLENT TOOL WE HAVE IN A DEMOCRACY. I RISKED MY LIFE DEFENDING THAT RIGHT.” – Congressman John Lewis, John Lewis: Good Trouble Go to Map GOOD TROUBLE Congressman John Lewis’ life’s work has changed the very fabric of this country. Born in During the protest, John Lewis was hit on the head by a state trooper and suffered a the heart of the Jim Crow South, in the shadow of slavery, he saw the profound injustice fractured skull. On Bloody Sunday, Lewis risked his life for the right to vote and has since all around him and knew, from a young age, that he wanted to do something about it. By devoted his life to ensuring that every American has access to the ballot box. his late teens, he had joined the first Freedom Riders and later became the chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), one of the groups responsible Unfortunately, Congressman Lewis’ work did not end with the Civil Rights era. In 2013, for organizing the 1963 March on Washington. On August 28, 1963, on the steps of the Voting Rights Act, for which he shed his blood, was effectively gutted by a Supreme the Lincoln Memorial, John Lewis gave his own rousing speech alongside some of the Court decision, Shelby County v. Holder. In the years since, voter suppression targeting greatest leaders of the civil rights movement, including Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. communities of color has significantly increased. But it was March 7, 1965, that etched Congressman Lewis into the American psyche. -
Extremism in the Electoral Arena: Challenging the Myth of American Exceptionalism Gur Bligh
BYU Law Review Volume 2008 | Issue 5 Article 2 12-1-2008 Extremism in the Electoral Arena: Challenging the Myth of American Exceptionalism Gur Bligh Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/lawreview Part of the Election Law Commons Recommended Citation Gur Bligh, Extremism in the Electoral Arena: Challenging the Myth of American Exceptionalism, 2008 BYU L. Rev. 1367 (2008). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/lawreview/vol2008/iss5/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Brigham Young University Law Review at BYU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in BYU Law Review by an authorized editor of BYU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BLIGH.FIN 11/24/2008 5:55 PM Extremism in the Electoral Arena: Challenging the Myth of American Exceptionalism Gur Bligh Abstract: This Article explores the limitations that the American electoral system imposes upon extremist parties and candidates. Its thesis is that extremists, and particularly anti-liberal extremists, are excluded from the American electoral arena through a combination of direct and indirect mechanisms. This claim challenges the crucial premise of American constitutional theory that the free speech doctrine is a distinct area of “American exceptionalism.” That theory posits that the American strict adherence to viewpoint neutrality, the strong emphasis upon the “dissenter,” and the freedom granted to extremist speakers is exceptional among liberal democracies. The Article argues that once we focus upon the electoral arena as a distinct arena, we discover that in this domain of core political expression, dissenting extremists are marginalized and blocked and their viewpoints are not represented. -
Doomed to Failure? UKIP and the Organisational Challenges Facing Right-Wing Populist Anti-Political Establishment Parties
Abedi, A. and Lundberg, T.C. (2009) Doomed to failure? UKIP and the organisational challenges facing right-wing populist anti-political establishment parties. Parliamentary Affairs, 62 (1). pp. 72-87. ISSN 0031-2290 http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/41367 Deposited on: 22 October 2010 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk Doomed to Failure? UKIP and the Organisational Challenges Facing Right-Wing Populist Anti-Political Establishment Parties This is a pre-copy editing, author-produced version of an article accepted for publication in Parliamentary Affairs following peer review. The definitive publisher-authenticated version (‘Doomed to Failure? UKIP and the Organisational Challenges Facing Right- Wing Populist Anti-Political Establishment Parties’, Parliamentary Affairs, 62(1): 72-87, January 2009) is available online at http://pa.oxfordjournals.org/content/62/1/72.abstract. Amir Abedi Thomas Carl Lundberg Department of Political Science School of Social and Political Sciences Western Washington University Adam Smith Building 516 High Street 40 Bute Gardens Bellingham, WA 98225-9082 University of Glasgow U.S.A. Glasgow G12 8RT +1-360-650-4143 Scotland [email protected] 0141-330 5144 [email protected] Abstract: Using the UK Independence Party (UKIP), we examine the effects of sudden electoral success on an Anti-Political Establishment (APE) party. The pressures of aspiring to government necessitate organisational structures resembling those of mainstream parties, while this aspiration challenges APE parties because they differ not just in terms of their policy profiles, but also in their more ‘unorthodox’ organisational make-up, inextricably linked to their electoral appeal. -
Republican Women and the Gendered Politics of Partisanship
Melanie Susan Gustafson. Women and the Republican Party, 1854-1924. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2001. ix + 288 pp. $34.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-252-02688-1. Reviewed by Linda Van Ingen Published on H-Women (June, 2002) Republican Women and the Gendered Politics tions of party politics. In other words, disfran‐ of Partisanship, 1854-1924 chised women were both partisan and nonparti‐ Melanie Gustafson successfully confronts the san players who sought access to the male-domi‐ historical complexity of American women's parti‐ nated institutions of political parties without los‐ sanship in Women and the Republican Party, ing their influence as women uncorrupted by 1854-1924. Her work deepens and enriches the such politics. The resulting portrait of women's field of women's political history in the late nine‐ political history, then, is more complex than pre‐ teenth and early twentieth centuries by bringing viously realized. This book demonstrates how together two seemingly disparate trends in wom‐ much of women's political history is about the en's politics. On the one hand, historians have gendered politics of partisanship. long focused on women's nonpartisan identities in Gustafson develops her analyses with a focus their altruistic reform and suffrage movements. on the Republican Party at the national level. Politics in these studies has been defined broadly From its founding in 1854, through the Progres‐ to include the wide range of women's public activ‐ sive Party challenge in the early twentieth centu‐ ities and the formation of a women's political cul‐ ry, to the height of its success in the 1920s, the Re‐ ture.[1] On the other hand, historians have more publican Party provides a chronological history recently studied women's partisan loyalties and that holds Gustafson's study of women's varied their roles in institutional politics.