Active Ruling Class Collaboration Was Central to The
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												  Presidential Election: Blank Ballots on Day One Published on Iitaly.Org (Italy - Presidential Election: Blank Ballots on Day One Published on iItaly.org (http://www.iitaly.org) Italy - Presidential Election: Blank Ballots on Day One (January 29, 2015) On Day One of the election for the twelfth president of Italy, the polling opened in the Chamber of Deputies at 3 pm. Four hours later the vote is still being counted, but results show clearly that no one was elected today. The two parties of a pre-election pact, Premier Matteo Renzi’s Partito Democratico (PD) and former Premier Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia (FI), had agreed to vote blank ballots today, and did. But tomorrow is another day, and the voting continues. ROME – The moment of truth is at hand. On Day One of the election for the twelfth president of Italy, the polls opened in the Chamber of Deputies at 3 pm. At this writing, the vote is almost complete and shows 536 blank ballots by comparison with 360 for specific candidates such as former magistrate Ferdinando Imposimatok with 120 votes. The two parties which had made a pact to cooperate, Premier Matteo Renzi’s Partito Democratico (PD) and former Premier Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia (FI), had agreed to vote blank ballots, and did. But tomorrow is another day, and the voting continues. Page 1 of 3 Italy - Presidential Election: Blank Ballots on Day One Published on iItaly.org (http://www.iitaly.org) Altogether 1,009 are entitled to vote: 630 from the Chamber of Deputies; 315 from the Senate; 58 delegates from the 20 regions; and six lifetime senators.
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												  The Italian Communist Party and the Birth of Il Manifesto: Languages and Cultures of a Conflict (1966-1970)THE ITALIAN COMMUNIST PARTY AND THE BIRTH OF IL MANIFESTO: LANGUAGES AND CULTURES OF A CONFLICT (1966-1970) Roberto Colozza (Università di Firenze) The present chapter is all about a major event in the history of the Italian Communist Party (ICP), that is the exit of its leftist wing in 1969 and the birth of a group which was named il manifesto after the monthly journal giving voice to the related minority network. The foundation ofil manifesto, in June 1969, was not authorized by the ICP’s leading entities and was the casus belli of a conflict that burst out after a long-lasting creeping antagonism between the party establishment and the minority. This contrast revolved around some relevant issues concerning geopolitics, ideology and, most of all, the party’s internal democracy, and was subsequent to the death of the general secretary Palmiro Togliatti in 1964, who had assured a solid and unifying leadership until then. The birth of il manifesto, which will become one of the most influential actors of the European Left in the 1970s, is a good representation of the clash between orthodoxy and heterodoxy in the post-1968 ICP, thus marking a watershed in the handling of com- munist dissidences. With respect to traditional procedural solutions that were mostly based on the punishment of the dissent, the manifesto affaire shows an evolution towards a negotiating model, in which the administrative disciplinary treatment of the minority group coexists with informal interactions between the two factions. Actually the final expulsion of the undisciplined militants was the endpoint of a complex and intense debate involving the party as a whole.
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												  From Revolution to Coalition – Radical Left Parties in Europee P uro e t Parties in t Parties F e l evolution to Coalition – r al C Birgit Daiber, Cornelia Hildebrandt, Anna Striethorst (Ed.) adi r From From revolution to Coalition – radiCal leFt Parties in euroPe 2 Manuskripte neue Folge 2 r osa luxemburg stiFtung Birgit Daiber, Cornelia Hildebrandt, Anna Striethorst (Ed.) From Revolution to Coalition – Radical Left Parties in Europe Birgit Daiber, Cornelia Hildebrandt, Anna Striethorst (Ed.) From revolution to Coalition – radiCal leFt Parties in euroPe Country studies of 2010 updated through 2011 Phil Hill (Translation) Mark Khan, Eoghan Mc Mahon (Editing) IMPRINT MANUSKRIPTE is published by Rosa-Luxemburg-Foundation ISSN 2194-864X Franz-Mehring-Platz 1 · 10243 Berlin, Germany Phone +49 30 44310-130 · Fax -122 · www.rosalux.de Editorial deadline: June 2012 Layout/typesetting/print: MediaService GmbH Druck und Kommunikation, Berlin 2012 Printed on Circleoffset Premium White, 100 % Recycling Content Editor’s Preface 7 Inger V. Johansen: The Left and Radical Left in Denmark 10 Anna Kontula/Tomi Kuhanen: Rebuilding the Left Alliance – Hoping for a New Beginning 26 Auður Lilja Erlingsdóttir: The Left in Iceland 41 Dag Seierstad: The Left In Norway: Politics in a centre-left government 50 Barbara Steiner: «Communists we are no longer, Social Democrats we can never be the Swedish Left Party» 65 Thomas Kachel: The British Left At The End Of The New Labour Era – An Electoral Analysis 78 Cornelia Hildebrandt: The Left Party in Germany 93 Stéphane Sahuc: Left Parties in France 114 Sascha Wagener: The Left
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												  Download DownloadTHE LEFT AND THE DECOMPOSITION OF THE PARTY SYSTEM IN ITALY Stephen Hellman Due to its domination by the largest and most interesting Communist Party in the West, the Italian left always moved according to its own rhythms, though it was never immune from the problems that afflicted the workers' movement and progressive forces everywhere. The PCI's distinctiveness earned it considerable attention, and no small amount of admiration, at times because it was successful and innovative (think of the heyday of Eurocommunism in the mid to late 1970s), and at other times simply because it wm. The existence of a large, flexible, and open organization like the PC1 -with the added bonus of Antonio Gramsci as a former leader - served as an inspiration to militants and intellectuals across Europe in their struggles against the obtuseness and lack of imagination of their own leaders, whether of the social democratic or the Brezhnevite variety. Distinctive to the end, the PC1 formally dissolved itself in 1991 while it still controlled more than a quarter of the seats in the Italian parliament. Other CPs, like the French, might cling to a practice and an identity that had failed to keep up with changing times, rendering such parties mar- ginalized onlookers even before the dissolution of the USSR. The PCI's new leader, Achille Occhetto, surrounded himself with renovators and tried radical therapy in an effort to reverse the decline that had afflicted the party for over a decade. Convinced that this decline would continue if the party simply reacted to events, Occhetto felt that a break with the past was needed to lay the groundwork for a recomposition of the entire left.
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												  The Radical Left in EuropeThe Radical Left in Europe The Radical Left in Europe – Rediscovering Hope Edited by Walter Baier, Eric Canepa 2019 and Haris Golemis MERLIN PRESS transform! Yearbook 2019 The Radical Left in Europe – Rediscovering Hope English edition published in the UK in 2019 by The Merlin Press Central Books Building Freshwater Road London RM8 1RX www.merlinpress.co.uk Editors: Walter Baier, Eric Canepa, Haris Golemis Managing Editor: Klemens Herzog Editorial Board: Walter Baier, Lutz Brangsch, Eric Canepa, Erhard Crome, Haris Golemis, Bernhard Müller, Dagmar Švendová transform! europe EUPF, Square de Meeûs 25, 1000 Brussels, Belgium Partially financed through a subsidy from the European Parliament Cover Illustration: Stavroula Drakopoulou ISSN 1865-3480 ISBN 978-0-85036-751-5 Printed in the UK by Imprint Digital, Exeter Contents Preface Walter Baier, Eric Canepa, Haris Golemis: The Radical Left in Europe – Rediscovering Hope 7 Becoming Subjects of History – Art, Theory, and Politics Frigga Haug: Contradictions in Marxist Feminism 21 Eva Brenner: A Theatre of Self-Emancipation – Jura Soyfer on Stage in Contemporary Vienna 35 Challenges for Left Strategy Tamás Krausz: Searching for Alternatives – Interviewed by Róbert Nárai 51 Walter Baier: Lenin, Luxemburg, Bauer – The Left and the National 73 Hans-Jürgen Urban: The Issue of Immigration – A Crucial Test for the Mosaic Left? 85 Alexandros Kioupkiolis: Counter-Hegemony, the Commons, and New City Politics 98 Theodora Kotsaka: Commons Transition and the Role of the State – A New Question for the Left
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												  The Left and Europe Birgit Daiber, 2013 a Narrative of the Communist Left and Europe: Essay on a Complicated Relationship, FocuThe Left and Europe Birgit Daiber, 2013 A Narrative of the Communist Left and Europe: Essay on a complicated relationship, focussing on the Italian and French communist parties The so-called radical left in Europe has traditionally had an ambivalent relationship to European integration. Even today, positions range from strict opposition through Euro-scepticism to a variety of reformist proposals. The differences within the radical left in regard to European integration are so deep that a coherent and structured cooperative effort – e.g. within the Left’s European Parliamentary Group GUE/NGL – is rather difficult.1 Cornelia Hildebrandt has identified four main differences in the positions of radical left parties in Europe: “The controversial positions of left parties range from a nearly uncritical acceptance of the European project, through critical reformist positions concerning the institutions and their neo-liberal policies, to euro-sceptical positions with fairly fundamental criticism and even complete rejection of the European project.2 Are the differences of position taken on Europe by the German Left Party (Linke), which precisely reflect the four different approaches Hildebrandt lists, due to the fact that this party has arrived at the European level relatively late? Do those Western European communist – and, today, post-communist – parties which faced the process of European integration throughout the post-war period, and which, as mass-parties, held a degree of at least oppositional political power in their countries, hold more coherent positions? My general question on history is: Did the communist left in Europe ever try to help shape European integration, beyond criticism of the European Union as a neo-liberal capitalist project, by putting forward specific strategies for change? I will attempt in this chapter to address these questions using the example of the two largest western European communist parties during the post-war era: the French PCF and the Italian PCI (the latter dissolved itself in 1991 and morphed into a center-left party).