Igniting Fire in Minds of Irish Men and Women Thomas Murray Explores How Revolutionary Ideals Were Watered Down in the 1922 Constitution
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AFTER THE RISING Left: Thomas Murray CAROLINE QUINN Right: the Irish delegation, including Éamon de Valera and Sinn Féin founder Arthur Griffith, in London for the Treaty negotiations in 1921. Far right: Darrell Figgis, who helped frame the 1922 Free State Constitution. GETTY IMAGES Igniting fire in minds of Irish men and women Thomas Murray explores how revolutionary ideals were watered down in the 1922 Constitution HAT ideas inspired accentuated the role of Catholicism in occurred. Irish workers refused to handle 1922 Constitution was a conservative the men and women defining ‘the people’. weapons for the British military, a factor instrument. It established a Westminster- who rose up in 1916? Mother Church’s self-appointed crucial to the IRA’s success. Workers also style parliamentary system of government How did those ideas role as mediator between peasant and took over the running of more than 80 under a type of constitutional monarchy. fare in the Irish Free landlord, nation and empire, had all but workplaces and established soviets at the Although it contained guarantees of civil W State founded in 1922? ensured this anomaly. Republicanism Cleeves factory in Limerick, at the foundry and political rights, substantive judicial In his book, Fire in the Minds of Men, thus involved the spiritual work of in Drogheda, Co Louth and in the coal review would remain inoperative for a the historian James Billington traces an undoing Holy Ireland’s confiscation and mines of Castlecomer, Co Kilkenny. generation. almost invisible thread of incendiary ideas anglicisation by a materialist superpower. The West was particularly awake. There were some changes. Provisions that inspired faith in revolutionary social Conversely, the Irish Citizen Army, Farmers and labourers revived midnight for direct democracy notably facilitated transformation across Europe from the admittedly a much smaller grouping campaigns of intimidation to expropriate a citizen’s initiative process to amend 1700s to the early 1900s. All had a common in the GPO, drew inspiration from the and redistribute land. A network of the constitution and to draft legislation. genesis in the motto of the French recent upsurge in labour movements popularly elected, local arbitration courts Interestingly, Kennedy believed such Revolution, ‘Liberty, Equality, Fraternity’. internationally. sprung up, sometimes to decide the terms provisions would have a ‘chilling’ effect In Ireland, too, the 1916 rebels Advocating syndicalism (or ‘Larkin-ism’ of land redistribution. For the first time on revolutionary movements. Subsequent shared common ideological roots in the in a Dublin accent), the ICA claimed that in Ireland, landlords were forcibly ousted governments, however, amended the Enlightenment-era republicanism of the fields and factories belonged to those from their homes. In these circumstances, Constitution to stop these provisions the United Irishmen, and the romantic who worked them, a right that could be the country’s wealthier land owners coming into effect. This ultimately nationalism of Young Ireland. In realised through forming one big union eventually turned from Westminster to the conservative Constitution belies the particular, the alliance of nationalists and mounting a general strike of all Sinn Féin party to put an end to ‘agrarian radical proposals advanced during its and socialists, notably Patrick Pearse and workers. Naturally, the owners of those Bolshevism’ and restore law and order. drafting. James Connolly, found common ground fields and factories, the Catholic hierarchy The making of the 1922 Irish Free In fact, ideas of popular ownership in the writings of the mid-19th century and Arthur Griffith’s Sinn Féin party were State Constitution shows how nationalist featured prominently during the early agrarian agitator, James Fintan Lalor. staunchly opposed to socialist ideas of leaders were already retreating from drafting stage at the Shelbourne Hotel At the height of the Great Famine redistribution as ‘godless’, ‘alien’, and even dangerous ideas of popular ownership. and later Constituent Assembly debates in Ireland and the 1848 Revolutions in ‘anti-national’. As the Anglo-Irish Treaty split the anti- at Dáil Éireann. In the spring of 1922, Europe, Lalor advanced a dangerous idea: Remarkably, for a brief colonial movement, Hugh drafters such as James Douglas and the principle “that the entire ownership period after the Rising, Kennedy, the Provisional Darrell Figgis initially included what of Ireland, moral and material, up to the ordinary men and women Government’s senior they called “the Pearse statement” in the sun and down to the centre, is vested of made the principle of law officer, argued that opening articles, explicitly providing for right in the people of Ireland; that they, the popular ownership “ popular disorder would “the right of every citizen to an adequate The country’s wealthier and none but they, are the landowners and a living reality. A mass have to be overcome by share of the produce of the nation’s lawmakers of this island”. boycott campaign broke landowners turned from ‘utterly ruthless action’ labour”. Of course, the men and women of 1916 the threat of conscription Westminster to the Sinn such as that used by the Clement France, a visiting US lawyer, had different understandings of who in 1918. Organised labour Reichswehr-Freikorps similarly claimed that the private control exactly should own Ireland in the event was notably resurgent Féin party to put an end in crushing the recent of natural resources and public utilities of their success. In a curious inversion of thereafter. Between 1918 to ‘agrarian Bolshevism’ Spartacist uprising in “would be subversive of the welfare of the European Enlightenment tradition, and 1923, five general Weimar Germany. the general public”. He explained: “The Irish republicanism in the early 1900s strikes and 18 local strikes and restore law and order Unsurprisingly, the persons who control and own the great 18 | Irish Independent 1916 Collection Irish Independent I Thursday 3 March 2016 AFTER THE RISING Political heirs to the rebellion While many veterans achieved high office, the descendants of the 1916 leaders were less fortunate, writes Gerard Siggins NCE the fighting was done, Kathleen Clarke was the widow of Tom many participants in the Rising Clarke and was a vocal member of the and the subsequent conflicts 1st and 2nd Dála where she opposed the O played important roles in Irish Treaty. She failed to win her seat in Dublin politics. For decades, to have been “out” Mid County in the 1922 election as an in 1916 almost seemed a pre-requisite for anti-Treaty Sinn Féiner, but was re-elected high office. Presidents Seán T O’Kelly for Fianna Fáil in Dublin North in June (GPO) and Éamon de Valera (Boland’s Mill) 1927. That Dáil lasted just a few weeks and saw action, as did taoisigh WT Cosgrave she lost her seat in November and failed (South Dublin Union), de Valera and Seán at a by-election in 1928. She served in the Lemass (GPO). Free State Seanad until it was abolished Several of the 16 executed men left in 1936. behind wives, children and siblings who She was also the first female Lord Mayor entered politics after the formation of the of Dublin (1939-41) and at the age of 70 Dáil and independence, but surprisingly contested the 1948 general election for few were successful. Clann na Poblachta but didn’t come close The son of Major John MacBride and to capturing a seat. Maud Gonne was the most notable. Seán Two of James Connolly’s children MacBride had been chief of staff of the served in the Oireachtas. Roddy Connolly IRA for a few months in 1936, but later ran for Labour in five general elections set up the republican socialist party and a by-election in Louth from 1943-54, Clann na Poblachta. He was elected to winning twice. He later ran unsuccessfully the Dáil in the Dublin County by-election in Dublin South Central. Nora Connolly in 1947 and in three subsequent general O’Brien had been a founding member of elections in Dublin South West. His the Young Republicans, the female wing party won 10 seats in 1948 and joined the of Na Fianna, and was 23 when her father Inter-Party Government with MacBride was shot. She was involved with several as Minister for External Affairs. In this far-left groupings and corresponded with portfolio he played important roles in Leon Trotsky, but from 1957 to 1969, she the implementation of the European served three Seanad terms as a nominee of Convention on Human Rights and the the Taoiseach. declaration of the Irish Republic in 1949. Michael O’Hanrahan’s brother Henry He lost his seat in 1957 and tried three O’Hanrahan was also given a death more times but was never elected again sentence for his role in the Rising at the and returned to practise as a barrister. He Jacob’s factory, but it was commuted to life Natural Resources of the Country also much like a Communistic doctrine”. was awarded the Nobel and Lenin Peace imprisonment. He ran for the Dáil in 1924 control the freedom and wellbeing of the Buoyed by its recent electoral victory, Prizes in the 1970s. but failed to be elected on the Republican people…The result has been in America the Provisional Government only secured Patrick Pearse’s mother, Margaret ticket in Dublin North when his better- that notwithstanding a Republican and its capacity to enforce these decisions in Pearse, was elected unopposed to the 2nd known running-mates Seán T O’Kelly and Democratic Government, an economic late 1922. Having effectively ended the Dáil in 1921 but was unseated on the final Ernie O’Malley were returned. autocracy has developed which controls civil war as a military contest, it thereafter count the following year when she stood in Tom Kent’s brother David Kent was a the Government of the Country and the quashed or conciliated residual outbreaks Dublin County as an anti-treaty Sinn Féin member of the first Dáil and re-elected personal liberties of the people almost as of agrarian or labour militancy.