Developing an Analysis of Threats to Voting Systems: Preliminary Workshop Summary
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Vote by Mail: Election Controversy in the Time of the Coronavirus Civil Conversation (Civcon) Lesson OVERVIEW
+ Vote by Mail: Election Controversy in the Time of the Coronavirus Civil Conversation (CivCon) Lesson OVERVIEW Our pluralistic democracy is based on a set of common principles such as justice, equality, liberty. These general principles are often interpreted quite differently in specific situation by individuals. Controversial legal and policy issues, as they are discussed in the public arena, often lead to polarization, not understanding. This civil conversation activity offers an alternative. In this structured discussion method, under the guidance of a facilitator, participants are encouraged to engage intellectually with challenging materials, gain insight about their own point of view and strive for a shared understanding of issues. OBJECTIVES By participating in civil conversation, students: 1. Gain a deeper understanding of a controversial issue. 2. Use close reading skills to analyze a text. 3. Present text-based claims. 4. Develop speaking, listening, and analytical skills. 5. Identify common ground among differing views. DISCUSSION FORMAT Time: Conversations for classroom purposes should have a time limit, generally ranging from 15 to 45 minutes and an additional five minutes to reflect on the effectiveness of the conversations. The reflection time is an opportunity to ask any students who have not spoken to comment on the things they have heard. Ask them who said something that gave them a new insight that they agreed or disagreed with. Consider the length/difficult of the text(s) students will use and how experienced in student-directed discussion your students are in determining the time. Small Groups: This discussion strategy is designed to ensure the participation of every student. -
Using HAVA Funds to Ensure Voters Can Safely Vote
Using HAVA Funds to Ensure Voters Can Safely Vote INTRODUCTION In the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, for many people, voting may seem like a choice between exercising their constitutional right and protecting their own health and safety. Vote-by-mail early voting, safe polling place procedures, and other protections must be expanded to make sure no one has to make that choice. Making sure our elections are not only highly accessible, but reliable, will take significant resources. Election officials must purchase new equipment, hire additional staff, and rent extra space—all of which cost money that they may not have budgeted for this year. To meet these needs, the Federal Government has approved some additional funding—HAVA Funds—that local and state public officials can use to ensure everyone can vote safely this year. There is still a need for additional appropriations of federal funds to support state and local election administration in 2020. WHAT ARE HAVA FUNDS? The Help America Vote Act (HAVA) was established to help states reform and bolster their election processes. States can generally request HAVA funding to protect poll workers, staff, and voters. Beyond protection, expenditures can include training and recruitment of workers. Additionally, as a result of COVID-19, funds can be requested to support vote by mail costs, temporary staff, and equipment, as well as other costs. As of March 27, 2020, a combined $825,000,000 has been appropriated to HAVA via the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2020 and the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act.1 Each state (and D.C.) receives an amount of funding based on voter population, as explained in the “How Much is Allocated Via HAVA Funds?” section. -
Securing US Elections Against Cyber Threats
September 2020 Perspective EXPERT INSIGHTS ON A TIMELY POLICY ISSUE QUENTIN E. HODGSON, MARYGAIL K. BRAUNER, EDWARD W. CHAN Securing U.S. Elections Against Cyber Threats Considerations for Supply Chain Risk Management n January 9, 2020, the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on House Administration heard testimony from the chief exec- utive officers of Election Systems and Software (ES&S), Hart InterCivic, and Dominion Voting Systems, the three largest O 1 vendors of U.S. election equipment. The committee chair asked each of the three leaders whether their companies’ equipment contained compo- nents from either Russia or China, basing her question on a recent Interos report that stated that 20 percent of the components in one major elec- tion equipment vendor’s machine came from China.2 All three executives noted that they use Chinese-manufactured components in their election equipment, in part because they did not have viable domestic sources for these components.3 The hearing reflects a broader concern about the exposure that technology supply chains have to China, combined with a widening focus on election security in the United States that gained C O R P O R A T I O N prominence following Russian interference in the election officials around the country to offer cyber- 2016 elections but has extended to encompass many security services and advice. As part of that work, worries about foreign actors’ ability to interfere with CISA convened two advisory councils, one of gov- a core component of American democracy. ernment officials from the federal, state, and local In January 2017, then–Secretary of Homeland levels in a government coordinating council (GCC) Security Jeh Johnson declared election infrastruc- and the other drawing from the election system ture to be part of the nation’s critical infrastruc- vendor community in a sector coordinating council ture, designating it a subsector of the Government (SCC). -
Electoral Systems, Direct Recording Electronic Voting Machines
Abstract This article explores the assemblage of voting: electoral systems, Direct Recording Electronic voting machines (DREs), ballots and ballot booths, and the central role of secrecy. Its aim is to argue that the contemporary political subjectivity of deliberation is intimately tied up with this assem- blage. Based on ethnographic research, this article shows how controversies around DREs can reveal the ways in which the very possibility for delibera- tion is tied to the structure and implementation of these machines. It argues for a new approach to deliberation that includes debate, participation and co-construction of the technical systems whereby we vote, as well as those where we express opinions. Towards an Anthropology of Deliberation Christopher M. Kelty 1 October 2008 1University of California, Los Angeles, Department of Information Studies and the Center for Society and Genetics) introduction A political scientist, a cognitive scientist, and a computer scientist walk into a room. What sounds like the beginning of a bad joke|something about the anxiety of requiring the word \science" in the job title|was actually a class that I participated in, in the Fall of 2006, called \Election Systems, Technologies and Administration" (see Fig 1). The class combined approaches from cognitive science, political science and computer science{but it wasn't necessarily an attempt to combine them into a coherent approach. Rather voting and elections were subjected to an array of approaches, as the course description made clear: \how individuals interact with technology," \how technologies are engineered to be secure and accurate" and \how the social aspects of voting fulfill democratic goals for elections." These approaches covered human factors engineering, human- computer interaction and cognitive models of information processing, com- puter security research, election outcomes analysis, voting behavior and so on. -
Black Box Voting Ballot Tampering in the 21St Century
This free internet version is available at www.BlackBoxVoting.org Black Box Voting — © 2004 Bev Harris Rights reserved to Talion Publishing/ Black Box Voting ISBN 1-890916-90-0. You can purchase copies of this book at www.Amazon.com. Black Box Voting Ballot Tampering in the 21st Century By Bev Harris Talion Publishing / Black Box Voting This free internet version is available at www.BlackBoxVoting.org Contents © 2004 by Bev Harris ISBN 1-890916-90-0 Jan. 2004 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form whatsoever except as provided for by U.S. copyright law. For information on this book and the investigation into the voting machine industry, please go to: www.blackboxvoting.org Black Box Voting 330 SW 43rd St PMB K-547 • Renton, WA • 98055 Fax: 425-228-3965 • [email protected] • Tel. 425-228-7131 This free internet version is available at www.BlackBoxVoting.org Black Box Voting © 2004 Bev Harris • ISBN 1-890916-90-0 Dedication First of all, thank you Lord. I dedicate this work to my husband, Sonny, my rock and my mentor, who tolerated being ignored and bored and galled by this thing every day for a year, and without fail, stood fast with affection and support and encouragement. He must be nuts. And to my father, who fought and took a hit in Germany, who lived through Hitler and saw first-hand what can happen when a country gets suckered out of democracy. And to my sweet mother, whose an- cestors hosted a stop on the Underground Railroad, who gets that disapproving look on her face when people don’t do the right thing. -
How Electronic Voting Companies' Proprietary Code Ruins Elections Andrew Massey
Hastings Communications and Entertainment Law Journal Volume 27 | Number 1 Article 6 1-1-2004 But We Have to Protect Our Source: How Electronic Voting Companies' Proprietary Code Ruins Elections Andrew Massey Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_comm_ent_law_journal Part of the Communications Law Commons, Entertainment, Arts, and Sports Law Commons, and the Intellectual Property Law Commons Recommended Citation Andrew Massey, But We Have to Protect Our Source: How Electronic Voting Companies' Proprietary Code Ruins Elections, 27 Hastings Comm. & Ent. L.J. 233 (2004). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_comm_ent_law_journal/vol27/iss1/6 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Communications and Entertainment Law Journal by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. "But we have to protect our source!": How Electronic Voting Companies' Proprietary Code Ruins Elections by ANDREW MASSEY* I. Introduction .................................................................................. 234 II. Voting Systems and Open Source Code .................................... 236 A . V oting System s ............................................................................. 236 B . O pen Source C ode ....................................................................... 238 III. Proprietary -
How to Run Pandemic-Sustainable Elections: Lessons Learned from Postal Voting
How to run pandemic-sustainable elections: Lessons learned from postal voting Hanna Wass1*, Johanna Peltoniemi1, Marjukka Weide,1,2 Miroslav Nemčok3 1 Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Helsinki, Finland 2 Department of Social Sciences and Philosophy, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Jyväskylä, Finland 3 Department of Political Science, University of Oslo * Correspondence: [email protected] Keywords: pandemic elections, postponing elections, electoral reform, voter facilitation, convenience voting, postal voting Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has made it clear that the traditional “booth, ballot, and pen” model of voting, based on a specific location and physical presence, may not be feasible during a health crisis. This situation has highlighted the need to assess whether existing national electoral legislation includes enough instruments to ensure citizens’ safety during voting procedures, even under the conditions of a global pandemic. Such instruments, often grouped under the umbrella of voter facilitation or convenience voting, range from voting in advance and various forms of absentee voting (postal, online, and proxy voting) to assisted voting and voting at home and in hospitals and other healthcare institutions. While most democracies have implemented at least some form of voter facilitation, substantial cross-country differences still exist. In the push to develop pandemic- sustainable elections in different institutional and political contexts, variation in voter facilitation makes it possible to learn from country-specific experiences. As accessibility and inclusiveness are critical components of elections for ensuring political legitimacy and accountability, particularly in times of crisis, these lessons are of utmost importance. In this study, we focus on Finland, where the Parliament decided in March 2021 to postpone for two months the municipal elections that were originally scheduled to be held on April 18. -
Chapter 08-Talion
Company Information 63 This free internet version is available at www.BlackBoxVoting.org Black Box Voting — © 2004 Bev Harris Rights reserved. ISBN 1-890916-90-0. Paperback version can be purchased at www.Amazon.com 8 Company Information (What you won’t find on the company Web sites) If anything should remain part of the public commons, it is voting. Yet as we have progressed through a series of new voting methods, control of our voting systems, and even our understanding of how they work, has come under new ownership. “It’s a shell game, with money, companies and corporate brands switching in a blur of buy-outs and bogus fronts. It’s a sink- hole, where mobbed-up operators, paid-off public servants, crazed Christian fascists, CIA shadow-jobbers, war-pimping arms dealers — and presidential family members — lie down together in the slime. It’s a hacker’s dream, with pork-funded, half-finished, secretly-programmed computer systems installed without basic security standards by politically-partisan private firms, and pro- tected by law from public scrutiny.” 1 The previous quote, printed in a Russian publication, leads an article which mixes inaccuracies with disturbing truths. Should we assume crooks are in control? Is it a shell game? Whatever it is, it has certainly deviated from community-based counting of votes by the local citizenry. We began buying voting machines in the 1890s, choosing clunky mechanical-lever machines, in part to reduce the shenanigans going This free internet version is available at www.BlackBoxVoting.org 64 Black Box Voting on with manipulating paper-ballot counts. -
Black Box Voting Report
330 SW 43rd St Suite K PMB-547 Renton WA 98055 425-793-1030 – [email protected] http://www.blackboxvoting.org The Black Box Report SECURITY ALERT: July 4, 2005 Critical Security Issues with Diebold Optical Scan Design Prepared by: Harri Hursti [email protected] Special thanks to Kalle Kaukonen for pre-publication review On behalf of Black Box Voting, Inc. A nonprofit, nonpartisan, 501c(3) consumer protection group for elections Executive Summary The findings of this study indicate that the architecture of the Diebold Precinct-Based Optical Scan 1.94w voting system inherently supports the alteration of its basic functionality, and thus the alteration of the produced results each time an election is prepared. The fundamental design of the Diebold Precinct-Based Optical Scan 1.94w system (AV OS) includes the optical scan machine, with an embedded system containing firmware, and the removable media (memory card), which should contain only the ballot box, the ballot design and the race definitions, but also contains a living thing – an executable program which acts on the vote data. Changing this executable program on the memory card can change the way the optical scan machine functions and the way the votes are reported. The system won’t work without this program on the memory card. Whereas we would expect to see vote data in a sealed, passive environment, this system places votes into an open active environment. With this architecture, every time an election is conducted it is necessary to reinstall part of the functionality into the Optical Scan system via memory card, making it possible to introduce program functions (either authorized or unauthorized), either wholesale or in a targeted manner, with no way to verify that the certified or even standard functionality is maintained from one voting machine to the next. -
Postal Voting and Electoral Fraud: a Reply to Richard Mawrey QC
democraticaudit.com http://www.democraticaudit.com/?p=3646 Postal voting and electoral fraud: a reply to Richard Mawrey QC By Democratic Audit Postal votes have long been a source of suspicion, with allegations of fraud seemingly never far away. But while recent allegations by Richard Marrey QC should be taken seriously, it is not in reality a particularly widespread problem, nor something which routinely effects the results of important elections. More serious, argues Toby S. James, is the continuing problem of under-registration and disengagement with the political system, which could be further reinforced by the removal of the postal voting option. The third news item on the Today programme at 8.00am yesterday morning was that a judge had called for postal voting to be scrapped because of concerns about ballot rigging. Postal voting was ‘not viable’, the judge claimed. We might therefore imagine that new evidence or revelations had been unearthed about the levels of electoral fraud in Britain, something that a lot of academics and organisations such as the Electoral Commission have been very keen to establish because of the consequences it would have for British democracy. The substance of the story, however, was largely the claim from Richard Mawrey QC made in an interview with John Humphrys that postal voting made electoral fraud ‘on an industrial scale’ possible in the UK. This was not news, however. Mr Mawrey first famously criticised postal voting nine years ago when he claimed that electoral fraud would disgrace a “banana republic”. The prominence of the story on the Today programme and the BBC website perhaps owed more to the scheduling of Radio’s File On 4 programme, which focussed on electoral fraud last night. -
Election Assistance Commission Plans for Use of CARES Act Report to the Pandemic Response Accountability Committee
Election Assistance Commission Plans for Use of CARES Act Report to the Pandemic Response Accountability Committee The Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security (CARES) Act provided $400 million to the Election Assistance Commission (EAC) to allocate to states, the District of Columbia and U.S. Territories “to prevent, prepare for, and respond to coronavirus, domestically or internationally, for the 2020 Federal election cycle.” Section 15011 of the Act requires federal agencies to provide their plans for using the funds to the Pandemic Response Accountability Committee. This document provides that information. The CARES Act provided the funds to EAC under Section 101 of the Help America Vote Act (HAVA) which authorizes EAC to provide funds to states to “improve the administration of federal elections.” Therefore, EAC followed the requirements of Section 101 to allocate the funds to the states to address issues arising from the pandemic during the remaining primaries and the general election in November 2020. (See Appendix A for the State Allocation Chart). EAC issued Notices of Grant Award and guidance to the states on April 6, meeting the requirement in the CARES Act to obligate the funds within 30 days of passage of the Act. States were required to describe their anticipated usage of the funds in their Funding Request Letters (See Appendix B for anticipated state usage of the funds.) In the guidance to the states, EAC provided the following list of allowable activities: • Printing of additional ballots and envelopes for potential -
2008 Post Election Survey Report to Congress
DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE Eighteenth Report: 2008 Post Election Survey Report March 2011 This report has been prepared by the staff of the Federal Voting Assistance Program Washington, DC Executive Summary This is the eighteenth report on military and overseas absentee voting progress since the enactment of the Federal Voting Assistance Act of 1955. It covers the period from 2004 through 2008, with a focus on the November 2008 general election. The Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act of 1986 (UOCAVA), 42 USC §1973ff et sec, covers the voting rights of absent Uniformed Services members1 (including the Coast Guard, the Commissioned Corps of the Public Health Service, and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration), and the Merchant Marine, whether residing within the United States or abroad, as well as their dependents of voting age. UOCAVA also covers all other U.S. citizens residing outside the United States. UOCAVA requires the States and territories to allow these citizens to register and vote in elections for Federal office using absentee voting procedures and provides the authority for the administration of Federal voting assistance responsibilities. UOCAVA covers an estimated 6 million citizens, including two to four million overseas citizens not affiliated with the government, 1.51 million Active Duty members, and 1 million military dependents.2 Management of the program requires coordination with Executive Branch departments and agencies, the Congress, State and local governments, political parties, and national and overseas voting organizations. In October 2009, UOCAVA was amended by the Military and Overseas Voter Empowerment Act (MOVE Act) which was enacted as part of the FY 2010 National Defense Authorization Act (P.L.