UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI
Date:______
I, ______, hereby submit this work as part of the requirements for the degree of: in:
It is entitled:
This work and its defense approved by:
Chair: ______
Rural Preservation Planning:
Indian Hill, Ohio, Carmel, California, Redlands, Florida
A thesis submitted to the
Division of Research and Advanced Studies at the
University of Cincinnati
In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Community Planning
In the department of Planning of the
College of Design, Architecture, Art, and Planning
2005
By
Charles Munz Baum
B.S. University of Cincinnati, 1998
Committee Chair: Robert Manley
Committee Member: John E. Kleymeyer
Committee Member: Heidi Arnold
ABSTRACT
The role of planners in land use and zoning is quite natural. The lack of planning is characterized by sprawl or other unattractive land use mixture where an area is perhaps not as pleasant as it could have been. Therefore whenever planning practice not only successfully prevents urban sprawl but indeed helps in the creation and preservation of a unique place, it certainly would seem worth examining. Since urban planners are predisposed to look at the planning and implementation of community development in urban or built-up city places, the field’s role in the proactive preservation of non-urban areas within the framework of a larger planned region seems pivotal and fascinating because it best illustrates and isolates land use planning itself, apart from the physical built form, which is the realm of architects. Regional planning should not be exclusively defined as concrete structural planning, with rural preservation being the forgotten stepchild, relegated to undevelopable waste lands. If such is the case, the regional planner has not done an excellent job. The purpose of this study is to illustrate the importance of and the need for the preservation of rural places within larger urban regions. This research project attempts to more closely examine the role of the planner in rural or natural preservation and the inherent benefits to society of such preservation. Specifically, I will look at three diverse communities at separate corners of the United States which are linked only by the commonality of uniquely preserving some rural quality which stands in contrast to neighboring and otherwise comparable communities.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to gratefully acknowledge my personal thanks to Committee Members Robert Manley and Heidi Arnold who, in the process, have become very good friends. Thanks to Jack Kleymeyer for going along for another ride in academic thesis writing and compilation. Thanks to my beloved Terry Munz for giving me many of the ideas. And thank you to my Aunt Mary Anne Munz for reining as matriarch and queen of South Dade for nearly fifty years and rivaling the Duchess of Windsor in Nassau.
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Table of Contents
Chapter 1 ………. Introduction 5
Chapter 2 ………. Literature Review 7
Chapter 3 ………. Methodology 18
Chapter 4 ………. Findings:
Carmel 21
Redlands 28
Indian Hill 55
Chapter 5 ………. Conclusions 92
Bibliography ………………………….96
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CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION
Today is big with blessings for the aspiring community planner. This is a profession where dreams and visions can become reality in a relatively short period of time thanks to the Planner’s greatest tool: land use regulation. The end result of conscious and comprehensive foresight and planning is that the community doing the planning ends up as a better place in which to work, shop, or play. These planned places which came into being because some group wanted to create or preserve something special serve as testaments not only to the value of the planning profession but indeed to the hopes and aspirations which embody the best aspects of mankind. There is no larger or more visible manifestation of the human contribution to the planet than the place or community they create and inhabit. This thesis is about how planning and land use regulations impact the formation of a unique community. I'm using Indian Hill, Ohio, and Carmel, California, as specific case studies and existing examples of excellent planned communities. I will also look at Redlands, Florida, a community which is currently attempting to incorporate and preserve its uniqueness. My study questions will be: what did these places do right or differently than other communities; what makes them unique; and how are they able to maintain and preserve their unique environments from a legal and public governmental perspective. In 1926 the Advisory Committee on Zoning appointed by then U.S. Secretary of Commerce Herbert Hoover drafted a model for a “standard state enabling act” for municipal zoning. In that same year, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled on the critical case of Euclid, Ohio vs. the Ambler Realty Company. The Supreme Court ruled in favor of Euclid, Ohio, and stated that zoning was constitutional, providing that it is designed to protect the public health, welfare, and safety. The State of Florida became the last state to adopt a version of this standard act in 1939. From Ohio to Florida, planning’s beginnings and its future, this thesis will examine key issues, concepts, and examples from some of the best examples.
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The Redlands Miami-Dade County Florida
Urban Sprawl Already encroaching
The differences in natural and environmental settings as well as climate in these three places was deliberate. Also deliberate is the fact that these three places are located at opposite corners of the United States. The reason being that planning and land use regulations are the only common aspect which makes these communities unique from other communities in their respective immediate or regional vicinity. Because the local of these places is so diverse, one can better see the impact and importance of planning itself. The benefits associated with planning will be all the more evident, which is a goal of this thesis. When one examines the sprawl of the greater Cincinnati area, for instance, there appears to be a typical expanse of an American urban realm. From the original downtown basin, walking city; to the city-neighborhood, streetcar suburbs; to the interstates and independent suburban communities, extending throughout eight or more counties and three states, the greater Cincinnati region is quite large. There seems to be the often-repeated urban growth pattern one may find throughout the United States in cities of similar age and character. One thing that sets greater Cincinnati apart from this rather mundane analogy is the existence of the second largest municipality in the area (second in size only to the city of Cincinnati itself) which occupies a large portion of northeastern Hamilton County- The Village of Indian Hill.
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CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW
Because of the fact that my chosen thesis topic comprises three separate communities, I have tried to organize this thesis into subsections. Each of the three sections deals with one of the three communities and with what others have done in specific articles, books, and studies of each particular area. The overall umbrella with which I will unite these places into a cohesive and relevant thesis will be the theme of genus loci, or power of place, and how, through the creative use of urban land use zoning and regulation, each of these places has created and maintained this quality.
Indian Hill, Ohio
I have already compiled and completed much of the background information and leg-work involved for Indian Hill, as it was my undergraduate thesis, which, happily (and lucky for me!) current Committee Member Kleymeyer served as Faculty Advisor. His kind note to me at the time, saying simply, characteristically, and succinctly, “it is very good,” is something I have kept and cherished. Anyway, my framework and knowledge base for Indian Hill comes from a variety of sources, as any good research project should. Obviously, I own and have read and studied the Indian Hill Charter, Land Use Plan, Zoning Ordinance, and Land Use Objectives and Policies. These documents, as well as attending City Council and Planning Board meetings provided my personal introduction and knowledge foundation
7 about the planning profession. Having grown up in the area, I had obviously made the un-astute casual observation that Indian Hill was somehow different than other local suburbs. There was more green, and it took up more space on local maps! As I learned to understand and interpret these professional documents through the help of my classes with professors Kleymeyer, Noe, Allor, and others, I came to appreciate the simplistic elegance in the language that in reality translated into having a huge impact on the built (or un-built) physical environment. The power involved in being able to understand and restate the specifics and legalities of these documents, which were, after all, legal documents as a matter of course, led me to the unenviable but no less unique and satisfying realization that what I was becoming was a professional plan reviewer. This niche was tremendously helpful, career-wise, because it is unique and needs to be done. It is also of tremendous pragmatic importance to all forms of local and regional municipalities as well as to private developers. Back to Indian Hill, three semi-historical works became another cornerstone of my “comprehensive study” (don’t you love buzz words!) of the area. These were Hither and Yon on Indian Hill by Eleanor Gholson Taft; From Camargo to Indian Hill by Virginia S. White; and the Cincinnati Country Club Yearbook by the Cincinnati Country Club Board of Governors. These wonderful books, I, for all intents and purposes, committed to memory. I could be given a sentence in any one and immediately recite the rest of the chapter. I was lucky to get them and am lucky to own them because they were all printed in limited editions and not generally available. This not only made me a wiz at historical background information, but also helped me to find my “voice” in both writing and retelling of certain watershed events which I knew were important to the formation of Indian Hill. Obviously, in addition to these, I found countless newspaper articles (going back as far as the old Cincinnati Times-Star!) and various other publications, most notably, the Green Areas Study by John A. Bentley and Associates; and the 1925 Cincinnati Master Plan for Indian Hill’s influence from and influence on the rest of the region. I also worked with the Indian Hill Historical Society Administrator Julie Brumleve and was given free rein of their wonderful offices at Buckingham Lodge and the Little Red Schoolhouse. From this, I was able to assemble and compile all the relevant data on
8 important structures and houses in Indian Hill as well as to access valuable research material on name origins- most notably that of Camargo Road.
Indian Hill Historical Society
Woods and Field
9 Redlands, Florida
So this brings me to one of the two other communities my thesis will involve. Let’s talk about Redlands, Florida. If you haven’t heard of it, there’s really no need to wonder why. Politically and legally it doesn’t exist, as yet. According to the Miami- Dade County Metro Government web site, about half of the county’s population of two million souls lives in the dubiously titled area known as “Unincorporated Dade.” This simply refers to the fact that their home is in a portion of Dade County that was never incorporated or annexed into an incorporated municipality. As a “metro” government, with some prominence having been made in the fact that the City of Miami and Dade County operate as a quasi-single governmental unit, living in Unincorporated Dade simply means that all city services such as police protection, water, zoning, and the like are handled by the Miami-Dade County Metro Government. Redlands, or Redland, or “the” Redlands (depending on who you are talking to) refers to an area of Unincorporated Dade comprising roughly 65 square miles, with a population of 15,000. It is bounded on the east by US 1, the west by the Everglades, the north by Cutler Ridge, and the south by the City of Homestead. As with Indian Hill, Redlands is big in area. For a perspective, the area is about one and a half times the size of Walt Disney World, or about 3 times the size of Manhattan. Clearly a large tract. (Please see next page)
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Map by Author, 2005
Yet, as we have seen in Indian Hill, such is the nature of rural preservation planning. Redlands, in some ways, is more strictly zoned than Indian Hill. Minimum residential lot sizes are 5 acres! Yet in other ways, it is looser, there is a decent amount of commercial business activity in Redlands; chiefly lime groves, tropical plant nurseries, and farm product sales. But, again, such was the situation in Indian Hill in the 1940’s up until the time of incorporation. Indeed, Indian Hill’s zoning and land use still allow for such sales and agrarian land uses. The Charter and subsequent land use documents are all written if not to encourage such activities, then certainly not to prevent them. As I point out in my Indian Hill documentation, the community directive that, “…the character and uses of the area within the Village may not be changed, and that it shall continue to be a rural neighborhood of homes and farms,” is given precedence in the municipal code even before the establishment of home rule or the formation of a municipal government body. The basis for my study of the area will necessarily come from a variety of sources and I will use a similar framework as in Indian Hill because I feel it is a good way to gain historical and legal foundations for any arguments and suppositions. I am also personally
11 familiar and comfortable with this format. What I mean is that I have developed a formula for knowing such a community that works for me. Basically, as I have described with Indian Hill, I familiarize myself with all government documentation which currently comprise any legal justification and powers of the community. I reinforce my knowledge base by pouring over any published material on the community, especially in a completed book format. Finally I get to know some key community figures in order to get some first hand knowledge and insight about what has happened and what is currently happening with the area. This will be done, or at least attempted in all three communities. Then an overall umbrella theme of genus loci or the importance of place and how best to preserve (in the case of my chosen places) the rural or natural elements and why that is important will be the thrust of the study. Now, specific to Redlands, the current Miami Dade County Municipal Code is the current legal framework which governs the community. I have a copy of this and all government meetings, minutes and changes are readily available on the County’s web site. Also (and equally important) is the Municipal Advisory Committee (MAC) whose goal it is to incorporate the Redlands as a city. They have published the Redland Incorporation Study for Agriculture (RISA), a 42 page document, which I own, that is as detailed and comprehensive as any municipal plan I have ever reviewed. These are the legal documents that will be most vital to my thesis. There have also been two books published about the area. These are A Journey Through Time: A History of South Dade by Paul S. George, and The Villages of South Dade by Jean Taylor. Obviously, there is also sporadic coverage of the area in The Miami Herald and The South Dade News Leader, a local newspaper. Another personal advantage in this study is the people who I know who are intimately involved with the area. My Aunts Mary Anne and Terry Munz and cousin Charles “Pinky” Munz own much of the land in the area. Several large tracts comprise lime groves which have been in my family for many years. Pinky also owns two of the more prominent businesses in the area, The Redland Company and the Redland Plant Nursery. Since beginning my research, I have also befriended a remarkable woman named Pat Kozlovskis-Wade. Dr. Kozlovskis-Wade is an Associate Professor at the University of Miami in Coral Gables, a resident of the Redlands, and one of the leaders of the pro-
12 incorporation Municipal Advisory Committee. She has already been of tremendous help to me in my research. She has also given a new vitality to the importance of this study by imparting the valuable information fact that Redlands is the only subtropical growing region in the continental United States. Talk about “unique” community; and certainly a justification for rural preservation. I also hope to meet with Paul S. George, the author of A Journey Through Time: A History of South Dade and one of the most prominent local historians in South Florida. George is also a professor of history at Miami-Dade Community College. Also on the “hopeful” shortlist are the two current Miami-Dade County Commissioners who’s districts comprised the proposed area to be incorporated. These are Commissioners Katy Sorenson and Dennis Moss. Of course, and perhaps happily, they are divided on the issue. Commissioner Sorenson is a Milwaukee native who has served as president of the California Women’s Bar Association, and lives is Pinecrest with her husband, an M.D. She is a strong proponent of incorporation. Commissioner Moss is a lifelong resident of South Dade and against incorporation.
Map by Author, 2005
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Redlands MAC proposed incorporation area. Source: http://miamidade.gov/wps/portal
14 Carmel, California
Certainly my personal weakest point in the subject matter of this thesis is in the area of Carmel. I first visited this city on the Monterey Peninsula during the summer of 2003. I fell in love with the city and its microclimate because of its uniqueness. By this I am referring to the many trees in the city which are allowed to grow and thrive at the expense of the built environment. Also there are no street signs and no neon commercial signs. There is also a general bohemian feel to the place and an almost palpable pro-arts attitude. Staying at the Cypress Inn, it was also of note to realize the high quality of local reverence for the dog. Obviously there is also the proximity to Pebble Beach and Big Sur. But Carmel is a particularly good example of genus loci, or power of place, which is part of the umbrella element under-which I intend to tie the three separate parts of this study together into a cohesive whole. The micro climate is also noteworthy to a native of Ohio. To my surprise, late July and early August were not only not hot but actually cold. This has nothing to do with planning or this thesis, but it is worth mentioning to the casual observer. Following my formula, the City of Carmel-by-the-Sea Municipal Code is available online and I have downloaded a copy. The reason I expect this particular municipal code to be somewhat unique is because of the way Carmel is regarded by other California locals. It is an enormous tourist draw and attraction from San Francisco to Los Angeles. It is unofficially regarded as the backbone of the Central California Coast tourist industry because of the fact that it is a collection of shops, restaurants, and art galleries just south of Pebble Beach and just north of Big Sur. The City of Monterrey is located nearby and is far larger. The City of Salinas, is the County Seat of Monterrey County. Santa Cruz, located just north up the coast, is regarded as the counterpart to Carmel because it is as rough and unsophisticated as Carmel is refined and sophisticated. Santa Cruz if kind of a carnival atmosphere where Carmel is more of an artistic colony. There is a branch of the University of California system at Santa Cruz to that city’s benefit.
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Carmel, California
I suspected that there would be a number of published books about Carmel because it has been such a Mecca to both artists and writers. Cottages by the Sea by Linda Leigh Paul is the first I have found. The seacoast of Bohemia; an account of early Carmel by Franklin Dickerson Walker is another. The city itself is also poised to favor the research of its history because of its easily accessible government and officials- the entire city is an easy walk. As I expected, there also exists a Carmel Heritage Society which should prove to be a treasure trove of local historical information on how the area came into being and to what extent land use regulation were a part of that. The Harrison Memorial Library, which is run by the city, has an excellent Local History Department. I am also aware of a video production entitled “Don’t Pave Main Street,” which is narrated by Doris Day and Clint Eastwood, two local celebrities and Carmel preservation proponents, and may prove a valuable source on local preservation. When I am actually there, I feel pretty confident that I will be able to meet and interview or at least absorb some of the feelings of some local historian or government officials. The small scale of
16 the city lends credence to this possibility for, despite the small size and population, Carmel takes city government seriously. There is a full City Council (the majority of whom received degrees from Stanford) and full range of city departments. I hope to incorporate and coordinate a visit to Carmel and about a weeks worth of intense field research there with my attendance of the American Planning Association National Conference 2005, which is being held this year (happily) just up the road in San Francisco in late March. This will correspond perfectly with my research and the point in time at which I’ll be ready to conduct the physical parts of interviewing and research gathering that would actually require me to be in Carmel.
Map by Author 2005
17 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY
As discussed in the Literature Review section, my methodology will involve conducting a plan review of the existing governmental documents which form the basis of the City of the Village of Indian Hill, the Redlands, and Carmel-by-the-Sea. For more content on what has actually been written about each of these places, please see my preliminary bibliography at the end of this paper, which is already fairly extensive. In addition to reviewing the Indian Hill Charter, Zoning Code, Land Use Code, Land Use Objectives and Policies; the Carmel-by-the-Sea Municipal Code; and the Redland Incorporation Study (RISA), I will also visit each of these places for interviews with local community leaders and stake holders. Happily, each of these places has at least a few books having been written about it. From Camargo to Indian Hill, Hither and Yon on Indian Hill; Cottages by the Sea, The Seacoast of Bohemia; and A Journey Through Time: A History of South Dade, and The Villages of South Dade will also be vital to the study as well as whatever relevant literature I can get my hands on. I will extrapolate the relevant aspects of each of these data sources and attempt to incorporate said data into the overall umbrella of genus loci or uniqueness of place. In essence, the thesis will try and point out unique aspects of each community based on the Municipal Code Reviews, literature reviews, and personal interviews. By personally visiting each place, I feel that I will be uniquely qualified to form some sort of personal opinion and argument about Vernon Lee’s quote about Genus Loci:
“To certain among us, undeniably, places, localities (I can find no reverent and tender enough expression for them in our practical, personal language) become objects of intense and most intimate feeling. Quite irrespective of their inhabitants, and virtually of their written history, they can touch us like living creatures; and one can have with them friendship of the deepest and most satisfying sort.”
–Vernon Lee, “Genius Loci: Notes on Places”
18 It is with this intellectual spirit and frame of perception from which I develop the basic framework of my thesis project. The importance of this topic to Planners and the field of Urban Planning should be, I believe, something that is very intimate and personal. Certainly, everyone has a favorite place or somewhere that makes them feel especially comfortable or happy. If one takes away the mundane profit motive of developers and also removes the altruistic goal of community service for the sake of improving humanity; what do we have left? I believe it is a special reality that the urban planner or indeed any observant citizen comes to know at certain quiet moments when they allow their environment to “speak” to them. Lee attempts to define this intangible but quite real feeling as when a particular place manifests itself by, “charming us, raising our spirits, subduing our feeling into serenity and happiness, singing in our memory like melodies and bringing out whatever small twitter of music there may be in our soul.” L’art du bien vivre, indeed! My personal approach to best illustrate this concept will be through the examination and comparison of three communities which I believe or have found to possess that special something which contributes to the lives of both residents and visitors. Specifically, as a planning dissertation, the work will seek to examine what aspects of planning and, more specifically, land use regulation have contributed to the formation of the place and to what extent planning law has and is currently providing the means for the preservation of these unique places. I do not use the word ‘unique’ lightly or in a casual sense. Indeed, one of the primary goals of the thesis will be to illustrate just what makes these places unique from any other place and how planning has played a part in that. It is with all this in mind that I believe originality, rigor, and individuality (the basic hallmarks of a good thesis) will be best and most clearly manifested in my project. The building blocks of the study lie in the existing literature on each of these places.
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Pacific Ocean (foreground); Carmel (middle); Carmel Valley (background)
20 CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS
I have done some municipal plan review work on the Carmel-by-the-Sea Municipal Code as well as some background history and documentation about the planning process in the State of Florida. The reason for this has been to somewhat familiarize myself with some of the key aspects about Carmel before I make the physical trip and also to try and justify the work that has already been done, reflected in the material that I have gathered about the Redlands incorporation initiative. By justification, I am referring to the legal framework and regulations which have been followed to date in bringing a successful incorporation drive to the Redlands. Because of certain logistical and situational differences, the Carmel portion of this thesis concentrates more heavily on historic preservation because that is and has been a more relevant issue for Carmel, while the Redlands portion will focus more on governmental policy related to community formation and incorporation. Indian Hill should serve to somewhat blend these two by illustrating a community that incorporated in order to preserve unique land and built aspects which were valued by community residents.
21 Carmel
The City of Carmel-by-the-Sea, California has a long standing history of historic preservation. Its current Municipal Code was adopted in 1985 in order to comply with the Governmental Code of the State of California as authorized by the California State Legislature. The Historic Preservation Sections of the Code are covered in Title 15 “Buildings and Construction” as well as Title 12 “Streets, Sidewalks, and Public Places” and Title 17 “Zoning.” Carmel was founded in the early 20th century by a group of artists. Its bohemian atmosphere has been much prized by subsequent residents. Its location on the Monterrey Peninsula, about two hours south of San Francisco, has also been something of a benefit to the city. Carmel is a coastal town that has tried, through legislation, to preserve its rural feel and small-structure quaint built environment. In a book by Franklin Walker entitled, The seacoast of Bohemia; an account of early Carmel, there is a description of this artist colony and spirit with which the community was founded. Those doing the building had a keen appreciation for the uniqueness and beauty of the area. This is significant because it helps one understand the spirit and meaning behind the documents and legal framework that helped to mold the city’s future.
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Downtown Carmel
The city is actually small in area, located on a bluff adjacent to a beach on the Pacific Ocean. The famous Pebble Beach is located along Carmel’s northern border, and the famous Big Sur is located to the south. The terrain is rugged, California mountains tend to give a certain isolationist feeling to many similarly situated California communities. Carmel also has a micro-climate. It is quite often densely foggy and cool, especially in the summer. This contrasts sharply with the adjacent Carmel Valley, which is usually warm and sunny year-round. Carmel is in Monterrey County, but is far smaller than Salinas, the County Seat, or even nearby Monterrey. Because of its preservation efforts, Carmel has remained small in population, but this has not diminished its importance in the region. Carmel is regarded as one of the main tourist destinations along California’s Central Coast. It is close in size to Santa Cruz, its neighbor just up the coast, but has become far more sophisticated than this more roughneck town. The preservation of the beautiful buildings of Carmel has led to their usage being limited to mainly shops; art
23 galleries; and small, intimate restaurants. There are also several small “boutique” hotels interspersed throughout the small downtown. Yet the thing that makes Carmel so unique isn’t really even the buildings that are there. Instead, the uniqueness comes from what is not there. Streets are not paved. There are no numbers to identify buildings. Instead, a building is identified by its proximity to a given road intersection. There are also no neon signs and any sort of sign is strictly regulated. There are no fast food restaurants in Carmel, no drive through establishment of any kind, and this has all allowed Carmel to remain, in essence, a true walking city.
typical Carmel street Getting back to the Municipal Code, Title 12 “Streets, Sidewalks, and Public Places” gives detailed and specific directions and specifications for: sidewalk construction and repair; building encroachments; obstruction of streets and sidewalks; excavations; storm water utility; driveways; trees and shrubs; conduct on public property; camping on public lands; news rack placement; and construction adjacent to public ways. It is quite intricate and detailed and I omit quotes from this section only in the interest of
24 space. One illustration of the importance espoused to the historic preservation of not just the built environment was a film entitled “Don’t Pave Main Street” composed in the late 1980’s by local residents and preservation proponents Clint Eastwood and Doris Day. Title 15 “Buildings and Construction” along with Title 17 “Zoning” are the main parts of the Carmel-by-the-Sea Municipal Code dealing with Historic Preservation of buildings. It reads, in part, “No permit shall be issued for any building…where such permit involves the remodeling, reconstruction, or alteration of an existing building which appreciably changes or alters the appearance or architecture of the exterior of such building as seen from a public street or any portion of the building site normally accessible to the general public.” This strict edict is enforced by various local boards with strict penalties for any violation. There is an intricate description in this section of the code for everything from wall depth to placement of television antennae. The Zoning title in the Code establishes districts related to commercial or residential usage, with specifications and limitations for each. However it would be misleading and inaccurate to define any one of these as a historic preservation district because the entire city enforces historic preservation to such a degree that it is more accurate to state that the entire City of Carmel is an historic district. The spirit of Carmel can most clearly be demonstrated in the Historic Preservation section of the Zoning title in the Code. “The purpose… is to protect and preserve architectural, cultural, or historic sites, structures, and districts which have made significant contribution to the character of Carmel-by-the-Sea.” There are historic design guidelines and a Historic Preservation Committee, designation procedures, criteria for determination of significance, and incentives for designations. Related to all these specifics in Carmel is the California Office of Historic Preservation in Sacramento. The State Plan identifies historic and emerging historic preservation issues throughout the state; establishes the vision, mission, and priorities for the Office of Historic Preservation; Identifies preservation goals and objectives for integrating historic preservation into the broader planning and decision-making at local, regional, and state levels; and identifies preservation partners and their contributions needed to accomplish the State Plan’s goals and objectives.
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Downtown overview (Pacific Ocean in background)
The role of this Office is to preserve and enhance California’s, “irreplaceable historic heritage as a matter of public interest so that its vital legacy of cultural, educational, recreational, aesthetic, economic, social, and environmental benefits will be maintained and enriched for present and future generations.” The Office provides technical assistance to the state’s municipalities in developing and implementing specific local historic preservation programs. It also administers the Certified Local Government Program, a national program charged with encouraging local historic preservation efforts. The Office has also developed a manual for drafting effective historic preservation components to each community’s municipal code. One example of a specific successful initiative of the Office of Historic Preservation has been its “California Main Street Program.” This program has, “ensured the district’s place as the heart of a community,” through organization, promotion, design, and economic restructuring favorable to main streets. This certainly is a worthwhile goal of planning and historic preservation. The entire Office is funded through the venerable California State Parks system. Clearly, the State of California has done well to realize that historic preservation makes as much positive impact on quality of life as do parks and open space. California is thus leading the nation in the preservation of open spaces and the best aspects of the built environment. The correlation between this and the fact that the state has by far the largest and strongest
26 economy in the U.S. is certainly noteworthy to anyone who doubts the associated benefits of historic preservation.
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The Redlands, Florida
For the purposes of this thesis, it is important to understand the necessity and reason behind the attempt to incorporate the community of Redlands, Florida, as an independent municipality. What makes the area unique and an attractive place to live for residents is its rural character. The vast majority of Miami-Dade County’s population is unaware of the many characteristics and attributes that currently exist in the Redlands. Because of this, residents of this area have a different set of public policy aims that are, many times, inconsistent and incompatible with overall “Metro” governance and growth in the rest of the county. The Redlands is an enigma because it is a rural, farming area within the larger context of a rapidly developing urban region. Florida, in particular South Florida, growth is something of a cliché to many, but this cliché is rooted in true population growth which eclipses much of the rest of the United States in terms of real numbers and its effect upon the physical environment. “No one can put up a gate,” remarked Dade County Commissioner Harvey Ruvin, “but we’ll eventually reach our carrying capacity.” (McCahill)
28 This produces pressures on the natural landscape that have negative and irreversible impact on the health of the agricultural industry. Continued re-zoning of land away from agriculture or open space designation uses jeopardizes the economies of scale necessary for a sustainable agriculture industry. The owner of LimeCo, the largest lime distributor in Florida, headquartered in the Redlands, remarked to this author that despite the very visible acres of lime groves throughout the community, his company actually imports all the limes that they distribute from Latin America. Lime groves are no longer economically viable or even self sustaining in Florida. This is a problem. Each acre re-zoned away from agriculture impacts more than that single acre. It has been and continues to be public policy in Miami-Dade County to implement higher land use densities and more intense land use. There is currently no legal or governmental framework in place to protect the rural character of the Redlands area. Indeed, one of the most visible planning efforts by the county recently has been the US 1 downtown corridor study. Among other things, this plan, currently being reviewed and near approval, calls for the creation of a new “Downtown Dadeland” just ten miles from the Redlands with all the high rise building and vehicle traffic of downtown Miami, twenty miles north of the Redlands. “The goal of the Downtown Dadeland Master Plan is to create a recognizable city center amidst a suburban, automobile-dominated community. The highly developed area, located south of Miami, is an emerging “edge city” urban center with a piecemeal, suburban character.” (DPZ Planners) As long as there has been room for residential and commercial development elsewhere in the county, simple zoning restrictions and provisions have been somewhat satisfactory safeguards for the preservation of the Redland’s agricultural community and rural way of life. Coming to grips with the ecological dilemma of further westward expansion and the lack of incentive for urban infill initiatives (Eastward Ho) has caused attention to be turned to South Miami-Dade as a remaining "land bank." Other areas of the nation have experienced the same development patterns and predicament, and there are few good benchmarks for as workable solutions. The common denominator to all of the remedies is consolidated local control.
29 Although county staff and elected officials are far along the "learning curve" about the implications of land use issues in the Redlands, this cannot be regarded as a permanent solution. Staff and elected officials in county government are subjected to competing, many times conflicting, interests and public policy objectives. Any potential solution for the sustainable future of the Redlands, as we know it today, must extract the Redlands area from these continuing forces. Additionally, the preponderance of issues throughout the county necessarily dilutes the government's continued familiarity with the Redlands and agriculture in general.
Redlands and Florida’s Planning Heritage
“Florida can now be considered the leader of the ongoing national movement to reform traditional land-use regulatory systems through the implementation of state planning controls.” (Pelham, 95)
Planning in Florida – (Background)
One reason that development and comprehensive land use plans do have a chance here and have always been particularly suited to Florida more than other states is because of the fact that urban centers in Florida were small throughout the nineteenth century. Florida is unique because of several historical and population factors. This essential background information about why Florida is somewhat unique in the realm of urban planning is pivotal to understanding why things happened as they did. From 1850 until sometime during the 1890’s Key West was the state’s largest city. (Fernald, 127) There was a federal naval base there because of its strategic location near Cuba and the Gulf of Mexico. Other than this unique situation, northern Florida had traditionally been the area of greatest settlement. St. Augustine and Pensacola long dominated the state in terms of urban settlement. Indeed, founded by the Spanish, St. Augustine is considered to be the oldest city in the United States. This early settlement belies the fact that Florida was mainly considered a wilderness area for the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. When one considers the
30 fact that the greatest areas of population density were along the Georgia border, it is more easy to understand Florida then. Even today, south Georgia is a very sparsely populated rural area. Northern Florida is very similar, even today, yet even such a place was of far greater importance than southern Florida for most of the state’s history. “Mosquito” County was the dubious name given to most of the peninsula area south of St. Augustine because it was mostly considered to be uninhabitable swamp land, filled with alligators and mosquitoes. Tallahassee was chosen as the territorial capital in 1823 because it was located exactly midway between the only urban centers of St. Augustine and Pensacola. It is easy to see that this location no longer reflects the population center of the state. Indeed, Tallahassee has very little in common with the major urban areas today, located only about twenty miles from south Georgia and forty miles from Alabama. Former Florida Governor Lawton Chiles famously remarked that northern Florida had much in common with the southern states and southern Florida had more in common with the northern states. This reflects the socio-ethnic groups who settled those respective regions. The character of Florida began to change when Henry Flagler extended the Florida East Coast Railway along the eastern seaboard to Palm Beach. This city became an enclave of wealthy northerners in a desire to escape harsh northern winters. Yet Palm Beach is still in a fairly central location, latitude wise, on the Florida peninsula. During one season when there was frost in Palm Beach, Julia Tuttle sent fresh oranges from the frostless Miami and convinced the powers that be to extend the railroad south to Biscayne Bay. Florida continued to develop in bits and pieces with a somewhat colorful history. One example of this was Henry Flagler’s influence on the state for his own personal reasons. When Flagler needed a divorce from his mentally unstable wife, who was in a northern sanitarium, he got the Florida State Legislature to enact a law making mental instability a legal justification for divorce. This law remained in effect for one day. Flagler got his divorce, married his new (younger) bride, and as a result, the University of Florida was founded in Gainesville thanks to a large endowment established at that time by Flagler.
31 After World War II, white northerners began to come to Florida. Some had seen the state when they were stationed at several military bases from Pensacola to Homestead. Another pro-migration aspect for Florida at this time was the invention of air conditioning. Finally, people did not fear the intense Florida heat. The coastal margins of the peninsula received nearly all of these vast numbers of new residents. Thus urban development took place in Florida as a string of coastal towns, with contiguous settlement from Daytona Beach through Miami on the east coast and from Clearwater to Naples on the west coast. This has resulted in Florida becoming a very urban state. Ninety two percent of the population live in the state’s Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSA’s.) (Florida State Government Portal) This population was reinforced by retirees coming to both coasts. Carl Fisher developed Miami Beach for Midwesterners, as opposed to the more posh Palm Beach. Hollywood and Boca Raton were also founded by developers in hopes of luring northerners to settle there. Miami Beach experienced a large influx of Jewish immigrants, mainly from the northeastern U.S. in the 1950’s and 1960’s. This time is also considered by many to have been Miami’s golden age. The mafia had a somewhat visible presence and the city received further attention in James Bond movies and when Frank Sinatra frequently performed at the Eden Roc. The climax of all this was when Jackie Gleason brought his television show from New York to Miami Beach. The world got to hear weekly that, “the Miami Beach audience is the best audience in the world!” Other celebrities Barbara Walters and Larry King both got their professional starts in Miami during this period. The next noteworthy event was the Cuban revolution when Castro overthrew the Batista regime in Cuba and thousands of Cubans found asylum in Miami. The United States had a vested interest in these transplanted or exiled Cubans becoming a success story. This was because the U.S. federal government decided to use the Cuban refugees as a living example to the world that capitalism was a better system than communism. Millions of dollars in loans and grants were given to Cubans in Miami so that they could successfully start and run businesses of all kinds. This aid was far greater than U.S. aid given to any other Latin American nation, even those with significantly larger populations such as Brazil and Mexico. (Knox)
32 One result of this was a strong Cuban influence on culture in Miami and Dade County. Now in its second or third generation, Cuban influence on South Florida is great. It is by no means limited to “Little Havana.” The City of Miami today has a majority Hispanic population, with greater proportions than any U.S. city including San Antonio and Los Angeles. Dade County has a slight Latin majority population (51%.) (US Census) Redlands is a part of this county. Miami is one of the few truly bilingual cities in the United States. Slightly more than half of Miami radio stations are Spanish- only. The Miami-Dade government web site is actually published in three languages- English, Spanish, and Creole. The Creole nod is because of the “Boat People.” This refers to Haitian refugees who came in large boats to the shores of Dade County in 1980. It was at this same time that the Mariel refugees came from Cuba. Castro had authorized many of the lower class or criminal Cubans to leave Cuba from the port city of Mariel. 1980-81 marked a transition year from the Carter Administration to the Reagan Administration in Washington so the INS was disorganized and mired in policy decisions of not wanting to offend the Cuban voting block in Miami. Because of the new lower class Cubans (previous migration had been the Cuban upper class) and the color of the Haitians, there was a mentality among whites nationwide that Miami was under siege from the Third World. “Like the slave ships of yore, boats brought a cargo of black laborers, except this time they came on their own initiative, and this time nobody wanted them.” (Portes, 51) The Cuban and Haitian waves of migration became one in media coverage and in the public perception, severely handicapping the city’s reputation as a white resort town for all time in the minds of the American middle class. Many whites moved to Broward, Palm Beach, and Martin Counties at this time.
Capital of the Caribbean
Today, Miami-Dade has continued to encompass a successful Latin community that is no longer limited to just Cubans. Puerto Ricans enjoy free and open passage between Puerto Rico and the United States, so many have migrated to South Florida. Another important thing to understand is that as a First World nation with a very stable
33 national currency and banking system, the US is an especially attractive place for wealthy Latin American and Caribbean governments and citizens to deposit and keep their money. For this reason, many have come to refer to Miami as the “Capital of the Caribbean.” Because of its proximity to the Caribbean and Latin America, its First World status, and its bilingual status, Miami is thus a unique player on the international monetary scene. Central and South Americans are comfortable vacationing, shopping, and investing their savings in Miami. Miami has become an international banking center chiefly for Latin American currency. Dozens of international banks house branch offices along Brickell Avenue in downtown Miami. Beginning in 1990, more tourists came north to Miami from the south than came south to Miami from the north. (Knox) Every day, thousands of South American tourists arrive at Miami International Airport with one clear priority: shopping at south Florida malls. Miami retailers want to attract them because they represent higher-margin dollars. South Americans aren't just looking for sales; they're looking for brand items. And they're looking for items on their lists to bring back for friends and family. More than half of South American shoppers come from Brazil. Last year, the nation accounted for the second-highest number of visitors to Miami, after Canada. However, Brazilians outspent Canadians by a considerable margin. Large numbers of shoppers also come from Argentina, Venezuela, Colombia, Chile and Peru. (Reveron) The South American shopping boom has roots in the 1970s. That's when the Venezuelan oil industry began to flourish. This prompted droves of people from that country to make shopping trips to Miami to spend this new ready cash. As the economies of other South American nations improved, people gained more disposable income, which they were willing to spend in Florida malls. The healthy South American economies also have made it cheaper to travel to Florida. One can look at the explanation for Latin American’s love of Miami retail as a logical matter of course. The region has more than 30 major malls with prices generally lower than those in the visitors' home countries. Miami International Airport has many inexpensive flight connections to South America and is almost always the gateway and hub for North American flights to anywhere in Latin America. Spanish and Portuguese
34 speaking people feel comfortable in South Florida probably because the population of Miami-Dade County is more than 50 percent Hispanic; the Broward Hispanic population is about 15 percent. Visitors can always find salespeople who speak their language, restaurants that serve their favorite foods and nightclubs that play their music. The warm weather and beaches, of course, are also attractions.
Planning in Florida – How does it Work?
The above examples were meant to illustrate how Florida is unique in terms of population and demands upon infrastructure. Unique situations often lead to the greatest attention being paid to planning and providing for future needs. Thus, in 1971, the Florida State Legislature sought to confront growth and development problems by issuing state guidelines and requirements for local and regional comprehensive future land use plans. It was during the 1970s that Florida took a leading role in state laws that call for better comprehensive planning and growth management. These regulations evolved and experienced various levels of success in different local municipalities. In 1985 the State Comprehensive Plan was adopted which contained 26 general goals to help guide future growth. Major issues covered in these goals include how to deal with: sprawl, sensitive coastal areas, water management, energy conservation, and public transit systems. The State Comprehensive Plan looks at: education, public safety, the elderly, housing, health, water management, air quality, hazardous waste, property rights, land use regulation, historic preservation, transportation, and agriculture. It is a truly comprehensive plan! The state plan is intended to serve as a guide to local plans at both the county and municipal level. All local, municipal, county, and regional plans must be consistent with themselves and with the state plan.
35
-State of Florida Comprehensive Plan Committee
Each Comprehensive Plan is required to address: 1) capital improvements (infrastructure); 2) future land use; 3) traffic; 4) sewage treatment; 5) land conservation; 6) open space; 7) affordable housing; and 8) intergovernmental cooperation. These requirements comprise the basic framework or template of each local, county, or regional plan. After a municipality or region writes its comprehensive plan, the Florida Department of Community Affairs reviews the plan for compliance with state law. One requirement of these plans is the Concurrency Requirement for new development. This states that infrastructure needed to support new development is required to be available concurrent with environmental, traffic, and other impacts of development. Future land use maps are integrated with population forecasts to determine the need for new infrastructure. All of Florida’s nearly 500 local governments were required to adopt comprehensive plans. Counties and municipalities may allow for future development only when there are plans in place for adequate roads, bridges, water and sewage. There has also been careful and comprehensive regulation of the state’s environmental resources. The “drudge” system is no longer permitted to convert swamp land or marshes to solid ground for property development. Specific guidelines have also been established to preserve water quality in Biscayne Bay, Tampa Bay, and Lake Okeechobee. The canal system which once bisected the state at several points and virtually stopped the flow of water from Lake Okeechobee to the Everglades has been discontinued and there is a state and national collaborative effort to restore the water flow system from the St. Johns River all the way to the Everglades, Florida Bay and the Keys.
36 The Development of Regional Impact (DRI) process provides for state and regional review of development that will impact more than one county. The state has been divided into five water management districts and eleven regional planning districts. These are charged with balancing competing water supply demands from commercial, industrial, agricultural, and municipal water uses. Florida’s Environmental Land and Water Management Act of 1972 began requiring local governments to look at environmental and water management issues on a regional scale rather than local, which certainly makes sense. Preservation and the restoration of natural resources is clearly a priority to the state. The goals and future land use objectives of those wishing to incorporate the Redlands blend well with these state and national policies. Preserving greenspace, open space, and large lot sizes seems self evident in its rational integration with a community bordering the Everglades and the fragile “River of Grass.” Extending Miami-Dade County’s Urban Development Line into this area would go against both state and federal interests and expressed long range goals for which millions and millions of dollars have already been spent. Governor Jeb Bush is currently supporting an initiative to rewrite the Florida Growth Management Act (GMA.) Under his administration, the Florida Department of Community Affairs has undertaken a complete rewrite of the GMA. This brings us to the current situation in Miami-Dade County.
37 Local Concerns in a Metro Government
When the City of Miami consolidated with Dade County to form the Metro Government or Metro Dade, the problem was that Miami was not the only city in this very large county. Coral Gables, Hialeah, and Miami Beach were vibrant independent cities as was the City of Homestead. The Redlands has always been considered to be the hinterland of Homestead, not Miami. But the Metro Government did not take this into account. What it did do was to, in effect, make the entire county into downtown Miami’s hinterland. Regardless of what anyone calls the Redlands, it is a rural community. (Kozlovskis-Wade) A recent survey conducted by Redland Incorporation Study for Agriculture (RISA) found that 98% of survey participants expressed concern about development and urbanization in the area. This overwhelming level of consensus is difficult to find in any community. The Redland population prides itself on individual freedom akin to the pioneer spirit of the farming community. The Redlands as a whole is a survivor; in the face of such natural disasters as Hurricane Andrew, the largest natural disaster in United States’ history, Redlands tractors cleared the roads within days.
As described, when one thinks of Miami-Dade, unfortunately, there remains the “Miami Vice” perception in the minds of many. Next one may remember the glory days when Sinatra entertained here and Jackie Gleason brought network television to town. The influx of many migrants from different lands previously described herein is perhaps
38 more accurate, but not entirely comprehensive. Whatever one thinks of in connection with the area, it is usually not bucolic. Yet this is another misconception. Actually, Miami-Dade County’s agriculture remains an important player on the economic scene. The Redlands is the epitome of Miami-Dade agriculture, and this is an important regional contribution and resource. Miami-Dade County is referred to as the nation’s “Salad Bowl” and “Winter Bread Basket” by those familiar with its agricultural contributions. South Dade has a long history of vegetable production, especially winter tomatoes for export to northern areas, which dates back to the late 1800s. The 2002 Census of Agriculture reported roughly 38,000 acres of vegetables. Vegetables are grown on both Rockdale, and to a much lesser extent, marl soils. Major vegetables based on acreage include beans, squash and tropical sweet potato. Miami-Dade produces 54% of the state’s beans, 55% of the squash and 97% of the sweet potatoes. Sweet corn, tomatoes, okra, eggplant and herbs are other significant crops. Of these, Miami-Dade produces 70% of the state’s okra crop. The total value of this sector was over $100 million in 2002. Over 90% of Miami-Dade’s vegetables are exported out of Florida. With the exception of tropical sweet potato and tanier, which are grown year-round, most vegetables are produced from September to May. Limes grow particularly well here and Redlands is responsible for nearly all commercial and private lime production in the United States. However, because of land taxes, it is now often cheaper to import limes from Latin America to Miami-Dade distributors. Lime production is far less visible than the large-scale orange and grapefruit citrus producers, which are mainly located farther north in Florida. But lime groves remain probably the most visible land usage in the Redlands. Most blame the problems of lime groves no longer being a self sustaining, let alone profitable, land use on the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) which in 1993 dropped trade barriers which had previously prevented lower-priced produce from Mexico into the country. Dave Friedrichs, Executive Director of the Dade County Farm Bureau, comments, “The U.S. government killed us with NAFTA. We’ve lost $300 million each year since NAFTA came into existence.”
39 The industry is faced with high costs of production, including land and all inputs, and direct competition with Latin America. Urbanization, leading to both the loss of land for vegetable production and neighbors who do not welcome commercial vegetable production in close proximity, is another negative influence on vegetable farmers. (Dade County Farm Bureau) Plant nurseries are the other main agricultural activity in the Redlands. Redland Nursery is my cousin’s that was founded on 200 acres in 1970. They grow species from six foot to thirty foot tall palm trees and provide tropical hardwoods, rare palms, and smaller foliage to large scale clients such as shopping malls throughout Florida and the Southeastern U.S. With the aforementioned successful Cuban community in Miami-Dade, the next important thing to understand is the Metro Government. To understand this, one must get to know the current Miami-Dade County Commissioners. Commissioners are elected to serve one of thirteen districts in Miami-Dade County. They are not elected at large and each is responsible for their particular geographic portion of the county. The current Commission consists of: Bruno A. Barreiro, Jose “Pepe” Diaz, Sally A. Heyman, Dorrin D. Rolle, Katy Sorenson, Dr. Barbara Carey-Shuler, Betty T. Ferguson, Joe A. Martinez, Dennis Moss, Natacha Seijas, Rebecca Sosa, Carlos A. Gimez, and Javier D. Souto. The Metro Charter passed in a special 1957 election by only 1,784 votes. There had been strong opposition from the already incorporated municipalities in Dade County outside of the City of Miami- Miami Beach, Hialeah, and Coral Gables. Indeed, there is a strong local incorporation heritage in Metro Dade; it is noteworthy that the venerable University of Miami is located in Coral Gables, Florida, not Miami, Florida. Coral Gables’ identity has remained a strong point of genus loci or sense of place for residents of this white enclave. It is similar to Indian Hill in that it is mainly single family residential homes. Coral Gables goes Indian Hill one better by requiring that all street signs be placed on large coral stones at street intersections- no unattractive metal polls! In accordance with state and local law, incorporation groups may either petition the county directly for incorporation studies or organize a Municipal Advisory Committee (MAC) to make study of the area and to report on the impact, pro or con, that incorporation would have on the community and its neighbors. Redlands has done both.
40 After an appropriate amount of signatures were obtained by the Redlands MAC and an overwhelming majority of residents voted in favor of local incorporation, Commissioner Moss proposed changing the local government rules. He proposed more than doubling the amount of necessary signatures, from 10 to 25% of residents to petition for incorporation. This did not phase the Redlands group because, perhaps unbeknownst to Moss, the incorporation movement drive had been gaining in popularity and now comprised well over 50% of residents.
Source: Redlands Incorporation Study for Agriculture
A 2001 pole of Redland residents conducted by the pro-incorporation group resulted in the above table. Redland residents perceive serious problems with downtown County government. The Miami-Dade Board of County Commissioners and the Building, Zoning and Planning departments each received low satisfaction ratings (9%, 14%, 11%, 8% respectively.) Almost all respondents weighed in with an opinion on
41 these categories, which strongly indicated that planning and zoning land use functions would be an integral part of any Redland incorporation alternative. On receiving notice of this, Commissioner Moss was quoted in the Miami Herald as stating, “I’m not going to have it.” (Negrete, 5B) Now Moss got creative. Instead of the increased signature requirement, he went another route and proposed requiring that any MAC be followed through with a complete impact and study process to be completed by the County, if no one else bothered to complete it. This seemed innocent enough until the Goulds and PLANT MAC’s soon appeared on the Miami-Dade County Board of Commissioners junket. As someone familiar with the area in question, this author can personally attest to the fact that “Goulds” is an undistinguished part of Unincorporated Dade consisting of a traffic light on US 1, a gas station, previously abandoned, and a nudie bar. If one blinks, they will miss this gallant intersection, and for the sake of decency I herein choose to provide no further comment on the establishment or the patrons of the “Live Nude” bar. If the regional justification to incorporate Goulds seems bad, PLANT is worse. To begin with, it does not even comprise a single place, but rather jumps around between certain points on US 1 and the Florida Turnpike along Homestead’s northern border. “PLANT” is an amalgamation of the places and names Princeton, Leisure City, and Naranja- three local “communities” with about as much to recommend them as the proposed City of Goulds. The only difference here being that these communities are so spread out that the proposed map of the area looks like it was drawn by the Marx brothers- a snippet here, a large chunk missing there- it is a mess! (Please see next page)
42
The reason for all this chaos is that by sponsoring a Municipal Advisory Committee for each of these areas, which Commissioner Moss has done, now both the Goulds and PLANT MAC proposals hold an equal weight from a legal and governmental standpoint as the Redlands MAC. This could seem innocent and harmless, but it is not. Goulds is attempting to include in its proposed area all the land from its intersection on US 1 directly into the Redlands, and on to the Everglades. Historian Paul George says the very nature of Goulds' early days would have made a westward push unlikely. ''This was an area really created by Henry Flagler's railroad,'' said George, who has been hired by residents in both the Redland and Cutler Ridge over the years to disprove the Goulds residents' claims.
43
Indeed, as of now, there are eleven MACS being reviewed by Miami-Dade County. These are: Redlands, Goulds, PLANT, Biscayne Gardens, Cutler Ridge, East Kendall, Falls, Fisher Island, Fontainbleau, North Central Dade, and Northeast Dade. There have also been four very recently incorporated municipalities in Miami-Dade County. These are Doral, Miami Gardens, Miami Lakes, and Palmetto Bay. It is the opinion of this author and several others that Redlands has more justification for incorporation than any of these proposed or already incorporated municipalities. “Falls”, for instance is simply the immediate vicinity around The Falls shopping center. Incorporation may benefit that area, but there is certainly nothing of regional significance that needs protection as is the case in the Redlands. Fisher Island is a small resort island in Biscayne Bay. It is comprised in total of one exclusive development akin to Williams Island (built by the Trump Group) or the Turnberry Isle Resort in north Dade. These developments successfully united in an incorporation drive in the mid 1990’s, along with the Aventura Mall, to form the City of Aventura. No such opposition was instigated against Aventura or the later incorporated Sunny Isles Beach by any commissioner. Indeed, several communities currently under review for incorporation are doing so to in a response to the success of Aventura; these are Miami Gardens and Northeast Dade.
44 Now, to be honest and fair about it, Commissioner Moss is not the only person working behind the scenes to keep the Redlands part of Unincorporated Dade. Steve Shiver became County Manager of Miami-Dade County after being Mayor of Homestead. In 2000, he told the pro-incorporation Redlands group, “We feel your need for incorporation can be accomplished with the creation of a Community Development District (CDD) within the City of Homestead.” (Dudley) A CDD would have meant annexation of the Redlands into the City of Homestead and control of the area to Shiver.
Examining The City of Aventura Comprehensive Plan is noteworthy herein. This plan was adopted by the City of Aventura, Florida, located in northeastern Miami-Dade County, in 1998. It credits that city’s incorporation with the “tireless efforts of a small army of individuals dedicated to the ideal of controlling their own destiny. While the reasons for this shared belief were varied, few issues were more frequently discussed than those relating to planning and zoning. It was for this reason that the City of Aventura welcomed the opportunity to prepare a Comprehensive Plan.” (Aventura Comp Plan, 7) The implications for the Redlands of the Aventura experience are twofold. First, the necessary ‘army’ mentality of individuals espousing the benefits of local incorporation labeled thus in a Florida governmental document establishing a community’s incorporation is noteworthy and very telling. Secondly, the importance that Aventura placed upon planning and zoning points to the relevance of this thesis topic. Aventura was a much less unique or justifiable case for local incorporation than the Redlands. Not only was there no real need for the preservation of unique natural environment, indeed, the land features of Aventura have been almost entirely and exclusively created my man. The story of Aventura began just thirty years ago when developer Don Soffer purchased 785 acres of vacant shoreline in Northeast Miami-Dade. His Turnberry Associates created an idyllic, although completely man-made enclave. Turnberry Isle consisted of two championship 18-hole golf courses adjacent to the Aventura Mall. Aventura Mall was to be a super regional shopping mall, the largest in Dade County, and an enormous economic draw to the area. The mall has been extremely successful. With six multistory department stores including Bloomindales, Macys, Sears, Lord & Taylor, Burdines, and J.C. Penny. The
45 place virtually drove the nearby 163rd Street Mall out of business. It is interesting to note that the 163rd Street Mall, located in nearby North Miami Beach, was the original location of Burdines, which moved to Aventura Mall when the cache of the new location eclipsed the old. The exact same phenomena happened in the Indian Hill Exempted Village School District’s Kenwood when Lazarus vacated the old Kenwood Mall for the new Kenwood Towne Centre across the street. Anyway, a golf course and mall were just part of the plan. Turnberry also developed many high-rise luxury condominiums around the golf course and adjacent intercoastal waterway. There was also the luxury Turnberry Isle Resort, which remains one of the most luxurious resorts in Florida and is a member of the exclusive Leading Hotels of the World. The Trump organization developed nearby Williams Island, more condo high-rises, and promoted it with such celebrity endorsements as that of Sophia Loren. In essence, these two private developments collaborated and united to form the present day City of Aventura. It’s a beautiful place, if a bit vapid and exclusionary.
The state attempted to augment ineffective county governance in South Dade by bringing The Florida Conflict Resolution Consortium to study the issues with Goulds, PLANT, and Redlands. In response, Goulds MAC chairman Lewis Canty remarked to the Miami Herald, “We can’t work with them…We’re not going to be annihilated.” (Negrete, 5B) A dismayed (but still determined) Pat Wade remarked, “We’ve jumped through every hoop and danced to every tune asked of us. They’re making us out to be arrogant, or racist. That’s just a smoke screen.” This brings us to the issue of just why Commissioner Dennis Moss is vehemently opposed to Redlands incorporation. The Urban Development Boundary (UDB) line is, in Moss’s words, “a regional resource…not just about the Redlands.” Now, to understand what is meant by this, please refer back to the background information about international banking in Miami in this Thesis. Miami is glutted with huge international banking institutions not just from Latin America, but indeed, from everywhere. Bank of America and Toronto Dominion have become the largest players in the domestic banking scene in South Florida, with the largest depositors and the deepest pockets; neither is headquartered in South Florida.
46 Even longtime banking institutions such as Planters National Bank and SunTrust have become virtually irrelevant on the South Florida banking scene thanks to the influx of the international giants. This situation, incidentally, has kept the expansion of Midwestern banks such as Fifth Third and Provident limited exclusively to Florida’s west coast and noticeably but completely outside of Miami-Dade. That leaves us with two local players to consider- the Community Bank of South Florida and the First National Bank of South Florida. Both are headquartered in Homestead. Incidentally, my namesake, Charles Munz owned what became Community Bank of South Florida during the 1950’s, ‘60’s and ‘70’s and I still have two uncles who are currently on the Board of Directors, Bob and Charles “Pinky” Munz. (www.communitybankfl.com)
Charles “Pinky” Munz and Robert Munz
So all biases aside, these two banks control what is left of local control in the South Florida market. What this means is that in order to expand, these banks have traditionally saw the agrarian areas of South Dade as their backyard upon which to continue their growth. When the UDB line is extended south, these banks are the principal benefactors of new mortgages which are then established for new residential and commercial development. The UDB line thus exists as a secret “ace in the hole” for
47 these local financial institutions chiefly because such intricacies of local politics are beyond the scope of a Latin Bank, happy to be in the First World and rely on international investment or the huge national conglomerates which are chiefly preoccupied in retaining checking, savings, and mortgage customers from other recently acquired banking conglomerates, and with a greedy eye towards the big projects in Miami and Miami Beach which have always eclipsed any development in South Dade. The Redlands, which lies south of the sprawling Edge City of Kendall and wraps around the west side of Homestead and Florida City, is one of the few places in Miami- Dade County where undeveloped land is abundant. This, along with the fact that Broward County is built out, has made the area a prime target for developers. As it stands, the Urban Development Boundary (UDB) line limits development outside of the UDB to only one home per five acres. The UDB has its origins in a 1974 act by the then Dade County Commission to limit commercial development near the Everglades. Sergio Pino, CEO of Century Homebuilders, calls the Redlands, “the future of development.” (Joseph) One of the main justifications for incorporating the Redlands as a city would be to liberate the area from County control of the UDB and therefore give the area control of its own zoning and land use decisions and policies. If the Redlands were incorporated, it would take development control decisions away from Miami and into the hands of whomever ends up controlling the new Redlands municipality. The result of the Florida Conflict Resolution Consortium was the issuance of a Summary Report on the feasibility of a mediated process to address the boundary issues. The report was issued after meeting with representatives of the principal groups of Goulds, Cutler Ridge, the Redlands, and PLANT. The Summary Report simply outlined a process by which the negotiations might proceed. Also present were Homestead’s Mayor Warren and City Manager Curt Ivey; Florida City Mayor Wallace, and Citizens Against Redland Incorporation (CARI) representatives Bill Losner and Richard Alger. Mr. Losner and Mr. Alger live in Redland, but not in one of the areas disputed by Goulds or PLANT. CARI has consistently supported the claims of Goulds and PLANT that their boundaries go to Krome Avenue. Krome Avenue is, in essence the Main Street of Homestead. It extends from the center of the old Homestead commercial district north of
48 the city and becomes the boundary of the Everglades to the West and the rest of Miami- Dade to the east as it extends in a north/south direction. The pro-incorporation group started a formal citizen’s initiated incorporation process in early April 2004. This process does not require the approval of any commissioner and can be started by submitting petitions signed by 10% of the voters in the area. In mid-May 2004 the required petitions were submitted to the County Clerk of Miami-Dade County. The boundaries outlined in the petition are the original boundaries studied by the MAC as they were amended by the agreement with Florida City. In October 2004, Goulds and PLANT pulled out of the Conflict Resolution process before any face-to-face negotiation saying Redland’s petitions showed bad faith because the proposed boundary consisted primarily of five acre minimum lot sized residential areas and took most high income residential areas away from minority populated Goulds and PLANT. On December 14, 2004 the Redlands incorporation proposal was supposed to have a public hearing before the Miami-Dade Board of Count Commissioners in downtown Miami in order to have the petitions accepted and move to the next step, the Boundaries Commission. Commissioner Moss deferred the item without a public hearing and there was no meeting. On the same agenda was a first read of an ordinance sponsored by Moss that does away with the petition process and makes the ordinance retroactive so that the Redlands incorporation will again be trapped in limbo. The deferral of a public hearing on the citizen’s petitions has resulted in a lawsuit by the Redlands pro-incorporation group against the Miami-Dade County Commission. This lawsuit and debate is being played out very publicly with frequent articles, pro and con, in The Miami Herald. On January 31, 2005, Moss held a Commission workshop to assemble a team to study the UDB and to determine if, when, and where it should be extended. The study is supported by three private developers wanting to move the UDB in order to build more homes. Moss, not wanting to wait for the results of the study, requested the results of his study in approximately 90 days. In the meantime, Commissioner Moss has brought Redland incorporation to a standstill for almost three years and prevented his Redland constituents from voting.
49 Vital and Important
The Redlands is big (nearly 45,000 acres) and is large like Indian Hill in relation to other “cities.” It is twice the size of the City of Miami in area. Development and especially overdevelopment and sprawl will hurt farming, the Everglades, and this irreplaceable part of South Florida. Booming populations and the ability to accommodate the new growth has been a regional and indeed statewide problem and area of concern. U.S. retirees, Latin Americans, and even Israelis looking for a stable place in which to invest funds and maintain U.S. residences, are all continuing to migrate to South Florida. This points to the extremity of the circumstances and the real need to act now if any open space or non-developed land is to be preserved for future generations. The fragility of the Everglades and lack of subtropical farmland in the continental United States augment and reinforce the importance of these issues. Planning agency Duany-Plater-Zyberk & Co. has recently completed a much touted study of nearby Kendall, home to Dadeland Mall, which has now been dubbed “Downtown Dadeland.” There has been a comprehensive study to make this an official downtown Edge City with its hinterland being the area between Kendall and Homestead- the Redlands. This is to be the next urban center in Miami-Dade and is far closer to the Redlands than Miami ever was. Pat Wade remarks, “Redland residents don’t want a Publix. They like their dirt roads. They want a rural community. They want the rest of the people to leave them the hell alone.” (Dudley) Dave Friedrichs, of the Dade County Farm Bureau, makes the dire prediction, “It will only be a matter of time before they start building right over the Everglades.” As regional planners, political, or environmental leaders of today, should we stand still and allow this to happen? The potential losses to future generations and the State of Florida are almost inestimable. The planner’s role in utilizing the tools in order to preserve open space for future generations are all that stands in the way of this dire prediction. Shall we step up to the plate, or sit back as another irreplaceable resource is lost for all time? I believe the choice to be a clear one.
50
Downtown Dadeland streetscape by DPZ Planners
51
Urban Development Boundary (UDB) line
52 Footnote to Redlands portion
The following is a selection of relevant quotes related to thesis topic from current Journal of the American Planning Association (JAPA) Spring 2005 issue “Does Planning Work” article by Samuel D. Brody and Wesley E. Highfield.
“Nonconforming (land use) clusters occur at the fringes of coastal urban areas, where development pressures are the greatest. The nonconforming patches are almost always located adjacent to conforming development. These areas include the western outskirts of Miami, Boca Raton, and West Palm Beach.” (170)
The Redlands is the epitome of such an area on the western outskirts of Miami.
“Based on the observed patterns of nonconforming wetland development, it appears that urban areas in southern Florida (surrounding the Everglades ecosystem) have experienced unintended growth towards interior portions of the state, causing critical wetlands to be filled in for development.” (170)
This quote reflects the pivotal factors at the core of my Redlands findings and conclusions at which I arrived independently of that study.
“While wetland development in the south expanded out from the fringes of urban areas towards the interior part of the state, it was (in the past) restrained by the presence of the Everglades National Park and Big Cyprus National Preserve…protected areas designated by state and local authorities may provide a dual role: protection of critical natural habitats that support the integrity of ecological systems, and constraining and focusing growth in areas that will reduce adverse environmental impacts” (172)
The Redlands is such a border region and my proposals would do exactly this.
53 “Other implementation evaluation techniques must be developed, and plan implementation should be evaluated using multiple methods of analysis, both quantitative and qualitative.” (174)
“Further study at a finer scale and for specific wetland development clusters (both high and low conformity) would generate additional insights into the impacts of development that deviates from the original design plan. (UDB) Finally, more research is needed on the factors driving plan conformity (or nonconformity.) (174)
My thesis has accomplished this already and in reading my qualitative arguments developed through careful study and examination of the area along with extensive interviewing and interaction with key local players, my thesis, in effect, serves as a relevant supplement to this current Spring 2005 JAPA article by providing what the authors say still needs to be done.
This shows that I was on the right tract insofar as my thesis study relates to relevant current planning issues and has produced relevant findings that are justifiable and viable to professional planning research.
54
Indian Hill
The lack of effective regional planning in the United States has often led to homogenized areas lacking in individual character and style. With suburban development comes new areas in which people are to live, work, shop, and play. These areas are the fastest growing in the country. A prime goal of this thesis is to provide for alternative examples. Former rural areas are turned into housing developments with only the developer’s immediate profit motives. Cincinnati is fortunate to have a community that through careful planning and zoning has become a striking contrast to this ominous standard and with its proximity to the University of Cincinnati, one would be remise not to examine it fully. As the Little Miami River flows from its source in the plains of central Ohio, it approaches a hilly land to the south. As this river becomes the border of Hamilton and
55 Clermont counties, it begins a meandering process which brings it in an almost semi- circular direction before going on to its mouth at the Ohio River. It is as if there is something very special about this land that the river wants to spend as much time as possible near it. The story of Indian Hill is one of tremendous foresight and vision. This city (population: 5,383) which calls itself a village (which under the Ohio Revised Code refers to an incorporated area with less than 5,000 people) is like no other in the region. It is at once both rural and urbane; simple yet sophisticated. Indian Hill is an enigma, a seamless blend of nature and humanity. This community includes important social institutions and networks (which helped to make it what it has become,) as well as gracious homes, all in a park-like atmosphere which feels mostly like a nature preserve. It is only through examining the rich history and intangible heritage of this unique enclave that one can come to know Indian Hill itself, the reason for Indian Hill. Indian Hill is unique as a community because in large measure it has been created by landowners who acquired and retained land for their own use, essentially to maintain wholesome country living. For here a life of varied sports and community activities could best be fostered in beautiful natural surroundings which could be enjoyed by future generations. Indian Hill is also distinctive, and most fortunate, in that it was largely created and guided by the personal efforts of its dedicated residents. Its formation and administration, its concern for conservation, its community social life, its Village staff- all these attest to the character of its special quality of life in the Village and the power of Genus Loci.
56
Camargo Hunt event, Autumn 2004
The story of the Village of Indian Hill is in essence the creative use of governmental functions to establish a community of distinctive quality. The incorporation of the Village in 1941 made it possible to begin the process of preserving the rural atmosphere which had attracted people from the city, and to shape the quality of the community which would develop during the post World War II years. This section will attempt to illustrate the elaborate planning that went into the establishment of the community of Camargo. The origins of this colony of urbanites in a rural setting will be thoroughly explored. The origins of certain community touchstone names will also be discussed. Finally, the process by which Camargo, one of the first planned communities in the nation, became the incorporated municipality of the City of the Village of Indian Hill will be discussed. The community today is no less unique than at any time in its history, thus many of the key aspects which contribute to this will be examined. What makes Indian Hill so remarkable is not so much what is there, but rather what is not there: no business or commerce. As Green Areas, one-fourth of the community will never be developed at all.
57 Brief History – How did this place become unique?
There have been many inquiries as to the origin of what is today the City of the Village of Indian Hill. Virginia White credited the horse enthusiasts of Cincinnati in her excellent volume From Camargo to Indian Hill. My own research has lead me to reinforce most of her theories and assertions but also augment them with social and societal forces in the Cincinnati golf community. It all began at Cincinnati Country Club. The year 1923 was a memorable one in the history of the club. It was during this year that two important questions were presented to the membership. The first was: shall The Cincinnati Country Club consolidate and merge with The Cincinnati Golf Club? The second was: shall the Cincinnati Country Club sell its property and acquire new land, farther removed from the city and located at either Mt. Washington or Camargo, and build a new country club and golf course. In 1924 the consolidation of The Cincinnati Golf Club and the Cincinnati Country Club was effective, since which time The Cincinnati Country Club has been operating its numerous departments as one club. However, the old guard of Grandin Road decided against selling the club lands to form residential sites. Some younger members broke away and formed themselves into The Camargo Realty Company, chartered by the State of Ohio in 1923, for the purpose of acquiring new club lands along Camargo Road in northeastern Hamilton County. This beginning was not out of spite for the older members of Cincinnati Country Club. Many of the first members of the Camargo Realty Company already lived in the unincorporated, rural area known as Indian Hill. The traditional origin of this name is somewhat colorful. Nelson’s Station (formerly located in what is now Madisonville) was a stockade that was part of the protection of the farmers of Columbia Township. In times of trouble, settlers and their horses stayed at Nelson’s station so that pioneers could fend off the many Native Americans who dwelt in the nearby forests and hills. In a skirmish of 1827 a band of “Indians” made off with several of the settlers’ horses. One thief was chased and shot near the present day Shawnee Run Road. The Indian was buried (some say) near old Armstrong Chapel, atop the hill above Madisonville. Legend says this hill later came to be known as “the Indian Hill” because it was where the Indian
58 had been buried. The present day city thus took its name from this rather sordid past and the Indian burial atop the hill above Madisonville. Another interesting local historical question is the origin of the name “Camargo.” Speculation has centered around a Lady Camargo, a well-known ballerina of the 19th century, from La Camargue region in the south of France. My research has led me to the following opinion: Camargo Road referred to a tiny settlement in Warren County. In 1851 the State of Ohio approved the construction of a toll road that was to go from Madisonville, to O’Bannon (an area in northern Clermont County), and on to “Comargo,” a small settlement in southern Warren County. Gallipolis was a known French settlement in southern Ohio. It is quite probable that several French families migrated west into the area east of Cincinnati. The name Clermont is a French word meaning “clear mountain.” Probably “Comargo” was a French word as well. Many old telephone book area maps designate Comargo as the intersection of Dallasburg and Morrow-Cozaddale Roads in Warren County. Driving to this place I discovered the remains of a burnt-down building and a few houses. Also nearby there was a “Camp Comargo.” With two meeting buildings and several living bungalows, the camp seemed to be quite well equipped. Yet with no discernible statement of purpose or signs of humanity, I was not able to discover the current purpose of this camp. In any case this area was clearly called Comargo. The road was constructed from Madisonville which served as a route to the city for people from this area. There is no documentation as to whether the road was ever actually a toll road or where tolls were collected, if at all. But, there is documentation of the proposal for this toll road as approval for its construction was recorded by the state of Ohio. I think that we can almost certainly say that the area of Columbia Township which became Indian Hill began referring to this road as Camargo because that was the town to which the road made its eventual connection. The reason the break-away Cincinnati County Club group took on the “Camargo” name may simply have been because of its unique charm or sound. It was the name of the road which ran through the heart of the new club area they were considering. Julius Fleischmann even named a yacht “Camargo.” Present day Indian Hill comprises many former names. The northern end of Drake
59 road was once known as Allandale. The area near the intersection of Drake and Shawnee Run roads was once called Ramona. Both were rail stations. The entire area became known as Camargo up until the time of incorporation. Confused yet? Really there was no reason for these names not to exist for the first hundred and fifty years of the area’s settlement. This was a community of farms as many familiar families such as Drake, Cunningham, and Buckingham worked the earth. These family names have been preserved in street designations. First settled in 1795, the area, part of Columbia Township, was quietly farmed until the turn of this century. In 1902 the Interurban Traction rail lines came through Indian Hill, with the “Swing Line” stopping at Ramona station at Drake and Shawnee Run roads. The trains on this line proceeded, at 15 miles per hour, down Red Bird Hollow and on to Terrace Park and Milford. The soil on “the hill” was getting tired, and the serious farmer was looking for greener pastures in surrounding counties. (White, 21) The stage was being set for Camargo and the great estates of the 1920’s, which came to define Indian Hill in later years. A new chapter for the area began in 1911 with what is known among Cincinnati Country Club members as “The Camargo Episode” and so I hereby borrow heavily from stories passed down by several generations of CCC members and the CCC Yearbooks. Several attempts were made from 1911-1925 to bring about some sort of cooperation or alliance between the Cincinnati Country Club and the Cincinnati Golf Club for the mutual convenience of members. One must realize that these were, at the time, two distinct and separate organizations. However, either real or technical difficulties seemed to block all such efforts. Although The Cincinnati Country Club (CCC) and The Cincinnati Golf Club (CGC) existed side by side with a large common membership, each was operated completely independent of the other. From 1911-1923 the topic of consolidation became a controversy among factions of both memberships and even split into different causes within that issue. The two clubs were finally merged on December 31, 1923. Other issues continued into 1925 before finally being resolved. Without confirming records of the various organizations involved there is still an interesting story to tell of the efforts to merge The Cincinnati Golf Club and The
60 Cincinnati Country Club and to build a championship layout on the outskirts of the metropolitan area, while maintaining the main clubhouse and a smaller acreage on Grandin Road as a town club. The exertions to promote on the one side, and to resist on the other, led to turmoils which threatened the very existence of both clubs. It led to sites in Mt. Washington and to Indian Hill; and it helped create The Camargo Realty Company and The Camargo Club. When the first 18-hole golf course was laid out in Cincinnati in 1897, the course measured only 3768 yards. The second design for this course in Hyde Park showed a total length of 4685 yards in 1908. The problem was not with the designers; the problem was the lack of acreage and the topography. Later, with all the other clubs in the metropolitan area building course lengths approaching and exceeding 6000 yards, CGC was never regarded as a top quality course. Even after the reconstruction, in 1925, the 89 acres of the CCC were never considered a good test for golf. There were many members of CGC (some of whom were also CCC members) who espoused the idea, early on, to move to the outskirts of Cincinnati and build a truly magnificent course. However, CGC leased but did not own any part of the land it occupied. It would have been very expensive for CGC members to vacate the Grandin Road course and establish another location. The cost of moving and starting anew must have been a strong factor in those early years. On the other hand, the CCC purchased a five-acre tract when it was organized in 1902 and built the Main Clubhouse in 1903. Sometime thereafter, CCC successfully embarked on a course to acquire the underlying titles to all the land leased by CGC. This factor more than anything else may have caused the merger of the two clubs years later. Having to bear a rental increase every year, or periodically, from the CCC must have been a source of chagrin to the CGC. The CGC Board faced two issues: (1) merger with CCC; and (2) relocation. The demographics of those who voted on the two issues showed some divergence. On the issue of merger there were many golfers who were primarily interested in golf as a physical sport, and they were not interested in the social amenities that would have been required if the membership were to be absorbed into the CCC. These opposed the
61 merger, but may have favored relocation, if they could afford it. On the other hand there were the CGC members who also belonged to the CCC and logically favored a merger. These were reluctant to relocate from their well-established residences in Hyde Park and East Walnut Hills. Among those who favored relocation, there was a split by the choices proposed for the new course. Four or five suggested sites were finally reduced to two: a large tract in the Mt. Washington area overlooking the Little Miami River and what later became Lunken Airport, and a little known farming area “between Madeira and Terrace Park” known as Indian Hill. There was indeed turmoil. One issue was between a golf club as opposed to a social club and another issue involved a convenient golf course close in to town as opposed to a course more removed from the city. This was the situation in October 1922 when John Omwake was appointed Chairman of a committee of Board Members of The Cincinnati Country Club to recommend a new location for the golf course operated by The Cincinnati Golf Club. Omwake was not a member of the CGC. The time between October 1922, when the CCC committee was appointed and June 30, 1923, when the special membership meeting was held to vote on the merger was a most critical period for the two clubs. John Omwake was authorized to select his own committee members by CCC President Judson Harmon. In October the Board authorized soil tests on the Indian Hill property, to be reported at a special meeting. At the special meeting, three sites were proposed. Indian Hill was #4!! Other than Mt. Washington, the remaining two sites are not identified. The Board decided to acquire options on the Indian Hill tracts. The Annual Meeting was convened on November 6, 1922. Judson Harmon resigned as President. John Omwake was elected to take his place. No mention was made to the members of the activities to acquire the site in Indian Hill. Meanwhile, CGC President Robert M. Burton continued to oppose the merger and preferred a 475-acre Mt. Washington tract which was already under option and available for purchase. A special CCC Board meeting was called. Only nine of fifteen members attended. Hutton, and Vanderbilt were among those absent. The nine attending Board members decided to circumvent the membership and instead organized a syndicate to
62 take over the Indian Hill property, with the express stipulation of turning it over to the Country Club at cost if the club should decide to take it. It appeared that certain Board members and their friends had already decided to move to Indian Hill regardless of the outcome of the merger efforts. On March 21, 1923, Frederick H. Chatfield became a CCC Board member. The committee had taken title to two tracts of 52 acres and 140 acres respectively in Indian Hill. It would appear that an overwhelming majority of CCC Board members had made the decision that Indian Hill was the choice for the new golf course, whether CGC liked it or not. The Camargo Realty Company was organized by Frederick H. Chatfield, and included CCC members Hollister, Taft, and Rowe, among others. In April of 1923 Camargo Realty was authorized to look after the properties purchased in Indian Hill and to maintain the farms there. Other CCC board members were put in charge of riding, buildings, and residential arrangements at the Camargo site. President Omwake was authorized to advise CGC President Burton of these activities and to state that the CCC Board would be pleased to receive from the CGC Board any cooperative suggestions they may have to offer on the possibility of joining with the CCC in the Camargo Realty plan. By this time it is obvious that a large segment of CGC favored Mt. Washington and opposed merger, but the vote was close because of the dual memberships. On the other hand, The CCC Board was now determined to relocate the golf course in Indian Hill and sell off most or all of the property in Hyde Park to pay for it, with the lease to CGC to be canceled. It was disclosure and decision time. The Cincinnati Enquirer reported that at a CGC meeting on May 11, the CGC Board voted to refuse to join with the CCC in the Camargo plan. The resounding “no” seemed to doom the merger and send the CGC to Mt. Washington. The golf club in Hyde Park was to be abandoned for residential development, a new golf course was to be built in Mt. Washington, and a new country club was scheduled for Indian Hill. It is interesting that an earlier Enquirer article had reported that a number of CCC members had already purchased Indian Hill property. Frederick Chatfield was on the CCC Board and the leader of the group which formed Camargo Realty. William H. Chatfield was a Board member of CGC.
63 Inexorably, the situation became more complicated as it soon came to everyone’s attention that the Mt. Washington land options expired on June 30th. At the May 17th Board meeting, CCC decided to ignore the CGC refusal to unite. A special membership meeting was called for June 12th for the purpose of authorizing the purchase of all the real estate from Camargo Realty at cost, and to invite all the CGC members to become CCC members upon their purchase of one share of stock at $250 and payment of a $150 initiation fee. The CGC Board now recommended acceptance of the blanket offer of CCC membership to its members. There was then a lengthy discussion as to the date and agenda of a special CCC membership meeting to vote upon the plan of merger with CGC, and to authorize the purchase of the Camargo Realty property. Now came a period of intense confusion. After the CCC Board received a letter of acceptance from the CGC about the merger, a special membership meeting was called at CCC to pass on the merger. The CCC Board also appointed a committee to discuss the Mt. Washington real estate before any commitment was made on the Camargo Realty proposition. The Camargo Realty group then moved into action. A picnic was planned for June 10th on the Camargo Realty property for both CCC and CGC members and their families. Misters Vanderbilt, Rowe, and Chatfield were in charge of this meeting. The idea was to convince everyone of the benefits associated with Camargo and the Indian Hill area. The plan worked. Later that same day, there was another meeting where President Omwake reported that CCC and CGC committees had worked out the details of the merger and recommended a special membership meeting on June 30th to vote upon the relocation issues. Indian Hill proponents felt they could not get all their cost figures prepared by the 30th, but others felt that CCC was “morally bound” to make a decision before the Mt. Washington options expired. The Enquirer reported that the CGC had voted in favor of merging with CCC, while still expressing a preference for the Mt. Washington location. The same article goes on to point out that certain unnamed members of CCC had already acquired 1,000 acre tracts of private land in Indian Hill. On June 12, 1923 the CCC Board approved the merger with the CGC. Although no formal action as to the new property was undertaken,
64 Step #1 was successful. Now a new problem emerged. As a result of the merger, 92 new voting members of the CCC (former CGC members) now favored the Mt. Washington site. It was decided that a final vote would be taken on June 30 (the last day for the Mt. Washington land option) to settle the dispute once and for all. In an effort to convince thrifty former CGC members, a resolution was passed that would allow CCC to lease the Camargo property for three years, with a privilege of purchase, and to pay interest, taxes and carrying charges in the meantime. The CCC Constitution required that any expenditure over $200,000 required a 75% majority vote. On June 27th President Omwake met with Board members Cassett, Rowe, and Wulsin to prepare the agenda for the forthcoming membership meeting so that there could be a site preference vote before there was a relocation vote. Rowe was in favor of Camargo. Cassett was opposed. Wulsin and Omwake were neutral. The report of the special shareholders’ meeting on June 30th suggested that the lines were carefully drawn, and everyone was given the opportunity to express an opinion. The Camargo Resolution covering 900 acres in Indian Hill was first proposed, followed by a similar resolution favoring a 458 acre tract in Mt. Washington. John J. Rowe spoke in favor of the Camargo plan. W.W. Freeman spoke in favor of the Mt. Washington site. Lawrence Maxwell spoke in favor of retaining the Grandin Road site. Douglas Allen (from CGC) favored a “progressive move” to either new location. Printed ballots were made available. The vote went as follows:
In favor of the Camargo resolution: 225 In favor of the Mt. Washington resolution: 69 Against the acquisition of new property: 116 Total vote: 410 “There being no further business, the meeting adjourned.”
Was this a victory for the Camargo constituency? It certainly seemed to be: a 20- vote majority, 40 votes more than the combined opposition. Then why is Cincinnati Country Club still in Hyde Park today? Mt. Washington only scored 16%, the stay-at-
65 homes 28%. Camargo had 55%- a landslide. Even at the very next board meeting, a Chatfield motion was passed authorizing the “Camargo committee” to employ architects and engineers, to suggest a schedule of dues and expenses, and to come up with a plan which could be intelligently discussed by the membership. This sounds like a winner, not a loser. Three months after the historic vote, at the annual meeting in November, the report of President Omwake merely says, “The Camargo Realty Co., whose stockholders, as you know, are all members of this club, has no proposal to make at this meeting.” Business went on as usual at CCC. In March, 1925, twenty months after the historic vote, the matter of The Camargo Realty Co. was finally brought up for discussion again. The CCC Board felt that it was up to Camargo Realty to make some opening move, but authorized the opening of communications with a view to the submission of a plan to the general membership. In April, it was reported that Camargo Realty was “disinclined” to make any offers. In May, 1925, the CCC membership received a letter asking bluntly whether the Board should reopen negotiations to purchase the Camargo Realty acreage in Indian Hill at the approximate cost of $300,000. A 75% majority was required by the Constitution. Just as bluntly, the members sent in their ballots:
To reopen negotiations: 102 Against further negotiations: 241 Blank ballots: 2 Total votes: 345
That was the end of the plan to move CCC to Indian Hill. Whether or not the CCC owed certain Board members and others for the expense of acquiring and maintaining the Indian Hill real estate for the CCC from 1922 into 1925 was never decided, or claimed. How the CCC Board “lost control” of the membership after delicately arranging a merger with CGC, is not known. What had appeared to be unanimous support on the CCC Board, for a move to Indian Hill, disintegrated to a point where no move at all was authorized. Instead, the old course was renovated for the third time. Gradually the CCC lost about 100 members to The Camargo Club, which was built in 1926. (Cincinnati
66 Country Club Board of Governors) No living person seems to know or remember what sidetracked the plans of the CCC Board members to build in Indian Hill. An examination of old land records at the Hamilton County Auditor, where this author worked, presents an interesting panorama of the activities in 1922 and 1923 in the sleepy little area “between Madeira and Terrace Park.” In a 25-square-mile area where land was badly eroded, timber was cut and the land had been neglected, where houses were “for all practical purposes valueless,” there were only a few transfers from time to time. But this trend was reversed in 1921-22-23. Only a glance is needed to recognize a trend of sales to persons easily identifiable as members of The Cincinnati Country Club, future members of The Camargo Club. The name of the game was speculation. When the CCC Board had authorized the formation of a syndicate to buy options on perhaps 1,000 acres in Indian Hill, the group had grand ideals. There was an extensive plan for a championship golf course (perhaps 36 holes), riding trails and horse stables, country club facilities, and wooded residential sites close by for the membership. Many CCC members, recognizing the merits of the plan, drove out to “Indian Hill” to search for home sites and acreage. Many of the older CCC golfers were not pleased with what they found. They felt there wasn’t any prime land left. In addition to the 1,000 acres under option, literally thousands of acres had been purchased outright by a select group of CCC members and their friends. The “in crowd” among CCC Board members and leaders had known about Camargo quite in advance of the general CCC membership and had assertively taken the best areas for themselves. By the time the general membership knew about Camargo, little of the land was for sale, except for limited offerings around Camargo Club Drive. This situation so upset the majority of CCC members that they voted to forget Camargo. The leaders had, in effect, seen their chance to rise above the general CCC membership and to form there own super-elite club. It was to be literally a “city upon a hill” and they would form themselves privately, away from the unsettling commotion of Cincinnati and even the Cincinnati Country Club, from which the group originated. According to Virginia White, Camargo’s planning began when a group of Cincinnatians felt a yen for the country air. Members of the Cincinnati Riding Club appreciated the aspirations of Camargo Realty as they sought new areas in which to hunt. Always on the
67 run from an ever expanding city, the Riding Club had outgrown its location at what was then called Bloody Run Boulevard, now known as Victory Parkway. “We felt that with the city growing as fast as it was, we ought to provide for the enjoyment of the country in the future,” said O. DeGray Vanderbilt, Jr. one of the prime movers in the project. Besides Mr. Vanderbilt, interested men were: Misters Robert A. Taft, Frederick H. Chatfield, E.B. Stanley, William H. Chatfield, F.L. Wright, Stanley Rowe, John Hollister, Dr. Robert Sattler, Tom Davis and other community leaders. (White, 43) These men searched the region for the most picturesque spot. Most Cincinnati Riding Club members happened to be leaders at the CCC. The approach to the city from Indian Hill was then more pleasant through Madisonville and Hyde Park than through the East End. If Columbia Parkway had been a certainty at the time (1923) it might have changed their plans. (White, 43) There was also the before mentioned CCC and CGC turmoil. Thus Indian Hill developed as it did as the direct result of transportation. It was something of a colony of urbanites in a rural atmosphere. In 1924 these interested men formed themselves into The Camargo Reality Company. They took their name from Camargo road, which ran through the heart of the area as a route to the city from Clermont County. As I have noted, everyone loved this name which has become a local treasure as it is steeped in such tradition and history. The company was ratified by the Ohio State Legislature in 1924 and permission was granted for Camargo Reality to acquire land for the purpose of establishing a country club, hunting areas, and rural estates. The sum of at least $50,000,000 transformed the commonplace farming district of Indian Hill into a “gorgeous country residential section for Cincinnati millionaires.” (Porter, 1) Farm houses were joined by the loveliest homes- stone palaces- with multicolored roofs, fairy-like dwelling places with towers, many-gabled English mansions, and big rambling frame houses with a romantic country flavor. Along with the spacious houses came the pleasant embellishments of luxurious country life. Decorative swimming pools, well-filled stables, fine golf links, imported English hunting hounds, and smooth green polo fields were installed. Money was spilled over the countryside in generous quantities. It was almost
68 literally “spilled” during the dry season when the cost of sprinkling the landscape brought water bills to $1,100 a month in one case and $600 in many cases. The $1,100 water bill was incurred during the month of June, 1930, by The Camargo Club, located at the center of the district and represented fourteen hours of daily sprinkling of the golf links. (Porter, 1) Another large expense item in the development of the region was the landscaping of the entire district. The Camargo Realty Company hired a landscape architect (A.D. Taylor) to lay out the roads in a picturesque way and to develop a scheme for roadside planting. The rustic rail fences on many of the estates cost in the thousands of dollars. (Porter, 1) An advantage to Indian Hill was the good air at the Hill’s elevation of about 900 feet, a large section of unbroken woods with streams running through them (for example, Redbird Hollow), and good river valley views for many homes. Another advantage in having the country development to the east of the city was that the sun would be at one’s back when driving into town in the morning and again would be at one’s back when driving out in the evening. Thus the eyes of the country residents would be saved from the strain of facing a glaring sun. This also may explain the vast majority of population and development today on Cincinnati’s East side as opposed to the West. The Camargo Realty Company eventually took options on 12,000 acres of Indian Hill. The area was about four miles wide and five miles long. A 1,000 acre tract in the center was reserved for The Camargo Club, making it the hub of a wheel with a radius of about two miles. The golf links contained 450 acres, along with two polo fields, two tennis courts, a shooting range, and a large riding stable. It took two years for new roadways to be constructed and for water mains to be put in. Trainloads of fertilizer were used to get the rather run down land into shape. Hamilton County worked with the project and helped re-fertilize the land and even re- routed some roads to the specifications of the vision. Meanwhile the Realty Company had been taking up its options and reselling the land for those who wanted private estates. The first price of the land was between $150 and $200 an acre. By 1930 this had increased to $2,500 an acre. Today land goes for more than $200,000 an acre. Farmers who held onto their lands until the development was well under way received small
69 fortunes for their holdings. The new estates ranged in size from 25 to 1,000 acres. For each estate, the combined cost of land, houses, and improvements ranged between $75,000 and $2,500,000 in late twenties/early thirties money. About 60 houses built as part of this development were occupied by 1930 and ten more were under construction. Community organizations were being formed to protect the area’s many natural resources and to provide for the needs of residents. Over the years these included: The Indian Hill Horse Rangers (at that time, the only privately funded police force in Ohio), The Fire Department, The Bridle Paths Committee, The Camargo Hunt, The Roadside Planting Committee, The Camargo Bank (in Madeira), Cincinnati Country Day School, and The Camargo Club. (White, 43) By 1927 the development had taken definite form and the major lines of growth were laid out. In transforming the region, the originators of the project tried to retain the historical flavor of the place. The Camargo Realty Company kept many of the old Indian names- Shawnee Run Road, Old Indian Hill Road (which followed old Indian trails), and others. As the land in Camargo proper gradually filled up, new estates developed to the north. This is where the largest estates were located such as the 1,600 acre Winding Creek Farm of Julius Fleischmann and the 1,200 acre Peterloon estate of the Emery family. The present day Village was physically shaped by the development of these estates, as one can see a definite protrusion to the north of Village borders. Peterloon is about six miles north of the Camargo Club. Julius Fleischmann’s Winding Creek Farm was a source of pride for this founding Camargo member. It was probably the most elaborate of the original Camargo structures. The house, a long, low-gabled affair of stone, was surrounded by perhaps thirty five acres of lawn. The total estate area was originally the largest estate in Indian Hill- 1,600 acres, mostly on a hillside above Blome Road with incredible views to the north and east. The indoor swimming pool was the first to be constructed in the midwestern United States. (Porter, 1) The grounds included a teahouse and a fountain cascading into a moat. The Camargo hounds were housed there for years when Mr. Fleischmann was Master of the Camargo Hunt. (A historical note: the main gate on Blome Road was boarded up after the
70 Lindbergh kidnapping.) The home is now owned by a foundation of Fleischmann heirs, and after the death of Mrs. Fleischmann, the future of the estate is uncertain. Committee Chair Manley has been actively involved with Winding Creek Farm’s future. One plan is for outdoor musical concerts to be held on the grounds. Another Camargo home was that of Mr. O. DeGray Vanderbilt. It was called Twin Fires because of the fact that the central room, part of an original, much older, structure, had a fireplace at each end of the room. One prominent feature of Mr. Vanderbilt’s elegant residence was the brightly colored road map, which he commissioned to be done in oils by Frank Meyers of the Cincinnati Art Academy. This enchanting “Map of Camargo” uses symbols rather than names to designate each home and prominent structures related to Camargo. Mr. Meyers gave each estate an appropriate insignia, and then, on open books drawn at the base of the map, the name was listed alongside the insignia. The painting was skillfully done to make the map look old. A copy was graciously given to the Indian Hill Historical Society, years later, and today hangs in The Little Red Schoolhouse, another copy stands in this author’s home, while the original was bequeathed to the Camargo Club. This map also provided a guideline for the book, From Camargo to Indian Hill. Peterloon was the fabled home of the John J. Emery family. Mr. Emery was the brother-in-law of Mary Emery, who commissioned the community of Mariemont to be built. It has been said that Mariemont and Indian Hill are the opposite sides of the same coin. In Mariemont, buildings were designed to look small, like an English town. In Indian Hill, the estates were intended to look like the sprawling aristocratic castles of the English countryside. Mrs. Emery perfected the one in Mariemont, her brother-in-law perfected the other in Peterloon. (Ironically, today Mariemont, designed as a city, has a population under 5,000 and is legally a village, while the rural Indian Hill is actually a city.) On Hopewell Road, six miles north of the Camargo Club, Peterloon was almost considered to be located in greater Montgomery, Ohio. Today this region of Indian Hill is not accessible to the main section without going outside of Village borders. Yet for all intents and purposes, Peterloon could be considered the grandest estate in all Indian Hill.
71 The sweeping front lawn resembles the grounds of a royal European residence. One might mistake the grand stables at first for the main house. The actual main house is a red brick Georgian masterpiece. With central courtyard and various wings, the building graciously sits alongside a lake, at the center of a property stretching between Hopewell and Remington roads. Basically almost all of Indian Hill presently north of Remington Road was formerly Peterloon property. The Emery family lived here in the traditional aristocratic style, with private tutors for the children. Upon the death of Mr. and Mrs. Emery, the original plan was to donate the estate to become part of the Cincinnati Nature Center. However, the Nature Center decided that they could not afford the upkeep on Peterloon. The Reverend Paul Long, of the Indian Hill Church, was a long proponent of a plan involving Peterloon. He felt that as someone lived their life in Indian Hill, they should not have to leave the Village upon the need for assisted care living. He wanted The Marjorie Lee Retirement Home (of Hyde Park) to establish a nursing home on the Peterloon grounds. However this would have been in violation of the Village’s strict zoning regulations (discussed later) which forbade any kind of multi-family housing. Despite the possible merits of the plan, the mayor and council could never be convinced to change this zoning distinction. Finally the Emery family formed a private Peterloon Foundation which keeps the home furnished and rents it out to nonprofit groups. Although there are now several subdivisions in this most northern section of Indian Hill, the majority of the vast Peterloon grounds remain intact. Annesdale is a stately mansion reminiscent of antebellum life along the Mississippi and reminds one of Indian Hill’s close proximity to the South. Mr. and Mrs. Stanley Rowe lived there for decades and upon Mr. Rowe’s death much of the estate grounds became The Rowe Arboretum, a beautiful nature preserve and Village treasure. Stanley Rowe was a founding member of Camargo, Cincinnati Country Day School, the Cincinnati Metropolitan Housing Authority, and the Cincinnati Nature Center. During World War II, Mrs. Rowe published The Carrier Pigeon which was sent to Indian Hill soldiers to provide news from home. Today the public can tour the magnificent Annesdale grounds at the Rowe Arboretum. Yet the grand old house still exists with marvelous views of the Little Miami River and of the downtown Cincinnati skyline to the
72 west. Other estates took their names from some feature of the countryside. Sleepy Hollow Farm was so named because of the shadowy, spooky valley in back of the house. Four Winds (unfortunately demolished recently), Post and Rail Farm, White Gates, Sky Farm, Hunt’s End, Alberly Manor, Three Knolls, and Ambleside are other estate names. The name John B. Hollister gave to his summer cottage at Camargo was, “Left Wing.” This referred to the fact that the Hollister’s primary home was in Hyde Park, and this countryside retreat was humorously referred to as the left wing of that main house. Having built their homes and planted their gardens, now it was time to turn to the business of playing. Social life naturally revolved around the Camargo Club. There, within a mile or so of their homes, there were facilities for all the various sports. Heretofore it had been necessary to go to one part of Cincinnati for tennis and to another part for golf or riding. At Camargo, all activities were coordinated. The clubhouse was constructed as a pleasant white frame building, trimmed in green, and afforded the usual country club entertaining features such as a ballroom and dining room. However, this small structure was a shadow of what had been the expansive large clubhouse at Cincinnati Country Club. The grounds originally contained two polo fields, two tennis courts, a golf links, a shooting range, and an enormous stable. The polo field and golf course were covered in velvety creeping grass. The tennis courts were of the best quality, made from special red clay. Bridle paths were ingeniously laid out by the Indian Hill Bridle Paths Committee. Connecting trails interconnected for about 125 miles, cutting through estates and covering ground from the Little Miami River and Terrace Park on the south to Twenty Mile Stand (near present day Fields Ertel) on the north. The paths went through heavily wooded valleys, across creeks, and through open fields. Another intriguing aspect of the area that contributes to both the upper class and rural feel is the Camargo Hunt. Separate from the Camargo Club, the Camargo Hunt members could be found in full English attire; scarlet (don’t call them red) and black coats atop gallant horses chasing the remaining foxes in the area. The Camargo Hunt Kennels were at Winding Creek Farm for many years and Julius Fleischmann was Master of the Hunt. Breakfast before the hunt and the meeting places at the beginning of the
73 hunt and at hunt’s end were scattered throughout the village. The Camargo Hunt frequented Winding Creek Farm, The John J. Rowe place, Peterloon, The Little Red Schoolhouse, the Spooky Hollow residence of Guy D. Randolph, and many other spots of field and forest throughout and beyond village borders. Hunts frequently went into Clermont County and north along the Little Miami River Valley. Today many of these hunts are held in northern Kentucky, where more open land is available. When Camargo was being set up in the mid 1920’s there was one problem. By moving away from town, residents were going outside the limits of the Cincinnati Public School District. The Indian Hill Rural School District was still ten years from being established. Residents of the area did not even have a high school to attend! Cincinnati Country Day School was established one year after the formation of Camargo. In 1926 twenty six acres of land were designated at the northwest corner of Shawnee Run and Given roads. CCDS was set up as an independent college preparatory school for boys. Its academic reputation grew and soon parents were bussing in students from Cincinnati. Around this time the Lotspeich School was being formed for girls on a hillside to the west of Madisonville. Today this school has been combined with the Doherty School in Hyde Park to become the Seven Hills School. The only two non-religious affiliated independent schools in greater Cincinnati thus both originated because of Camargo and Indian Hill. Today CCDS admits all students, boys and girls, on the basis of academic merit. Present curriculum includes early childhood education through twelfth grade on a 60 acre campus that rivals any in terms of natural beauty. With Camargo came former city dwellers who brought with them their city religious practices. Most of these new residents were Episcopalian or Presbyterian. For a while meetings were held in the home of Mrs. Pogue, the department store heiress. In 1947 the Indian Hill Episcopal Church and the Indian Hill Presbyterian Church were separately organized and combined to form a united and federated congregation, one of the few of its kind in the nation. Before 1947 members of the congregation had worshiped in old Armstrong Chapel. The formal creation of a combined Episcopal and Presbyterian Church took place in 1947. The Indian Hill Church was completed in 1952 which also included the Robert A. Taft Memorial, which pays tribute to the U.S. Senator in the beautiful gardens behind the main church structure.
74 In 1964 The Camargo Realty Company was dissolved. Every shareholder was a Camargo Club member and all assets and debts of the Realty Company were assumed by the club. The results of this somewhat revolutionary movement of the acquisition and re- establishment of the lands associated with Camargo soon began to be felt in the Cincinnati area. The east side of town was firmly established as the well-to-do side. Because of the newly acquired mobility, afforded by the automobile, people were no longer tied to the city. Now professional businesspeople could live in pristine splendor, away from the chaos and disorder of the city. As Cincinnati community leaders, the Camargo founders were aware of the new implications of the automobile and of a concept just beginning, called zoning. As leaders of Cincinnati Country Club, the necessary social network for the establishment of such a community as Camargo was already in place. The Camargo Realty Company was the impetus which allowed the vision to become reality. Now that the creation had reached full manifestation and country life was firmly established for these urbanites, the next step was to be able to legally preserve and maintain their skillful creation.
Incorporation
Planning and development, both visionary and legal, let this extraordinary place come into being. This was clearly not a typical Village. This is a community of large, single-family homes, many on expansive lots. There is no town center, no commercial or industrial areas whatsoever, and no multi-family housing, by ordinance! This brush with exclusionary zoning is quite unique, to say the least. By 1940 greater Camargo included 18 plus square miles of woodlands, farmlands, grand estates, homes, and schools; it was time to put it all together. A group of residents, sparked by the leadership of Albert Chatfield, began to feel that the pressure of population indicated the necessity of incorporating the area as a village, which could then control the development of the area and protect the much- prized rural atmosphere. A committee was formed which authorized the Cincinnati Bureau of Governmental Research to make a study of the area and suggest a broad outline of aims for such an incorporated village. As a result, in the fall of 1940, after
75 various meetings, it was decided to petition for incorporation. A document signed by sixty-six persons with Robert L. Black, Sr., Walter W. Clippinger, and Thomas M. Conroy as agents, was accepted by the Columbia Township trustees on May 7, 1941. A special election was held on May 21, 1941, the results of which were ten to one in favor of incorporation (495 for; 45 against.) On May 31, 1941, The Village of Indian Hill was officially incorporated. (Taft, 111) The area of this newly formed village comprised land formerly parts of Columbia, Sycamore, and Symmes Townships (a large chunk of northeastern Hamilton County) bordering the Little Miami River and Clermont County. Indian Hill was unique from the beginning because, unlike most villages, Indian Hill comprised mainly rural-residential land. Indian Hill was the largest sized village in Ohio, one of the largest in the country, and larger than most Ohio cities. Indian Hill was clearly something special with unique assets which needed to be preserved. An array of documents prepared by and for the Village are the foundation for Indian Hill’s rural nature. The first was The Charter of The Village of Indian Hill; within this document, adopted on December 16, 1941, the basic framework for the future of the Village was set forth. This charter establishes The Village of Indian Hill as a legal, political and incorporated unit, with all powers of local self-government granted by the Constitution of Ohio. It establishes the Village’s home rule and gives to it all rights and powers granted now or in the future to municipalities under Ohio law. The second sentence in the Charter states, “It is the purpose and intent of the people of Indian Hill that the character and uses of the area within the Village may not be changed, and that it shall continue to be a rural neighborhood of homes and farms.” This single sentence has been the basis for Indian Hill’s land use regulations, objectives, and policies. This single statement has provided the direction and course for the community. It is, in effect, a mission statement for future community leadership. By providing for this continuing vision, all future governmental actions now have a basis and ultimate goal which cannot, legally, be changed. This mission is ingrained in the formation of the incorporated community itself, an integral part of the reason the municipality came into being. This community goal is given precedence in the Charter even before the declaration of home rule or the establishment of a governing municipal body. Clearly the
76 preservation of the rural character of Indian Hill is the prime concern of its existence. This single goal formation, established upon incorporation, has been the hallmark of the community, and the keystone which sets it apart from all others. And so began the formulation of pioneering land use regulations which set Indian Hill’s course for the future. There would be a seven member council which would elect a mayor from its members. Council members were elected at large and would serve terms of 2 years. The council would be the supreme governing body. The first elected Village Council met in June of 1941 and the office of Village Manager was established with the adoption of home rule. The Village Manager was appointed by council and would serve at the council’s pleasure. As the population was steadily increasing, a means of preserving the Village’s flavor as a spacious residential area became a necessity. In 1945 council enacted a Village Zoning Ordinance that was to be enforced by a Village Planning Commission. This original Zoning Ordinance has been continually used and updated. It exists as a supplement to the original Charter of the Village of Indian Hill. The revolutionary ordinance excluded industry and essentially all commerce from the community and zoned the entire area into residential districts: (A) minimum size 5 acres; (B) minimum 3 acres; and (C) minimum 1 area. About 60 percent of the land is presently zoned for 5 acre minimum lots; about 30 percent is 3 acre minimums, and the rest 1 acre. Zone A is known as Rural Estate; Zone B is known as Estate; and Zone C is known as Suburban Estate. (Indian Hill Land Use Plan) Residential buildings are strictly detached single family houses, with strict regulations regarding height and amount of lot usage. In keeping with the Charter, any agricultural use is permitted under the Zoning Ordinance. One may even sell farm produce produced on the premises. Stables, barns, silos, and other customary farm structures are permitted. Day care operations are permitted as long as they, “...minimize potential adverse impacts...” (Zoning Ordinance, 13) and provided that the principal use of the building is a school or place of worship. No structure shall exceed forty (40) feet in height, and no accessory structure shall exceed thirty (30) feet in height, except for church spires, monuments, observation towers, windmills, smoke stacks, derricks, flag poles, radio towers and aerials, water towers, transmission towers or other similar
77 public utility structures. (Zoning Ordinance, 17) Aside from primary residential units, the only structures permitted within Village borders are the following: the use of a building on one’s property for a second family use; schools, places of worship, and places of assembly; golf courses and tennis courts of a non-commercial nature; public utilities; cemeteries adjacent to or extensions of existing ones, all of a non-commercial nature; poultry farms, dog kennels, dairy farms and horse farms (in Zones “A” and “B” only); stands for the display of farm products; day care operations at schools or houses of worship; the substitution for a non-conforming use of another non-conforming use which is of the same or “less objectionable nature” in respect to its effect on the neighborhood. (Zoning Ordinance, 23-25) Even before the Village was incorporated, four subdivisions were under construction: Burley Hills, Hilltop Lane, Rock Hill Gardens, and Willow Hills. The land use regulations and zoning have allowed these subdivisions to exist more as beautiful natural retreats than typical subdivisions. When the Green Areas program (discussed later) began, an exception was made whereby in Zone “A” (the five acre minimum zone) one may donate two-fifths (2/5) of his/her property to the Green Areas and then be permitted a lot size of 3 acres or more provided that no greater number of dwellings be constructed than would have been allowed under a five acre minimum lot size. Similarly in Zone “B” (3 acre minimum zone) the owner or developer may donate one-third (1/3) or less of said parcel to the Green Areas and then be permitted lot sizes of two (2) acres or more, provided no greater number of dwellings shall be allowed than would be allowed under the original Zone “B” designation. In Zones A and B, one may donate up to forty percent (2/5) or thirty-three and a third (33.3) percent of the land respectively to the Green Areas. Of the remaining land there shall be no greater number of lots than would have been permitted under the original designation. Yet developers may develop these mentioned smaller lot sized in zones “A” and “B” provided they make the appropriate land donation to the Green Areas, preserving the rural and green space, the foundation of preservation planning. The Indian Hill Zoning Ordinance has preserved the area’s unique qualities and charm. The Land Use Plan, adopted by council on June 16, 1986, further illustrates the regional benefits that the Village provides. The following quotation from The Village
78 of Indian Hill, Ohio, Land Use Plan is the Village’s attempt at justifying its strict and exclusionary zoning:
”Because the Village, from its inception, has acted to maintain its rural character, the suburban growth and sprawl in the Cincinnati metropolitan area has leap-frogged over Indian Hill. The rural enclave that Indian Hill has preserved now serves an important regional function by preserving in open space some of the rougher topographical areas of the region and enhancing the character of the more densely settled surrounding communities. By breaking up the relatively uniform pattern of suburban development in the metropolitan area, Indian Hill provides needed contrast in land use and open space and thereby contributes to the rural quality of neighboring communities and the region. Thus, these developed areas which surround Indian Hill are able to borrow open space that has been preserved through the Village? planning policies. Residents of the adjoining unincorporated residential areas to the northeast who choose to drive through Indian Hill on their way to and from work benefit from the perception that they live in a more rural environment. These benefits are obtained solely as the result of the Village’s land use policies.”
Water became an issue in 1945 when the Ohio Supreme Court ruled that Cincinnati had the right to refuse water to areas outside its corporate limit. Another step towards maintaining the autonomy of the Village was taken. Not wishing to be incorporated into the city of Cincinnati, Indian Hill set up its own water system. The medieval castle-like elevated storage tower on Miami road (completed in 1936) was acquired from Cincinnati along with existing distribution lines in the Village. Agreements were made with Madeira and Terrace Park to supply water from the wells, deep in the gravel pits along the Little Miami River in Camp Dennison, to Indian Hill. Today the Indian Hill Water Works operates as a nonprofit entity. It pumps water from the Little Miami River at its headquarters in Camp Dennison. From here water is treated and pumped throughout the Village and to parts of Madeira and Terrace Park.
79 As an independent municipality the people of Indian Hill were free to exert their wishes upon their much-prized rural land. After going to great lengths to design and build a rural community of homes and farms, surrounding a club, school, and park areas, the people of the area did not want their efforts to be tampered with or disrupted. Incorporation was clearly a necessity for what was to become the Village’s ultimate goal: preservation.
Indian Hill Rural Preservation Planning
The Green Areas Program was developed to protect the Village’s rural atmosphere. The acquisition and maintenance of Green Areas began when the Village was incorporated in 1941. As previously stated, the Charter dictates, “It is the purpose and intent of the people of Indian Hill that the character and uses of the area within the Village may not be changed and it shall continue to be a rural neighborhood of homes and farms.” Excess village revenue has thus been used to buy up undeveloped tracts of land. There is an active acquisition policy. Donations of land to Green Areas were also encouraged, legally, as detailed before. Julius Fleischmann set the stage for donations by giving 38 acres of land, along Loveland-Madeira road at Sycamore Creek, which provides for a beautiful drive to this day. Others were encouraged to donate by the assurance that land adjoining ones home would remain undeveloped and become part of the “green belt.” In the 1940’s environmentalist residents envisioned a ring of green belt around the periphery of Indian Hill, but as the Village changed, this vision evolved. The Village added parcels of land throughout and beyond its corporate limits, and the concept broadened from being a Green Belt to a larger Green Area. This revolutionary concept is something that few (if any) other cities in the world have even envisioned, incorporated to the extent of Indian Hill’s plan. This alone makes Indian Hill a relevant topic of study for regional planners and of particular interest to this thesis. In 1954 the Village established a Forest Preserve and Greenbelt Areas Committee. Later that group changed its name to today’s Green Areas Advisory Committee, which consists of up to 17 interested and concerned residents appointed by the mayor. By 1962,
80 the Green Areas encompassed 660 acres in 40 tracts of land. In that year, an ordinance establishing the Green Areas and Recreational Fund was adopted, enabling Council to purchase additional property and preserve what it already owned. In 1965 an endowment fund was set up and a Land Acquisition Policy was adopted. Approximately one-half of the current Green Areas were purchased with taxpayer funds. The result is that approximately one-fourth (1/4) of the entire Village of Indian Hill is undeveloped Green Area (about 2,500 acres). This land is strictly limited to recreational purposes and wilderness preserves in perpetuity. This recreational land includes over one hundred miles of riding trails and numerous parks. Residents frequent Stephan Field, Redbird Hollow, and the Rowe Arboretum, among many other parks. Additionally, other areas are kept in a pristine wilderness state, available for hiking and equestrian trails. Paul Steer Meadow offers an enticing vista across open fields in the north-central part of the Village, and is enjoyed by birdwatchers, picnickers, and horse riders. Other large undeveloped lands preserved in perpetuity are more wooded, such as Albers Woods (behind the Little Red Schoolhouse) and Herschede Woods (off Cunningham Road,) both in the northeastern Rural Estate section, along with other pristine woodlands throughout the community. The value of the Green Areas Program is almost inestimable. Residents enjoy driving through and using these properties with their serene woods, creeks, and hillsides; and native woodland wildlife abounds. The rural character and natural beauty of the land is a precious benefit of the Green Areas Program and a major reason why Indian Hill has been termed a unique residential community in the United States and a Tree City USA. Many institutions make their home in Indian Hill. As a traditional farming area, Quakers and Methodists have a strong local heritage. The Friends Church (Quakers) Meetinghouse, on Keller Road, is one of very few in the Cincinnati area. There has been an Armstrong Chapel in Indian Hill since the days of the first pioneers, and the original church and graveyard still sit at the southeastern corner of Drake and Indian Hill Roads. This building once also served as the Grange meeting hall, and graves in the adjoining cemetery go as far back as Revolutionary War veterans. The first farmers were predominantly Methodist, and Armstrong Chapel served their needs. Early tax provisions in Columbia Township called for a stipend to be given to a local church,
81 Armstrong was the recipient. The current Armstrong Chapel Methodist Church (completed in 1959) is located at the northwest corner of the same intersection. The expansive new structure reaches toward heaven high atop the hill and includes an air- conditioned two story chapel as well as a nursery school where this author attended some twenty five years ago. Good Lord, how time flies. Stepping Stones Center, located near the Terrace Park border, provides this region’s handicapped children and adults with a special place of activities and refuge. It is a unique retreat which includes a lake and an indoor swimming pool. There is also a large Boy Scout Camp right in Indian Hill. Almost hidden, far back into the woods, Camp Jim B, off of Shawnee Run Road, provides a pristine spot for young adventurers. Wildlife is an important facet of the Village. A large number of deer roam in the community. During hunting season, bow and arrow hunting licensees are issued by the Village in an effort to control the expanding deer population. There is an ordinance requiring dogs to be on leashes, but this is not enforced unless there are specific complaints. The residence of Lincoln and Francie Pavey on Shawnee Run Road is an animal shelter whose mission is to assist orphaned, injured, or abandoned animals. The Pavey’s 15-year old non-profit organization is known as “Creekwood Critters.” The Paveys have adapted their lifestyle to a menagerie of animals. The Redbird Hollow Nature Preserve encompasses some of this area’s most beautiful land topographical features as well as rich fossil deposits. Today The Camargo Club is one of the most prestigious country clubs in the United States. It is made up mainly of former members of the Camargo Realty Company and their families. The Camargo Club golf course is rated as one of the best in the nation. The Camargo Stables still hold court for the area’s equestrian elite. All of the above contribute to the making of the many diverse corners of Indian Hill and its people. Everything about Indian Hill has been carefully planned and maintained. It is an island of tranquility because its residents have had the power to influence the development of the region and protect what the founders worked so hard to create. The interstate system serves Indian Hill but does not disturb it. It is no accident that the Interstates were designed not to protrude on the Village. Cross County Highway does not complete its eastern expanse to I-275 because
82 Indian Hill is in its path. During construction of the Highway, it was legally necessary to get permission of each municipality before construction could go through. Indian Hill stood firm on the concepts set forth by the Charter, Cross County Highway was clearly a violation of the Charter which states, “...the character and the uses of the area within the Village may not be changed, and it shall continue to be a rural neighborhood of homes and farms.” By holding steadfast to the mission statement, Indian Hill was triumphant in the end in preventing the intrusion of the highway. Should possession of an Interstate within a municipality’s borders ever become the basis for local input on future highway development, the Village has possession of this designation as well. The farthest northern reach of the Indian Hill border includes about a mile of I-275. The Village owns much of the land around the interstate to create a buffer zone between the highway and any homes in the area. This was not a part of the original incorporated area. In 1941 the Village of Indian Hill extended north only to Remington Road and included approximately 15.5 square miles. Three square miles were annexed in 1950 north of Remington Road which mainly included the Peterloon property. Other annexations have included the area south and west of the corner of Shawnee Run and Miami Roads. This area was annexed from Columbia Township to provide lands for the Indian Hill Swim Club. Recent annexation has included a small section of Symmes Township off of Humphrey Road that was annexed as part of the Broken Sound subdivision, developed by Towne Properties, so that Indian Hill could provide police and fire protection to the entire subdivision. There was no opposition to this annexation by anyone. The current Indian Hill boundaries will not grow in land size more than a few acres, annexed to clean up property lines, says City Manager Michael Burns. (Wolff, B5)
Rural Preservation Planning Impact of Surrounding Communities
One potential intrusion to the Village’s rural character involved a plan by The Christ Hospital, of Cincinnati, to establish a medical building on Montgomery Road, across from Moeller High School. The property in question was part of Sycamore Township, but it bordered Indian Hill. The multi-story medical building would have
83 come right up against Village borders and have been clearly visible to homes within the Village. At a Sycamore Township meeting, Indian Hill residents were not permitted to speak in opposition of the plan. However, vehement opposition among residents of Sycamore Township forced the hospital to forego the site. (Schwartz) Indian Hill residents also enjoy a unique public school situation. Although it has few residents, the Indian Hill Exempted Village School District encompasses a tremendous amount of retail tax base in Kenwood. Large shopping areas are within the school district, yet the Village proper needs not deal with the problems associated with heavy retail trade. Indian Hill gets the best of both worlds. The Kenwood retail draw phenomenon has developed as a direct result of its proximity to Indian Hill. In this, I am referring to the fact that Kenwood has long been and will continue to be the upscale shopping area for the greater Cincinnati region. Kenwood is one of the most sought after retail areas, and this is all the more significant when one takes into account the fact that Kenwood is the only retail hub, experiencing continued growth and success, wholly within the I-275 beltway. Indian Hill purchasing power has allowed Kenwood to buck the trend of outward retail expansion, as in such areas as Eastgate, Fields Ertel, Tri- County, and Florence. Because of this, the entire region benefits from the greater amount of economic activity, nearer the core of the region. A Cincinnati Enquirer report also credited Kenwood for the recent growth in both Pleasant Ridge/Columbia Township and Fields Ertel/Symmes Township, saying that these areas received the spill over business that wanted to be as close as possible to Kenwood, but because of lack of available space, could not locate in Kenwood proper. The venerable Maisonette restaurant, the longest running Mobile 5 star restaurant in the United States, announced plans during the writing of this thesis to relocate from downtown Cincinnati to Kenwood because it is at the center of the restaurant’s client base; Indian Hill was mentioned by name in reference to this decision several times. Kenwood is officially an unincorporated part of Sycamore Township. It is the only retail area in the region that can rival downtown Cincinnati for the recruitment of such prestige retailers as Nordstroms and Saks Fifth Avenue; and Kenwood does it without government and tax subsidies. The retail magnet in Kenwood is simply that strong. This is another regional phenomenon that can be credited to Indian Hill.
84 In addition to Kenwood, the Indian Hill Exempted Village School district includes the unincorporated areas of Remington (part of Symmes Township) and Camp Dennison, a largely minority populated “island” of parts of Symmes and Columbia Townships, surrounded by Indian Hill and the Little Miami River/Clermont County border. The designation as an Exempted Village School District refers to requirements set forth by the Ohio State Board of Education which the district has met. Because the district met these academic requirements, they are exempted from the control and supervision of the Hamilton County Board of Education, which operates as an arm of the State Board of Education. Although the district has the lowest tax rate in Hamilton County, it has been designated as the wealthiest public school district in the State of Ohio many times by state, Cincinnati Business Courier and Cincinnati Enquirer reports. This is because, even at a low property tax rate, the homes within the Indian Hill Exempted Village School District are simply quite valuable. This property value is reinforced by the strong school district and thus everyone benefits. Indian Hill has had a great impact on the communities that surround it. The origins of today’s predominantly African-American community in Madisonville can be traced to the need by Indian Hill residents for servants. This African-American population, fostered by the needs of Indian Hill, has since spread into Silverton and Kennedy Heights. (Silberstein, 283) Perhaps no other community feels a greater kinship with Indian Hill than Madeira. Since Indian Hill has no retail of its own, many Village residents consider the Madeira Kroger to be an unofficial town meeting place. The two communities share zip codes, many roads, and a telephone exchange. The 561 prefix originally meant LOcust 1. This all contributes to give the built out “first ring suburb” of Madeira an upscale feel that it otherwise would not have. The communities of Mariemont, Montgomery, and Terrace Park seem to straddle Indian Hill at every possible place. Clearly these built-up communities are attempting to capitalize on their respective proximity to Indian Hill’s green space. Camp Dennison is a small island of Symmes Township that is completely surrounded by Indian Hill and the county border. For this reason the predominantly African-American Camp Dennison residents enjoy being part of the Indian Hill Exempted Village School District. The
85 Village also owns a great deal of land in Camp Dennison. (Green Areas Study, Property Ownership Map) Certainly valuable land in Camp Dennison is either rented out to farmers or preserved as green space in an attempt to strengthen the rural feel of Indian Hill itself. Indian Hill has located recreational fields as well as its water works facilities here. Unincorporated Miami Township, to which Indian Hill is the boundary between it and Cincinnati, feels much more rural than its location would otherwise be perceived. Because of Indian Hill’s rural character, greenspace, and low capacity roads, Miami Township has experienced slow, easy growth and has also retained its rural feel.
What Makes it Still Rural?
Over 200 barns currently dot the Indian Hill landscape. The Turner Farm, owned by Bonnie LeBlond Mitsui is an organic farm which produces a variety of vegetables and eggs. Sheep can frequently been seen grazing in the front field on Given Road. Mrs. Mitsui has a number of cooperative workers who share in the farm work and in the resulting crops grown right in the center of Indian Hill! Other aspects contribute to the rural nature of today’s Indian Hill. The Blome Road Bridge is a single lane bridge constructed in 1888 by the Queen City Bridge Company. Its metal Pratt truss formation was retained when it was rebuilt in 1990 as a one-lane bridge. Today it stands as a remnant of a slower, earlier era. Cars must stop and wait and cross one at a time.
Woods and Field
86 The Village Beautification Committee continues to plant numerous trees throughout the Village. They are also in the process of restoring the pine forest behind the Little Red Schoolhouse, which is now being allowed to flourish, after the removal of honeysuckle which were choking the pines. The Green Acres Foundation, founded by Mr. and Mrs. Louis Nippert, operates a micro-farm at Spooky Hollow and Loveland- Madeira Roads. Guns are often fired in Indian hill in staunch contrast to most suburban municipalities, which usually outlaw this. But it does preserve the rural feel of the place. The Camargo Club’s skeet shooting range is located on the club grounds on the north side of Shawnee Run Road, behind and adjoining Cincinnati Country Day School. Lead contamination was found here in 2003 from the skeet shooting range and on adjacent school football practice fields. Officials said owners of the Camargo Club suggested the lead testing in February of that year after testing on another adjacent property revealed contamination from lead shotgun pellets. The Camargo Club officials have not commented. But Jeff Clark, former assistant head of school for Country Day, said at the time the club offered to pay for removing lead from the fields. School officials do not know how long the lead could have been in the soil. In addition to the Camargo shooting range, the Indian Hill Shooting Ranges are located in Camp Dennison on State Route 126, overlooking the Little Miami River. U.S. Senator Robert A. Taft helped the Village to purchase 31 acres in Camp Dennison from the federal government; this land had been used as a Civil War post for Union soldiers. There are actually two separate shooting ranges here. There is a Police Range and a Civilian Range. The Indian Hill Gun Club uses the civilian range and has 240 members. This area seeps into the Little Miami River, another potential problem that has not been explored. Bike/Running paths stretch along many Indian Hill streets. This allows for the enjoyment of the outdoors, a hallmark of rural living, for sports enthusiasts and walkers. Less urban in appearance than sidewalks, these are simply an extension of the roadway, about three feet wide, which allows for pedestrian traffic. Running enthusiasts like myself prefer this to separate trails because serious runners can follow longer courses
87 and are not separated from visible car traffic. This makes things safer and more pleasant. Miami Road has such paths on both sides. Shawnee Run Road has a path which is on the south side between Miami and Drake, on the north side between Drake and Given, and on the south side of Shawnee Run, east of Given. Drake Road has a path stretching from Camargo Road to Indian Hill Road. Blome Road has a path on the north side. Indian Hill Road has a path east of Drake on the north side. Given Road has a path along CCDS. The hilly, curving roads which make for scenic drives, also make for safer runs, as vehicles are forced to slow down. Many other aspects contribute to Indian Hill’s more rural nature than that of the typical suburban community. The police force is called the Rangers, not police, which stems from its origin as the “Horse Rangers.” The Indian Hill Service Department makes every effort to allow wildflowers and grasslands to exist in their natural states. Few areas are mowed or upkept in the traditional suburban mode. Instead, pristine natural areas are encouraged and helped to grow. The roads in Indian Hill are laid out in a unique way which furthers the rural atmosphere. As detailed in early issues of The Indian Hill Village Bulletin, the original plan was to eventually build more roads, parallel to Drake and Miami, to cut through large expanses of land and make more accessible areas for homes. Future street developments were planned that would also have run parallel to Shawnee Run, through central and north-central Indian Hill. The Cincinnati Metropolitan Master Plan of 1948 includes such Indian Hill “improvements” as the widening of Camargo Road and the installation of a helipad near the present site of the Indian Hill Church! Many of these ideas seemed sensible; they would have evolved Indian Hill into a community with a spacious, but more suburban, and less rural feel, similar to Montgomery, Ohio. However, the rural land was what many residents had moved here for. By maintaining the relatively sparse street pattern, a more rural feel to the area was ensured. Today most streets follow a generally north-south or east-west direction. Notable exceptions include Camargo and Loveland-Madeira Roads. Roads are spaced well apart from each other with usually a mile between most intersections. This is typical of how roads would be laid out in an area far more removed from the city than Indian Hill
88 actually is. Yet roads exist in an intricate and orderly fashion that provides for resident’s needs. There is no automatic traffic light in Indian Hill. Speed limits are usually 35 mph, and sometimes 25 mph. Roads are generally slim, two laned affairs. This is in an effort to deter traffic and maintain the area’s rural feel. One last notable example: Indian Hill Road descends down a great slope between Miami and Drake. Certainly in other communities this valley would have been bridged. Yet here it is embraced by the road, even at the inconvenience to drivers, the feel is more rural. The hillside location allows for many diverse and fabulous views. Eastern Shawnee Run Road and Old Indian Hill Road afford drivers a sweeping view of Milford. Hilltop Lane and Annesdale have views of Mariemont, Hyde Park, and downtown Cincinnati. Willow Hills has expansive vistas of Newtown. From a new subdivision on the former Taft estate, the Mt. Washington Water Tower is visible. Some homes along Cunningham Road and Kroger Farms have picturesque views of the Little Miami River and Clermont County. Winding Creek Farm has surprising views of the Sycamore Creek Valley and even I-275. From the hills around a lake near where Four Winds used to be, at night, the lights from such surrounding areas as Eastgate, Beechmont, Kenwood, and Fields Ertel are all visible. Looking north on Drake Road, one can view a water tower in Warren County. The northern end of Given, around Spooky Hollow, provides views of Loveland and Symmes Township. There is a sheer cliff with a drop of about fifty feet along the riding paths, adjacent to the northern branch of Sycamore Creek, in Indian Hill near the Caroline’s Trail subdivision, north of Hopewell. A 1987 study by urbanologist Pierre deVise of Roosevelt University ranked Indian Hill as the 17th wealthiest suburb in the United States. This was based on 1983 U.S. Census data which pegged Indian Hill’s per capita income at $36,772. It is now about three times this number according to the latest Census data. A 1996 Cincinnati Enquirer put the median household income at $132,244 based on 1990 Census Data. This has gone up nearly ten times and the average is now about $1 million. The last documented population figure was 5,383 people and 1,859 households, this fluctuates somewhat but there is generally between 5,000 and 6,000 people in Indian Hill. Another Enquirer
89 report said that the 45243 zip code was by far the zip code with the most political contributions in Ohio. Indeed, 45243 was the second greatest contributor to Republican coffers in the nation, only wealthy Upper Eastside Manhattan CEO’s donated more. The Village is filled with local landmark structures such as the beloved Little Red Schoolhouse at Camargo and Given Roads. Restored and maintained by the Indian Hill Historical Society, this picturesque building originally housed 52 students in 1874. Nat Walker, a former student, offers this quote which is the inscription in Virginia White’s book: “To get the feeling of being tied to the area, one must go up Camargo road to Given road, stop, and prowl around the Little Red Schoolhouse. It is practically the same as it was in 1917. The forest binds together the land; the Little Red Schoolhouse binds together the generations.”
In 1970 Indian Hill became a city when its population surpassed 5,000. As stated earlier, the official name is the City of the Village of Indian Hill. Yet long time residents simply refer to it as “The Village.” Those in-the-know refer to Indian Hill residents as Hilltoppers. Slowly Camargo evolved into Indian Hill. The visionaries saw to it that their concepts of space, privacy, greenery and comfortable luxury were carried forward and preserved in designing Indian Hill’s layout, government, and many institutions. After World War II, many of the estates dwindled in size as socio-economic conditions changed. Yet even as estates were subdivided, the strict zoning and land use regulations kept the village much as it had always been. A 1987 property profile listed 52 landowners having more than 15 acres in Indian Hill. These large parcels, along with the Village owned lands, contribute to the feeling of spaciousness. Farm structures are allowed and encouraged and contribute to the rural feel. It is an unwritten rule that political signs not be displayed in the Village. For example, during the real estate boom of the 1980s, West Shell Realtors, one of the top realtors of the area at the time, did not display their, “We Sold” signs after the sale of an Indian Hill property. Thanks to the foresight of the founding visionaries of Camargo, Indian Hill remains a legacy to just what planning can accomplish. The good aspects of this area are worthy of study and duplication throughout suburbia. This is not a transitional neighborhood- people stay. It isn’t the prosperity of its
90 residents that makes it essentially different from other communities. Nor is it the big houses or large tracts of land. It is that Indian Hill remains a “Village- a group of dwellings in a rural setting,” even though its population makes it legally a city and it extends over almost 19 square miles. It is a village that could only exist within a metropolitan region because it is dependent upon the economic base and services that nearby cities provide. Indian Hill is a place of civilized country living, a place that couldn’t have existed before the advent of the automobile and the institution of zoning. It was created at a time when automobile usage was just beginning to become widespread and the first zoning ordinances were being drafted. Cincinnati’s Comprehensive Zoning Code and Master Plan of 1925 was one of the first in the nation to become law. These ideas of what a modern city should be like led the Cincinnati Country Club and Camargo Realty members to what manifested into the Indian Hill of today. Indian Hill and Cincinnati exist together and complement one another. When I think of the best parts of our region, even before the beautiful skyscrapers and city parks and cultural amenities, I simply think of the majestic old trees towering above Drake Road. I think of the beautiful Country Day School grounds. I recall virgin meadows filled with wildflowers, and rambling woodlands. I think of Camargo and of all the people who live in the Village today. This all contributes to giving me a happy sense of place that we who have lived in this area are privileged to have experienced. This is genus loci. This is rural preservation planning’s manifestation.
91
CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSIONS
The implications of what Indian Hill, Carmel, and the Redlands demonstrate and show us are far reaching for urban, regional, and community planning practitioners and indeed to entire the profession. There is only so much open space left on earth, particularly within the context of established urban regions. In many ways, regional planning is the only planning that really matters because people live their lives at a regional scale. The definition of regional planning is planning at the scale in which you lead your daily life. Most people lead their lives across multiple incorporated municipalities and jurisdictions, so wise regional planning decisions must necessarily transcend these boundaries. The importance of rural preservation planning in a regional context is a lesson of this study. The future of rural farmland is under attack across the nation. The American Farmland Trust recently found that the United States is losing 2 acres of farmland each minute to development, the fastest conversion of land use in the nation’s history. It is easier and cheaper for developers to build on Greenfield and farm land than it is to reinvest in older urban areas or Brownfields. What this means is that there is an inherent problem as city places are abandoned and the problem is not exclusive to forgotten inner city neighborhoods. The greater problem that influences even new suburban transplants is the loss of the open space that the sprawl which has allowed for the abandonment of older city neighborhoods has caused. What Indian Hill and Carmel have been able to attain and accomplish must serve as a template or model for future land use and development if current trends continue. In my comprehensive look at the grass roots incorporation efforts in the Redlands, I have tried to use them as such. In so doing, as an integral part of this thesis, one can better see the intricate and exhaustive process by which such unique places come into being and are preserved, particularly the natural elements which are irreplaceable. Because newly developed areas for housing and commercial sprawl are usually not within an
92 incorporated municipality, the preservation of open space does not have a champion without such a process and set of guidelines in place. Developers are interested in building at a minimum of cost. It is an inherent part of the United States political economic system of market economy and laissez faire that all development is good. Developers are quite often treated as heroes by local municipal leaders who are willing to do whatever it takes to produce something built, real, and tangible, to the awe of the proud natives looking on, during their own term in office. The trends of outward migration from urban centers in the United States, facilitated by the automobile and the interstate highway system, have produced this problem of inherent conflict between developers needs, with the heartfelt support of municipal leadership, overshadowing the greater needs of residents of the entire region as a whole. Traditional cities had years in which to develop parks departments and to envision and implement appropriate land use and zoning regulations. Unincorporated places filled with virgin farmland, swamps, or woods have no such necessary protection in place in which to preserve the open space which has previously benefited the entire region at little to no cost and with little or no forethought. Because of the all-consuming nature of today’s urban areas, built environment, and population explosion, the preservation of open spaces in a regional planning context seems like the next important specialization in the field of urban planning. Sprawl expands upon itself exponentially and brings concrete and steel to former woodlands and fields across this nation. This overdevelopment affects everything from the water supply to air quality. The pollution produced by the automobiles needed to connect people and make this sprawl useable is almost inestimable. If there is a sub-title or battle cry from the lessons learned in this thesis, it is no more sprawl! Sprawl is the antithesis to genus loci and sense of place. When I am in suburban Fort Myers, Florida, I forget that I am not in Fields Ertel, Ohio. Sprawl is ugly. It detracts from the physical environment and from the human soul. This is also true of big box retail, which is another unfortunate manifestation of sprawl. Wal-Mart has done a terrific job in dismantling the economic base of downtown business districts nationwide. Cars are all well and good, but they should not preempt absolutely everything in our regions and urban environments.
93 If it were within my power, I’d ban all Kentucky Fried Chicken drive thru restaurants from every place except Kentucky, where they belong. In addition to the ‘all development is good’ mentality of the capitalist U.S. system, there is also the mindset that wealthy individuals who work hard and are intelligent have an inherent right to reap the rewards of their hard work. It is a necessary part of the market system and without such a system of rewards for working, the system would fail like communism has done in the Soviet Union. That being said and accepted, let me state with every inch of conviction in my body and soul- there is no Kentucky Fried Chicken in Indian Hill or Carmel! To ignore the communities that have most successfully taken advantage of the tools of zoning and land use regulation would be ignorant and foolhardy. If one must sprawl, then at least do it well. What my thesis has shown is that in order to ‘do it well,’ there must be a careful and comprehensive implementation and integration of rural open space preservation as a pivotal, integral, and necessary part of any well planned community, place, and region. That’s it. That’s the secret. That’s the message! Could we say it any more plainly than that? You need open space. You need rural preservation. The rich and wealthy have known and enjoyed the benefits associated with this knowledge for generations, probably millennia. As a quasi-socialistic profession, shouldn’t the planner’s inherent responsibility be to make everyone aware of this and to plan for its implementation across jurisdictional and the socioeconomic spectrum? You shouldn’t have to be a member of the Camargo Club to enjoy the benefits of rural open space. This lesson has been put into practice recently by some home builders in Greater Cincinnati. Tim Zaring, co-owner of River City Land Co., said Batavia Township, in Clermont County, of which Indian Hill comprises the border between that county and the City of Cincinnati, appears to be bursting with activity. Zaring is building a 60-acre development that will include 16 acres for walking and hiking in the woods similar to what has been in Indian Hill for nearly 75 years. It also will include 4.5 acres of green space at the entrance with a pond and a pagoda, walking trails and benches. (McKinney) Some lessons have been learned.
94 The exciting thing about the planning profession is that the work of the few can impact the many. If you don’t do that, you are not a planner, certainly not a good one in my opinion. It is the job of those in the profession to plan well and this necessarily means making more of the good and stifling the bad. If there must be suburbia because it is so engrained in the American psyche to have a detached home and a lawn, then let us have a nation filled with Indian Hills, interspersed with Carmels, with careful and comprehensive land use designations to keep commercial and industrial land usage in check. This thesis has shown and proven that such a scenario would be far preferable than the current chaotic state of affairs which is manifested in ugly sprawl. This should serve as a challenge and a call to action for any practicing or aspiring planners nationwide. The future is in our hands. The literal concrete and physical makeup of the world is all that is at stake.
95 BIBLIOGRAPHY
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